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REPUBLICANISM 



IN 



AME BIG A. 

A HISTOEY OF THE 

COLONIAL AND EEPUBLICAN 

Governments of the United States of America, 

FROM THE YEAR 1607 TO THE YEAR 18G9. 

TO WHICH ARE ADDED 

CONSTITUTIONS, PROCLAMATIONS, PLATFORMS, RESOLUTIONS, DECISIONS OP 

COURTS, LAWS, MESSAGES, ADDRESSES, SPEECHES, DEBATES, 

LETTERS, ELECTION RETUllNS, AND STATISTICS. 

ALSO, 

A miir.l' UISTORY OF ALL THE EXISTING REPUBLICS IN THE WORLD. 

BKAIITIFULLY ILLUSTRATED WITH NUMEROUS STEEL ENGRAVINGS. 



By R. guy McCLELLAN, 

Author of "The Golden State," etc. 



[Issued by subscription only, and not for sale in bookstorej. Persons desiring a copy should address the publishers.] 



PHILADELPHIA 
J. M. STODDART & CO, 

18 7 2. 



fc- 1^5 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1868, by 

E. GUY M'CLELLAN, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the District of California. 



Entered according to Act of Parliament, in the year 1868, by 

R. GUY M'CLELLAX, 

at Stationers' Hall, London, England. 






INTRODUCTION. 



My object in writing this book, is to present to the 
public, in a condensed form, a history of the develop- 
ment of a great and free country from dependent Brit- 
ish Colonies; to illustrate the positions of political 
parties and prominent public individuals, and to ex- 
hibit their tendencies either toward liberty or oppres- 
sion; to inspire in the hearts of its readers love and 
gratitude for the fearless defenders of Human Free- 
dom, who, in council and upon the field, have erected 
and maintained American Freedom and American Na- 
tionality as a safe refuge for the oppressed of monarch- 
ical governments : above all, to draw around the altar 
of my adopted and beloved country my fellow-citizens, 
from which they may behold the monuments erected 
for their liberty and security. E,. G. McC. 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



PAGE ^ 

1. George Washington 1 

2. John Adams 48 ' 

3. Thomas Jefferson 98 -- 

4. Henry Ci.ay 101 / 

5. Daniel Webster 199 ^ 

0. Abraham Lincoln 2v}0 . 

7. W. H. Seward 813/ 

8. Ulysses S. Grant 350 / 

9. Thaddeus Stevens 4i)7 ^ 

10. Charles Sumner 593 y 



CONTENTS. 



CHA.PTER I. 

Organization of National Government. — Constitutional powers,— Universal 
equality.— Sovereignty of the people. — Elective franchise page 13 

CHAPTER II, 

Colonial condition. — Early eettlement.— The first Constitution. — Signers of 
the first Constitution. — Landing of the Pilgrims 23 

CHAPTER III. 

The Revolutionary War. — Throwing the tea into Boston Harbor.— Battle of 
Lexington. — Battle of Bunker HiU. — Declaration of Independence, — 
Articles of Confederation 32 

CHAPTER IV. 

Period immediately preceding the adoption of the Constitution, — Cessioa of 
Territory to the United States.— Ordinance of 1784. — Vote on the slave 
question. — One vote only wanted to prohibit Slavery 43 

CHAPTER V. 
Convention to amend the Articles of Confederation. — They frame a Constitu- 
tion. — Debates and proceedings of the Convention. — The negro in the 
basis of rei^resentatiou. — Sermon of the Rev, Jonathan Edwards, — Letter 
of Washington to Lafayette. — Ordinance of 1787. — Harrison advocates 
Slavery 48 

CHAPTER VI. 

Meeting of first Congress under the Constitution.— George Washington elected 
President.— John Adams, Vice-President. — Vote at the election. — First 
business of Congress. — Powers of the President to remove from oflfice. — 
Debates upon the powers of the President. — Tenure of civil office. — 
Amendments to the Constitution 64 

CHAPTER VII. 

Slavery.— Its origin. — Laws concerning. — Abolition of. — Slavery amongst the 
Ancients. — Address of the Anti-Slavery Association. — Divinity of Slav- 
ery 72 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Territoiy of the United States. — Government of the Territory. — Slavery in 
the Territory.— Admission of Missouri.— Opposition to her admission. — 
Missouri Compromise. — Position of the friends of Freedom and Slavery. — 
Speeches upon both sides 85 

CHAPTER IX. 

Admission of Missouri. — Annexation of Texas. — War between Mexico and 
Texas. — Santa Anna in the field. — Houston makes him prisoner. — War 
between the United States and Mexico.— Result of the war 98 

CHAPTER X. 

Conquest and settlement of California.— Occupation of by Americans. —Rais- 



CONTENTS. 



ing of the Bear Flag. — Establishment of Government. — Debates in Con- 
gress on. — Admission of. —Protest against. — Speeches of Clay, Webster, 
Jefferson Davis, and others. — Calhoun will make California the "test 
question." page 110 

CHAPTER XI. 

Eights of the jieople to take Slaves into the Territories.— Interest and com- 
promise. — United States and State Court decisions on. — Status of col- 
ored i^ersons.— Slaves real estate. — Eunaway negroes maybe tracked with 
dogs, if done with circumspection 128 

CHAPTEE XII. 

"Wilmot Proviso. — Slavei'y in Mexico. — In the Territories.— Laws of Spain and 
Mexico relating to. — Dred Scott decision. — Fugitive slave laws of Califor- 
nia. — State Court decisions in case of Perkins and Archey 143 

CHAPTEE XIII. 

Republican party. — Its first organization. — Democratic party, 1840 to 1861.- — 
Abolitionists. — James G. Birney, Abolition candidate, — Success of the 
party.— Presidential elections of 1840, 1844, 1848, 1852 and 1856.— Nom- 
ination of Harrison, Scott and Polk.— Whigs nominate Clay. — Birney re- 
nominated. — Settlement of the Oregon claims. — Treaty respecting Ore- 
gon. — Thomas H. Benton's views on the Oregon boundary. — Gen. Taylor 
elected President. — "Hunkers" and "Barnburners." — Lewis Cass nom- 
inated. — Franklin Pierce nominated.— Election of Pierce. — Nomination of 
Buchanan and Fremont. — Buchanan's Cabinet. — Floyd moves arms 
South. — His resignation. — Speeches of Southern leaders. — Southern 
journals. — Slavery is Divine. — Would "extend it even to Yankees.". .161 

CHAPTEE XIV. 

Presidential campaign of 1860. — Nomination of Abraham Lincoln. — Stephen 
A. Douglas. — John C. Breckinridge. — John Bell. — Lincoln elected. — 
Secession of Slave States. — Last days of Buchanan's Administration. — 
The London "Times" on Buchanan's official conduct. — Platforms of the 
parties. — Officers of the Southern Confederacy 199 

CHAPTEE XV. 

Meeting of Thirty-sixth Congress. — Second session, December 3d, 1860. — 
Closing scenes of Buchanan's Administration.— Southern Senators and 
Eepresentatives. — Organization of the "Soxithern Confederacy." — Officers 
of. — Alexander H. Stephens. — His politics. — "Corner-stone" and other 
speeches. — Jefferson Davis. — He desires more arms sent South 232 

CHAPTEE XVI. 

President Lincoln leaves Springfield for Washington. — James Buchanan leaves 
the Executive Chair. — Eepublican party enter iipon the administration of 
affairs. — Attack on Sumttr. — War begun.— Democrats join the rebels.— 
Jefferson Davis issues a Proclamation. — War spirit of the Free States. — 
Massachusetts sends the first soldiers. — They are attacked at Bal'-lmore. — 
The President calls for troojis. — Terms of compromise. — HoraLio Sey- 
mour. —His complicity with the rebels. — Letter from George N. Sanders. — 
Seeming success of the rebels. — Southern si^eeches, resolutions and the 
press against compromise. — Fernando Wood, Mayor cf New York diy, 
recommends its secession. — He predicts a Pacific Confederacy.— PoJ.cy of 
the Federal Government during the first two years of the war. — Ann c>nTi ce- 
ment of Emancipation Proclamation. — Effect of. — Extracts from LiuCl'^ s 
message of 1861.— Harmony of the Government. — Democrats plot to fire 
Northern cities. — Confession of Kennedy. — Contagious disease spread 
among Union soldiers 260 

CHAPTEE XVII. 
Grant takes command of the Armies of the Eepublic. — His address to his 
soldiers. — His letter to Hon. E. B. Washburne. — Jefferson Davis still 
hopeful of success. — A. H, Stejihens' views of peace. — Gen. Sherman's 



CONTENTS. XI 

Field Order No. 68. —His letter to Gen. Biu-bridge. — Makes President 
Lincoln a Christmas gift of Savannah. — His letter to Maj. E. M. Saw- 
yer. — Massacre at Fort Pillow. — Shevidan's victory at Winchester. — Havoc 
of the war in 186-1. — England supplies the rebels with slii.ps. — Effects of 
the Presidential election of 1861." — Treasonable organizations of the 
Democrats of the Free States. — "Knights of the Golden Circle. "—Their 

plans page 292 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
Presidential election of 1864.— Platforms of the parties.— Removal of Gen. 
McClellan. — Democratic National Convention. — Sheridan appointed a 
Major-General. — Vote in the Presidential election. — Policy of the Repiib- 
lican party.— Victories of the Union armies. — President Lincoln's annurd 
message of 1864. — Jefi'erson Davis' message to the rebel Congi-ess. . . .313 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Perplexities of the President of the "Confederacy." — His message to Con- 
gress. — He i-elies npon the "unquenchable" spirit of the people. — He is 
grieved at the non-recognition of his Government by other nations. — His 
views upon placing the negro in the Army. — Peace Commissioners from 
the South. — Second inauguration of Abraham Lincoln as PresicJ^^^it. — His 
inaugural address. — Hopeful prospects of the Union cause. — yjieugth of 
and operations of the Navy. — Attack on and fall of Fort Fisher. — Rebel 
privateers. — "Where built. — Capture of. — Sinking of the "Alabama" by 
the "Kcarsarge. " — United States Navy in the war of 1812. — Colored 

soldiers in the Ai-my 333 

CHAPTER XX. 

Strength of the Army. — Important battles. — Fall of Richmond. — Disordered 
flight of the inhabitants. — Surrender of Lee and Johnston. — Number of 
troops in the field. — Number slain. — Number of colored soldiers. — Popu- 
lation of North and South. — Grant's and Sherman's farewell addresses to 
their soldiers. — Jefferson Davis issues a Proclamation. — His flight South- 
ward. — His capt'are 350 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Enthusiasm at the fall of Richmond. — As.-assination of Abraham Lincoln. — 
Attempt to murder W. H. Seward. — Andrew Johnson sworn in President 
of the United States. — Capture of Booth, the assassin of Lincoln. — Cap- 
ture of the other conspirators. —Trial and sentence of. — Rewards offered 
for Jefi'erson Davis, Jacob Thompson, Clement C. Clay, Beverly Tucker, 
George N. Sanders and W. C. Cleary 378 

CHAPTER XXII. 

Reconstruction. — Status of the rebel States.— The President's policy.— Atti- 
tude of the Democracy. — Action of Congress. — Amendments to the Con- 
stitution.— Civil Rights Bill 390 

CHAPTER XXIII. 
Federal Union.— Constitutions of the several States. — Elective franchise in the 
several States. — Who are eligible to ofiace. — Colonial royal charters. — 
Adoption of State Constitutions. — Of the Federal Constitution. — Admis- 
sion of States into the Union 407 

CHAPTER XXIV. 
Constitution of the United States. — Amendments to. — Powers and duties of 
officers under. — Citizenship. — Laws of South Carolina. — Attempt to sell 

British subjects 440 

CHAPTER XXV. 
Total area and population of the United States. — Foreigners in America. — 
Their numbers, influence, politics, ijeculiarities, conditions. — Archbishop 
Hughes as a citizen. — His letter 453 

CHAPTER XXVI. 
'j.'Taturalization laws of the United States. — Decisions of United States and 
State Courts upon. — Pre-emption laws of the United States. — Rights of 



Xll CONTENTS. 



aliens to settle upon and hold lands. — United States and State Court 

decisions on page 469 

CHAPTER XXVII. 
Arraignment of Andrew Jolinson, President of the United States, on charges 
of high crimes and misdemeanors. — Final vote 483 

CHAPTEK XXVIII. 

Citizenship in the Southern Confederacy. — Confederate Constitution. — No 
citizens of the Confederacj'. — Conscripting the sovereign people. — The 
South tired of feeding foreigners; they must leave the Confederacy.- All 
the people must labor. — Southern Congress on Lincoln's Emancipation 
Proclamation. — The "black flag" to be hoisted 493 

CHAPTEK XXIX. 

Political parties. — ^^Vashington's Administration. — Federal and Anti-Federal 
parties. — First "Democratic clubs." — Friends of Kobespierre. — Washing- 
ton condemns the Jacobin clubs. — First National Convention in America. — 
Origin of the Democratic party. — First called Keijublican. — National 
Pcpublicans. — Origin of the Whig party. — Kepubhcans and Democrats. — 

Thtir principles and practices 503 

CHAPTEK XXX. 

Education in America before the Pievolution. — Free schools first established 
in New England.— Whisky, its cost and influence. — Colleges and i^rofes- 
sional schools. — Number of Colleges and Schools in 1860. — Number of 
pupils, foreign and native. — Libraries in the Union. — Newspapers. — His- 
tory of. — Number in the Union. — California issues most papers 517 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

Presidential election of 1868. — Ulysses S. Grant elected President. — Schuyler 
Colfax, Vice-President. — Horatio Seymour and Francis P. Blair deleated. — 
KepubUcan and Democratic Conventions. — Votes cast for each partj'. — 
Johnson's Amnesty Proclamations. — Biographical sketch of Grant. — 
"Unconditional surrender." — "Fight it out on this line." — How Pres- 
idents are elected 530 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

The New Nation. — Progress of Republicanism. — Influence of political par- 
ties. — Elective franchise. — "Woman's Rights." 551 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 
Beauties of Democracy. — Spirit of Republican liberty 565 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

General of the American Armies 585 

CHAPTER XXXV. 
Existing Republics of the world in 1869 591 

Appendix. — Presidents of the Continental Congress under the Articles of Con- 
federation; Presidents of the United States under the Constitution; votes 
for and by what political party elected; Electoral College and popular 
vote; Senators and Representatives in Fortj'-fii-st Congress; party elected 
by; population of the United States from 1790 to i860; composition of 
the American popidation; area of all the States and Territories; native 
citizens in America; foreigners in America — Germans and Irish; paupers 
and crime in the United States; soldiers in the wars of 1776 and 1861-5; 
Army furnished by the several States; composition of the Army; newsj^a- 
pers'in America; finance of the United States; banks, railroads, canals, 
real and personal property in the United States; speeches of W. II. Sew- 
ard, Joshua R. Giddings, Charles Sumner, William Lloyd Garrison, Thad- 
deus Stevens, Edward D. Baker, Andrew Jackson, Josiah Quincy, Col. 
Isaac Barre, Daniel Webster, Mr. Mon-is, Abraham Lincoln, Henry Clay, 
Patrick Henry; first American Constitution: United Colonies of New 
England; Declaration of Independence; Ai'ticles of Confederation; Con- 
stitution of tho United States; Confederate Constitution 601 



REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. 



CHAPTER I. 

ORGANIZATION OF NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. — CONSTITUTIONAL POWERS. — UNI- 
VERSAL EQUALITY.— SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.— ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 

The E,epublican Government of the United States of 
America is founded u^Don the acknowledged sovereignty 
of the citizens — denominated in the fundamental law of 
the land the jieople — in whom all national power abides, 
and whose equality was announced in the emphatic 
language of the Declaration of Independence of 1776, 
that " all men are created equal." 

The Government, as a nation, was established when, 
on the ninth day of July, 1778, at the City of Philadel- 
phia, the thirteen Colonies, by their delegates, adopted 
the Articles of Confederation, forming a Union styled 
The United States of America. 

Following these acts in the formation of the Federal 
Union, the American people, on the seventeenth day of 
September, 1787, in convention assembled, adopted a Con- 
stitution, which in its preamble declares that "We the 
people of the United States, in order to form a more per- 
fect Union, do ordain and establish this Constitution for 
the United States of America." 

By this Constitution, all legislative power of the nation 
was vested in a Congress of the United States, consisting 
of a Senate and House of Representatives. By the 
authority incorporated in the Federal Constitution, the 
States became divested of their previous independent 
character, and became merged into a Central National 

13 



14 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

Union possessed of sovereign power, wherein each State 
became but an integral part of the nation ; in its political 
sphere, but a dependent municipality, and in all things 
of a national character subordinate to the Federal Con- 
stitution and Federal laws, and to the United States as 
a nation. 

Looking to the universality of national freedom and 
political equality, precaution was taken by the friends of 
the Constitution to "guarantee to every State in this 
Union a republican form of government," and to " protect 
each of them against invasion and domestic violence." 
But neither the Constitution, nor the laws made in ^wr- 
suance thereof, defined what degree of liberty should con- 
stitute a republican form of government, nor the mode 
by which the Federal Government should enforce the 
principles of republicanism upon the States, should any 
of them assume powers or acts contrary to declared 
fundamental principles of the National Government — 
hence the latitude assumed by States, and the singular 
anomaly of State governments, existing within the 
Union, presenting every feature of government from ab- 
solute despotism to the broadest liberty. 

The moderation and hesitation exhibited by the 
Federal Government in asserting its authority, in hold- 
ing each State up to a standard of freedom approaching 
republicanism, and the laxity of the National Govern- 
ment in purging local governments of their royal and 
despotic tendencies — permitting States to narrow down 
the re2:>ublican liberty of the people and the equality of 
all men before the law to the circles of caste, birthplace 
and religion — are striking illustrations of the j)atrence 
and disposition of mankind to endure oj)pression, rather 
than hastily appeal to the last resort to redress 
grievances. 



I.] CONSTITUTIONAL POWEES. 15 

In the Federal Constitution there is ample and un- 
mistakable authority, vesting the Federal Government 
with full authority and jurisdiction in all things pertain- 
ing to the maintaining of a republican government in all 
the States and Territories within the area of the Union. 
It is the supreme power of the National Government, 
constituted by the iieople, and not by the States, declar- 
ing the States subordinate to the Union, that placed the 
sovereign power of the people of all the States in the 
National Government of the Republic ; and through and 
hy this power of sovereignty the affairs of the Republic 
have been conducted, and all the functions of a sover- 
eign administrated by the National Government. 

Strictly speaking, upon the adoj)tion of the Federal 
Constitution, a national sovereignty was created substi- 
tuting the ijeople for the " sovereign States," and, thence- 
forward, the only sovereignty in the land was in the 
citizens of the Republic in their aggregate capacity. 

By the Federal Constitution, the several States are 
prohibited from " entering into any treaty, alliance or 
confederation ;" yet, so far had some of the States de- 
parted from the authority of the law of the land, and so 
completely had they ignored Federal authority, that in 
1861 eleven of them, then slaveholding States, declared 
the Federal Constitution of no bindino; force or oblis-a- 
tion upon them, and after going through the form of- de- 
claring themselves free and " sovereign States," entered 
into a compact of confederation between themselves, 
declared their independence, organized a government, 
elected confederate officers, adopted a constitution, sent 
ministers abroad, adopted and raised a flag, equipped an 
army and navy, and declared and waged war against the 
United States. 

So wide a departure from national authority as the 



16 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

arraying of sections of the Union against the siijDreme 
law of the land, and States assuming sovereignty and 
national functions, is singularly at variance with the 
proclaimed love of country supposed to be the inspiring 
spring of every citizen of the American Kepublic. But, 
as in every monarchy there are those opj^osed to royalty 
and to kings, so in every republic there are those op- 
posed to universal freedom and equality ; and in this 
latter rule America forms no exception. It would indeed 
be strange if forty million of peo23le, influenced by all the 
passions incident to the race — wealth, j^osition, ambition 
and superstition — should have lost all aspirations of the 
tyrant, and, losing sight of the traditions of their ances- 
tors, acquiesce in universal freedom and the equal rights 
of all men. 

In the affairs of the government of the Republic of 
America from the earliest period, distinct elements — lib- 
erty and oppression — have arrayed themselves against 
each other in fierce antagonism. And, while a large ma- 
jority of the people have favored the broadest measures 
of freedom, a very considerable minority have steadily 
resisted the advance of liberty, abhorring contact with 
the masses, and remaining subject to the will of the ma- 
jority only under protest. 

In the moulding of political affairs, the social and pe- 
cuniary conditions and interests of the several sections of 
the country have wielded a powerful influence. Slavery, 
which existed in the Southern States of the Union from 
1620 until the Emancipation Proclamation of Abraham 
Lincoln of the first of January, 1863, had in its influence 
drawn distinct lines, not only between liberty and free- 
dom in local State policy, but had engendered a most 
active and bitter hostility against the freedom of the 
Nortli, and even against the existence of the Kepublic. 



I.] UNIVERSAL EQUALITY. 17 

I 

The unnatural practice of tlie ownership of man, having 
raised the slaveholder to the stature of a petty tyrant in 
the affairs of the nation, as well as upon his own planta- 
tion, had worked a most pernicious influence over the 
whole Union. 

The institutions of freedom and universal equality fos- 
tered in one section, and encouraged by free education to 
all, and the acknowledged dignity of labor, contrasted 
forcibly with the prohibition of education, inequality of 
political privileges, and the enslavement of man and ser- 
vility of the laboring masses of the other. These oppo- 
site elements, expanding with the growth of the nation, 
divided the advocates of freedom and the upholders of 
slavery into distinct and conflicting elements — the one 
proclaiming the natural and constitutional equality of all 
men, the other upholding by moral and divine law the 
inferiority and subordination of certain classes. The 
conflict and incompatibility of these conditions within a 
government declaring by its fundamental law the equality 
of all men, can be reconciled only by the belief that the 
love of power is most potent, even in republics, in under- 
mining the foundations of national freedom ; of usurping 
the rights of the masses, and even converting the bodies 
of men into the property of self-constituted rulers and 
tyrants. 

It was the thirst for power that from the earliest period 
of human existence arrayed man against his fellow-man. 
It was the spirit of domination that prompted the first 
person born into the world to become the murderer of 
his brother. Love of power lifts with bloody hand the 
jeweled crown upon the tyrant's brow; erects political 
and ecclesiastical thrones, from which issue cruel mandates 
and absurd bulls to awe the multitude into subjection. 
Love of power in the name of liberty has held aloft the 



18 REPUBLICAXISM IJT AMEniCA. [Cliap. 

red flag of the crusader and lit the inquisitorial pyre. 
For its sake, man against man and nation against nation 
have deluged the earth in blood. Its influence brouodit 
proud Greece and Kome to the dust, and for its sake 
Csesar fell. 

The history of nations teaches that where the powers of 
government are in the hands of a single jDerson or favored 
classes, the murmurings of the people, like the swell of 
the ocean, only awaiting a breeze to stir them into mighty 
billows to dash their fury against their prison walls, are the 
dread visitors of the tyrant's usurpation. Ignorance and 
superstition are the strong walls and safeguards encircling 
civil and ecclesiastical thrones. The epaulet and mitre 
cling closely around the enemies" of freedom, while the 
exercise of free thought and universal education gnaw at 
the vitals of " God-ordained kings." 

Freedom of thought, freedom of speech and freedom 
of worship are inherent rights of mankind; but the ruins 
of dejmrted governments, the shadows of bygone ages, all 
teach us that without universal education these great boons 
cannot be enjoyed nor the liberty of the masses perpet- 
uated. Liberty — once the proud watchword of those who 
struggled to be free — sleejDS dead and cold amidst the 
ruins of ancient cities, whose glory fell beneath the shadow 
of the church and within sight of the blaze of the camp- 
fire, but beyond the pale of the school-house. 

In the affairs of government, the American Republic 
has not been entirely free from danger incident to igno- 
rance, superstition and fanaticism. Among minorities 
of the j)eople, lingering shadows of vassalage, intolerance 
and royalty have continuously thrown themselves athwart 
the path of liberty, and with desperate effrontery have, 
in the very face of universal political and religious free- 
dom, erected their thrones of insolence. 



I.] SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE. 19 

The wisdom of the American people, ever engrafting 
upon their fundamental law new guarantees of liberty, 
declared by the first amendment to the Federal Con- 
stitution the religious freedom of the people, and their 
right to worshij) as to them might seem fit. How com- 
pletely the "lords temporal and the lords spiritual" 
of America annulled these sacred boons, may be seen by 
referring to the several State constitutions, and the strug- 
gle of ecclesiastical bodies to engraft new dogmas of 
religious faith in that sacred instrument, upon which the 
religious freedom of all, as well as the life of the nation 
itself, is founded. 

Among the many powerful arguments in the history 
of the human race in favor of the will of the people in the 
affairs of government, is the wonderful development of 
the Republic of America. Few j)ersons, watching the 
liberal spirit of the people, the universal freedom of 
all, and the magnitude to which the nation has sprung, 
will be willing to regard as an experiment the institutions 
of freedom in the New World, but will regard the 
sovereign power of the people, the rule to which all 
governments must conform so soon as the masses feel; 
their strength ; and with the light of liberty of conscience 
and manhood suffrage pierce the delusive veil of royalty,, 
and expel the phantom god that ordains kings. 

A prevailing opinion among men is, that in republics 
all the 2:)eople vote, and all the people possess equal 
political privileges. But such is not the case. Such a con- 
dition would be a physical impossibility and a political 
absurdity. In America, a majority of all the male 
citizens twenty-one years of age and upwards constitute 
the ruling power ; so that, as the persons of the male sex 
over twenty-one are but a small minority of the people, 
properly speaking, the people do not govern in a political 



20 KEPUBLICANISM JN AMERICA. [Clia]^. 

sense. America, with a population of forty million, polls 
a vote of less than six million, and, as the smallest fraction 
over half of that number will constitute a majority of 
the voters, three million may govern the nation. 

Previous to the rebellion of 1861, and through the 
four succeeding years of the war, four million of colored 
people were held in slavery in the southern part of the 
Union. By the Emancipation Proclamation of the first 
of January, 1863, these persons were made free ; and, by 
subsequent amendments to the Federal Constitution and 
acts of Congress, all of the former slaves of the male 
sex of twenty-one years of age and upwards, if born 
within the limits of the Republic, were declared entitled 
to the elective franchise. These acts at once gave to the 
voters of the nation seven hundred thousand citizens of 
this new element, and added to the party of national ])yo- 
gress the- former slave, changed to the stature of a 
citizen, clothed with the power and j^olitical privileges 
of his former master. Thus, by the genius of universal 
emancipation, proscriptive codes, caste, auction-block, 
scourge and shackles — relics of barbarism — were swept 
from the land, the spirit of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence asserted, and, for the first time in America, the 
equal protection of the law was extended to every human 
being within the jurisdiction of the Republic, and the 
equal rights of man established. 

Emancipation having lifted the former slave to politi- 
cal freedom, and the rights of all men before the law 
being an established fiict, murmurings are heard for 
greater political privileges. A majority of six million 
of people govern forty million — all the males under 
twenty-one years of age, the females of all ages, and 
aliens in the Republic being governed by this small 
minority of the people. 



I.] ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 21 

In advocacy of an extension of the elective franchise, 
it is cited that a declared principle of republican govern- 
ment is, that the people rule, and that those governed 
shall have a voice in the creating of the laws. This 
doctrine, carried to its conclusion, would place the ballot 
in the hands of every person of each sex and of every 
age, from the cradle to the grave, rendering the fulfill- 
ment of the privilege itself a physical impossibility, and 
deo-rading to a mere farce the most important affliirs of 
the nation, and endanger the life of the Eepublic. 

The ^Noxdi people, in its broadest sense, would include all, 
or at least a majority of all the people. In its political 
meaning it implies that the affairs of government are in 
the hands oi persons, and not controlled by a single indi- 
vidual. The use of the words, " we the people," in the 
affairs of government, is a misnomer of the governing 
class, unless all classes outside of the male citizens twenty- 
one years of age are ignored; and as they constitute a vast 
majority of the people, their physical identity is not easily 
dispensed with. 

It must be clear to the simplest mind that the partici- 
pation of all the governed in the making of the laws to 
which they are subject, and the equal political privileges 
of the people, are not only impracticable, but utter im- 
possibilities. In matters of legislation, elections, and even 
in judicial decisions, majorities prevail, and in all such 
cases, however large the minorities, the action of the ma- 
jority is binding upon them, although those in the minor- 
ity did not only not consent, but violently opposed the 
action of the majority. 

Equality before the laiu must be constantly distinguished 
from political equality. The one extends the equal pro- 
tection, benefits and privileges of the laws to every human 
being within the jurisdiction of the nation; the other 
places in the hands of those regarded most competent to 



22 KEPUBLICANISM IN AMEKIGA. [CliajD. 

maintain, as well as to create, the power of making the 
laws and exercising the elective franchise. 

So long as republican government is maintained in 
America, these distinctions must be held sacred, and the 
advocates of any other doctrine but promulgate what 
would work the downfall of the freedom of all. Upon 
the intelligence of the people depends the perpetuity of 
republican government; and while schools are maintained 
in most parts of the States of the Union free to all, a 
thorough system of education established and enforced 
by State or Federal authority, wherein every person, re- 
gardless of age or sex, should be obliged to enter until 
they acquired some degree of education, would not only 
secure some enlightenment to every child born in the 
Kepublic, but would shed new life and new light upon 
the path of many of those from foreign lands who seek 
homes in the Kepublic of America. Republican govern- 
ment — long supposed to be incompatible with national 
greatness and national power — has in our country so com- 
pletely leveled caste, sectionalism and intolerance, and 
blended the whole j)eople into one family in ideas, inter- 
ests and freedom, gathered the wandering exiles from the 
domination of kings, and wrought them into the concrete 
elements of American citizenship, as to fully demonstrate 
the power of Republicanism, not only to j)erpetuate the 
institutions of freedom and stable government, but to ab- 
sorb the subjects of every throne, and mould them into 
elements of strength against the domination of kings. 

Within the sphere of republican institutions, nothing 
so clearly demonstrates the natural, simple justice of 
equality, as the facility w^ith which those born and edu- 
cated in the chains of political and religious bondage in 
the Old World, unlearn the dogmas and tyranny of priest 
and king, and learn the paths of freedom and the laws of 
man's estate. 



CHAPTER II. 

COLONIAL CONDITION. — EARLY SETTLEMENT. — THE FIRST CONSTITUTION.— 
SIGNERS OF THE FIRST CONSTITUTION. — LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS. 

So far as the political history of the Colonies goes, 
little can be gathered upon which to build any founda- 
tion that the intention of the early settlers was to build 
up a separate and independent Government; indeed, all 
the acts of the people go far to establish a contrary 
opinion. The charters granted by the King of Britain 
from the beginning to the middle of the seventeenth 
century, and the submission of the people, the repeated 
petitions to the Mother Country to relax her oppres- 
sive laws upon them, their oft repeated avowals of filial 
attachment, their humble supplications through their 
representatives and commissioners, all tend to the belief 
that a strong attachment bound the early colonists to 
the British Goverment and laws. 

The Colony of Virginia had from 1607 up to the 
Revolutionary War, almost two hundred years, con- 
formed to the limits and laws imposed by the Home 
Government, and the Colonies on the Hudson and 
Manhattan were equally submissive; and although all 
seemed equally determined in 1776 to redress their 
long grievances, yet it is but reasonable to conjecture 
that what are now called the New England States, did, 
either by accident or design, gradually fall into a style 
of government that formed the basis of the General 
Government of the United States. 

The Pilgrim Fathers who landed at Plymouth Rock 



24 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

in 1620. did not in all things maintain nor apply that 
rule of Christianity and forbearance toward others that 
they so zealously desired to be applied to themselves; 
and now, as we lift the veil, although clouded by the 
mists of three centuries, obscuring many of their faults 
in the silent tomb, yet we sigh for that poor humanity 
in them and in us, of this and all ages, like the Cru- 
saders of old, proclaiming that the ''right of con- 
science," and "liberty to worship God according to 
their judgment," was what they demanded, and for 
which they were ready to die ; whilst they denied the 
same right to others, and entered upon cruel inquisi- 
tions to deprive of life and liberty other people claim- 
ing to worship God by iJmr consciences. But the ghost 
of Roger Williams has ceased to torment his perse- 
cutors; it has hied to its confine. His spirit, however, 
keeps eternal guard upon the altar of our religious 
freedom. 

The first Constitution forming a civil government in 
America, was drawn up and signed on board the May- 
flower^ by the Pilgrims, on the 11th of November, 
1G20. At that time there had been a charter granted 
to parties to settle most of New England. The Pil- 
grims left England with the intention of settling on the 
Hudson, w^ithin the limits of the London or South Vir- 
ginia Company, but by accident, or, as some suppose, 
and is generally believed, by the treachery of the Dutch 
Avho had themselves contemplated settling on the Hud- 
son, and who had bribed the pilot to land them north 
of the Hudson, they were taken to the coast of Cape 
Cod, where they arrived on the 9th of November, 
1G20. Not having contemplated any plantation within 
the limits of the Plymouth company, they had not 
obtained from them any charter. Being, therefore, 



II.] THE FIRST AMERICAN CONSTITUTION. 25 

destitute of any right to the soil, and without the pow- 
ers of any government derived from the proper author- 
ity, on the 11th of November, before they landed, they 
drew up and signed the following compact, or consti- 
tution : 

"In the name of God, amen. We, whose names are under 
written, the lojal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King 
James, having undertaken for the glory of God, the advancement 
of the Christian faith, and honor of our King and country, a 
voyage to i)lant the first Colony in the northern part of Virginia, 
do by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of 
God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves together 
in a civil body politic, for our better o.'dering and preservation, 
and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof do 
enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, 
acts and constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be 
thought most meet and convenient for the good of the Colony; 
unto which we promise all due submission and obedience." 

The names of the signers were as follows (all the 
men on board) : John Carver,f William Bradford, f 
Edward Winslow,f William Brewster,f Isaac Allerton.f 
Miles Standishjf John Alden, Samuel Fuller, Chris- 
topher :Martin,t=^' William Mullins,t=^ William White,t* 
Richard Warren, John Howland, Stephen Hopkins,"!* 
Edward Tilly,t=^ John Tilly,t* Francis Cook, Thomas 
Rogers,'"-' Thomas Tinker, f'-'' John Ridgdale,f '^ Edward 
Fuller,f' •' John Turner, ■■^' Francis Eaton, f James Chil- 
ton, f* John Crackston,* John Billington,t Moses Flet- 
cher,'" John Goodman,''' Degory Priest,''" Thomas Wil- 
liams,'" Gilbert Winslow, Edward Margeson,'^ Peter 
Brown, Richard Britterige,* George Soule, Richard 
Clarke,'^' Richard Gardiner, John Allerton/'" Thomas 
English,'" Edward Dotey, Edward Leister. 

Some idea of the privations and hardships endured 
by these stout Britons, may be ascertained from the 



2G REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

fact that by the end of March following their landing, 
about four months, more than half of them were in 
their graves — twenty-one of them having died in that 
short space of time. The names of those who died 
within that period are marked with an asterisk ('''). Of 
the number of these signers, eiglitcen brouglit their 
wives with them. Their names are indicated by a dag- 
ger (t). 

It was signed by forty-one persons, the whole com- 
pany being, including men, women and children, one 
hundred and one. Having settled a social compact, 
they proceeded to examine the coast, and fmally set- 
tled at a place which they called Plymouth, after the 
name of the company owning the soil. They landed 
on the 22 'I of December, 1C20, and commenced the hrst 
permanent settlement in New England. For ten years 
the colonists held their property in common, when 
they obtained from the company a grant of the land. 

The government of the Colony was administered by 
a Governor and seven Assistants, all chosen by the 
people annually. Being a pure republic, the people in 
general meeting often decided upon both legislative 
and executive affairs. In 1G30, their numbers having 
become such as to render deliberation in full assembly 
inconvenient, the representative system was adopted. 
In 1G31, when permanent settlements began to be made 
in New Hampshire, Massachusetts threw her protec- 
tion round them, and one by one as the new Colonies 
began to be formed and populated from Massachusetts^, 
she protected them, and infused her ideas of govern- 
ment among them, until each of them made a Colonial 
Government assimilated to her own. In 1G43 the Col- 
onies of ]\Iassachusetts, riymouth, Connecticut and 
New Haven, formed a league, or confederation, bj the 



11.] COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. 27 

name oi' the "United Colonies of New England." By 
the terms of this union, the internal affairs of each 
Colony were left to its own government. In war, each 
was to furnish its proportion of men according to its 
population, and the common affairs of the Confederacy 
were to be conducted ])j a Congress composed of two 
Commissioners from each Colony. 

During the civil wars of England, while the govern- 
ment was in the hands of the Republican Parliament, 
and afterwards under the Protectorate of Cromwell, 
the most friendly feelings subsisted between the col- 
onists and the ruling power of the parent country. 

Virginia, which was settled in 1607, made an effort 
to introduce the representative system of government 
in 1G19, which incurred the displeasure of James the 
First, who took her Charter from hev. On his 
decease, shortly after this act, he was succeeded by his 
son Charles the First, who levied tribute upon the Vir- 
ginians for their assumption. He devolved upon the 
Governor and Council the whole legislative and execu- 
tive powers of the Colony, empowering them to levy 
taxes, to seize the property of the late company, and 
to apply it to public uses, and to transport colonists to 
England to be tried for crimes committed in Virginia. 
New York, Virginia, New Jersey, Georgia and the Car- 
olinas, were, during this period, and up to the Revolu- 
tionary War, under the direct control of the Royal 
Charters, and royally appointed Governors and Coun- 
cils, who had almost absolute control of the lives, 
property and persons of the colonists. 

Massachusetts, increasing in population and commer- 
cial importance, began to populate Connecticut, New 
Hampshire, and Rhode Island. Her people were rest- 
less under the oppression of the Mother Country, and 



28 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

as early as 1G30 had the powers of government trans- 
ferred from the Crown to the people of the Colony, so 
as to allow the latter to elect annually a Governor, a 
Deputy Governor, and eighteen Assistants. Still aspir- 
ing to ascend the ladder of broader liberties, she in 1639 
claimed the right of representation, but there was noth- 
ing in her Charter permitting this. The General Court, 
the name by which the State Legislature is known to 
this day, was established ; and, although it would seem 
that the people had no right, save by the law of na- 
ture, yet they entered upon the representative system, 
comjiosed of the Governor, the Assistants, or at least 
six of them, and the body of freemen which consti- 
tuted the General Court, by which the powers of Gov- 
ernment were to be exercised. But this body, un- 
wieldy from the fact of its lacking the prescribed 
powers and modus operandi of performing its functions, 
gave place in 1644 to the General Court, having two 
distinct bodies with a negative upon each other. 

The Colonial condition of Rhode Island, from 1644 
to 1663, under the Charter obtained by Roger Wil- 
liams, during the contest between the King and Par- 
liament for the supremacy in Britain, was a pure De- 
mocracy; but on the restoration of the Kingdom to 
Charles II, in 1663, they received a new Charter not 
materially reducing their powers. The spirit of Re- 
publicanism had already asserted itself, and the JSTew 
England Colonies had, imperceptibly to the Mother 
Countr}^, established a system of representative gov- 
ernment, which contained the germ of America's 
Freedom, and which no power on earth could destroy. 

The league formed by the Colonies of Massachusetts, 
Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, in 1643, by 
the name of the "United Colonies of New England," 



II.] COLONIAL CEARTERS. 29 

was the first practical union of forces to accomplish 
their objects of resistance from without ever attempted 
in America; and although the purposes set forth in 
the articles of compact were to insure mutual protec- 
tion against the Indians, and the Dutch at Manhattan, 
yet it is fair to conclude that a future union for their 
political rights was in tlie minds of the leaders in this 
project; still, by this compact, each Colony was only 
to provide, in time of war, soldiers in proportion to its 
population, and the internal affairs of each Colony 
were to be conducted by itself. 

The general affairs of the Confederacy were to be 
conducted by a Congress composed of two Commis- 
sioners from each Colony. The times were auspicious 
for the development of Republican ideas in the new 
world. In fact, the colonists of New England, since 
their Constitution, signed on board the Mayfloioer^ 
showed upon many occasions a tending toward larger 
liberties than those granted them by their Charters and 
by the English Parliament. 

The civil wars in England, by which the King was 
deposed, and the Government declared Republican, the 
subsequent overthrow by Cromwell, and the liberal 
treatment of the colonists by the Parent Country dur- 
ing this period, were well calculated to inspire them 
with the spirit of their own freedom ; and the children 
and grand-children of the colonists of these times, when 
they stepped into the arena, sword in hand, in 1776, 
were but following the instincts and teachings of their 
ancestors for broader liberties. 

The Royal or Provincial Governments of the Colonies, 
or a portion of them, were distinguished from those of 
the Colonial^ particularly in this, that the Royal Charters 
gave the individuals to whom the grant was made, the 



30 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

almost exclusive power to make and enforce all laws as 
to them might seem best. 

Those Colonies or Plantations, under Hoyal Charters 
at the breaking out of the Revolution, were Virginia, 
New York, New Jerse}^, the Carolinas, Georgia, and New 
Hampshire; but these Colonies had, since their settle- 
ment, passed through many phases, particularly New 
Hampshire, whose spasmodic political somersaults ren- 
der her early history a little ludicrous, placing herself 
under the Government of Massachusetts in 1G41, and 
in IGSO becoming a separate Royal Province. In 1G8G 
the authority of Massachusetts was again extended over 
her. Soon after, the people took the government into 
their own hands, but again returned to their first love 
and placed themselves under the protection of Massa- 
chusetts in 1G90; separated again in 1G92, and united 
in 1G99; and again separated in 1741, it is to be hoped 
for the last time. 

Virginia from 1G07 to 1G19, had had three Charters 
and as many forms of rule applied to her — all, however, 
under the direct control of the Home Government; but 
a growing desire for more liberty, aided by the liberal 
spirit of their Governor, caused them in 1G19, to enter 
upon a system of government almost Republican in 
form; and the first Colonial Assembly ever held in 
America, was called and held at Jamestown, June 29, 
1619; but the jealousy of the ruling monarch, King 
James I, Avas aroused, and dreading the consequences 
of this liberty, demanded their Charter to be surren- 
dered, and upon refusal of this, issued his order of quo 
warranto. Judgment was rendered against the com- 
pany, their Charter declared forfeited, and all its pow- 
ers reverted to the Crown in 1G24. Under the rule of 
James I. and his successor Charles I, the most oppres- 



II.] COLONIAL CHARTERS. 31 

sive laws were mercilessly inflicted upon Virginia, and, 
crushed to desperation by the tyranny of these laws, 
mercilessly carried into execution by their Governor, 
Sir John Harvey, the people in 1636, seized him, made 
him a prisoner, and sent him to England, sending 
agents with him to represent their grievances. Harvey 
was, however, returned with renewed measures oi op- 
pression to govern Virginia. 



CHAPTER III. 



THE P.EVOLTJTIONARY WAR.— THROWING THE TEA. IXTO BOSTON HARBOR.— BAT- 
ILii OF LEXINGTON.- BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL.— DECLARATION OF INDE- 
PENDENCE.— ARTICLES OP CONFEDERATION. 



But little doubt remains that the oppressive laws of 
Great Britain, in subjecting the colonists to pay tribute 
to the Mother Country, whilst they were denied a voice 
in the legislative department, led to the actual out- 
break and hostilities, and the condition of their liber- 
ties instead of improving with the advancement of the 
age, were more circumscribed and shackled down by 
the Home Government. As early as the hrst settle- 
ment at Plymouth a spirit of Republican Freedom ex- 
isted ; still, with that veneration for the ties and cus- 
toms that bound them to the laws and institutions of 
England, they long endured, with calm resignation, the 
heavy hand of the English Government. 

But this state of affairs at last developed amongst the 
masses a spirit of discontent, and soon energetic and 
patriotic leaders were found to protest against the dom- 
ination of English rule. They claimed for the colonists 
the rights of freemen, as granted to them by the Magna 
Cliarta and Bill of Rights, whilst England claimed the 
right of canceling the Colonial Charters, and reducing 
them to the absolute rule of the British Parliament, 
without their having a voice in the making of the laws 
by which they were governed. The Colony of Ply- 
mouth as early as the year 1G3G, and Maryland in 
1650, and again Massachusetts in IGGl, declared by 



III.] BRITISH TYRANNY. 33 

their Legislatures, that taxes should not be levied 
upon them, but by the consent of the colonists. 
Other States followed these examples. Rhode Island, 
in 1664; Massachusetts and New York, in 1672, passed 
laws by their Legislatures, declaring it to be the ex- 
clusive right of the colonists to levy taxes, as also to 
legislate for the whole affairs of the Colonies. Vir- 
ginia, in 1676, claimed the same privileges, and New 
Jersey, in 1680, demanded that their consent should 
be given to all laws, before they could be binding on 
the people. 

From a very early period in the history of America 
the general power of the British Parliament to legislate 
upon the general policy of commerce, was acknowl- 
edged by the colonists. From quite an early date it 
was contended, that as to taxation and the general in- 
ternal affairs of the Colonies, the Parliament had no 
right to legislate. The Charters under which they held 
their existence were indefinite and vague as to the ex- 
tent of powers granted, and limit having been set or 
defined as to where the power rested to legislate, the 
colonists, at each act of the Parliament, tending to 
abridge their liberties as Englishmen, became restive 
and turbulent; whilst the Parliament, at each com- 
plaint and resentment, became indignant and malig- 
nant, until at the time of the revolt, the Home and 
Colonial Governments stood arrayed in bitter antag- 
onism against each other. 

The Colonies were filled with the dependent hire- 
lings of the British King, in the collection of customs 
and taxes levied for the support of royalty in the Brit- 
ish Empire, contrary to the will of the colonists; but 
the most oppressive of all were the Acts of Parliament, 
prohibiting the imjoortation and exportation of certain 



34 REPUBLICANISM IN AMEEICA. [Chap. 

classes of goods under many pains and penalties. Mas- 
sachusetts, owing to her large commercial interests, 
felt more keenly than any other the burden of these 
most unjust acts, and made common cause against the 
tyranny of her unnatural parent. English trooj)S were 
constantly kept quartered on the citizens of Boston, to 
coerce them into subjection. Importation leagues were 
formed in Boston, New York, and many other cities, 
and a determination formed not to pay the heavy 
duties imposed by England — all of which went into 
the royal coffers. The continued petitions of the col- 
onists had the duties abolished in 1773, upon many 
leading articles. They were continued, however, on 
tea, large shipments of which were made to Charles- 
ton, New York, Philadelphia, and Boston. In Decem- 
ber, 1773, cargoes of tea arrived at Boston. The peo- 
ple called public meetings, and declared that it should 
not be landed — that no duties should be paid on it. 
These meetings determined that it should be returned 
to England in the same ships in which it was brought 
to America, This was refused, and the people en 
masse boarded the ships, breaking open the boxes and 
emptying large quantities of tea into the ocean. This 
act incensed the Parliament, which in the following 
sj^ring passed a bill called the ''Boston Port Bill," 
which provided "for discontinuing the landing and 
shipping of goods, wares, and merchandise at Boston, 
or the harbor thereof, and for the removal of the Cus- 
tom House with its dependencies to the town of Sa- 
lem." This Act was to continue during the pleasure 
of the King, and was certainly ill-calculated to allay 
the irritations of the citizens of Boston. Carrying 
the stern dictates of the Crown still further on, an 
Act was next passed "for the better regulating the 



III.] BRITISH Ti:i:ANNY. 35 

government of the Province of Massachusetts Bay." 
By this Act all legislation by the Colony ceased, and all 
officers were to be appointed b}'' the King. The people 
were not allowed to hold public meetings, and were 
deprived of the selection of juries. These were to be 
selected by the Sheriffs, who were appointed by the 
King. Massachusetts had become the special subject 
of English hatred and oppression, and her people now 
to a man took a determined stand against the tyranny 
of the Parliament, and invoked the sympathy and coop- 
eration of her sister Colonies in a combined resistance. 

On the arrival of the news of the ''Boston Port Bill," 
the Legislature of Virginia, being in session, extended 
its sympathies toward Massachusetts, at which the 
Governor taking offense, dissolved the Assembly ; they, 
however, before they dispersed, recommended to their 
sister Colonics the meeting of deputies annually, in a 
general Congress, for deliberation and general coopera- 
tion, and action in all measures pertaining to the gen- 
eral welfare of the Colonies. And here was the start- 
ing point of the legislative branch of the American 
nation. The other Colonies gladly acquiesced in the 
proposition. The House of Representatives of Massa- 
chusetts, being assembled at Salem, entered into the 
idea of calling the proposed Congress, and passed reso^ 
lutions urging upon the people of the Colony the neces- 
sity of such cooperation, and appointed five delegates 
to the Convention; the Governor, on learning of this 
action, dissolved the Assembly. 

The colonists proceeded with the election of delegates 
to this Convention, or Congress, and their meeting was 
held at Philadelphia, on the 5tli day of September, 1774 ; 
to this Congress the leading men of the Colonies were 
elected, with i:*istructions to make no concessions until 

3 



36 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the grievances complained of should be redressed, and 
the oppressive legislation of Parliament be repealed. 
An agreement was entered into and signed by this body, 
for themselves and their constituents, that if the op- 
pressive laws of Great Britain in relation to the Colo- 
nies should not be repealed before the 10th day of 
September, 1775, no merchandise should be exported 
to England. An address to the people of the Colonies, 
as also an address to the King, was presented by this 
body, and on the 26th of October the Congress dis- 
solved, having recommended that another Congress 
should meet on the lltli of May, should their griev- 
ances not be redressed. Parliament was not disposed, 
-however, to listen to the supplications or petitions of 
those whom they regarded as their vassals, but declared 
the intention of reducing these refractory colonists to 
a completely dependent and servile condition. News 
of this determination at once dispelled all hope of any 
amicable adjustment, and the colonists at once entered 
upon a vigorous preparation for defense, in case of en- 
croachments on the part of England. Their operations 
were much retarded by the officious interposition of 
the many appointees of the King tln-oughout the Col- 
onies; still the preparations went on, arms and ammu- 
nition were manufactured and accumulated, and the 
people were determined to make a death struggle to 
obtain what they called the rights of Englishmen — not 
to be taxed without representation. The British troops 
and offictrs were cruel and tyrannical. 
- April 18th, 1775, a detachment of about eight hun- 
dred regulars were dispatched by Governor Gage, to 
proceed to Concord, and destroy the military stores 
accumulated there by the colonists. On the 19th, hav 
ing reached Lexington, about six miles distant from 



III.] WAR COABLENCES. 37 

Concord, they were met by a company of about one 
hundred militia and citizens ; the English troops found 
little resistance, however, and marched on to Concord. 
There, and along the road on their return to Boston, 
they were met by fierce opposition from the militia and 
citizens, who formed in squads, some making direct 
attack, others in ambush, firing upon the soldiers, who 
were fearfully harassed and demoralized, having lost 
about two hundred and seventy men, whilst the colo- 
nists lost eighty-eight in all. 

Things in Boston were leading to a crisis; 17G5 wit- 
nessed one riot, 1770 another between the citizens and 
the British troops; 1773 another, known as the Bos- 
ton Massacre. On the 20th of May, 1774, her Charter 
was taken by royal authorit}'', but never replaced, for 
on the 19th of April, 1775, the Boston militia met the 
English troops at Lexington, and the result is known. 
New England was in a blaze. Boston was a scene of 
wildest activity, fighting the well equipped English 
regulars in hand to hand conflict. Soon came on the 
battle of Bunker Hill. During this time, the second 
Congress of the Colonies was sitting at Philadelphia. 
Its first act was to approve the conduct of Massachu- 
setts, which alone took up the gauntlet tJirown down 
by England, and was now single handed fighting it out. 
As yet the Colonies had no army — not a General, a 
gun, nor a pound of powder. This Congress resolved 
that the '' Colonies be placed in a state of defense," 
and George Washington, who had shown great military 
skill under Braddock, was appointed Commander-in- 
Chief of the armies then raised and to be raised. 

But no aid was yet in the field; the English troops 
were harassing the people of Boston, and delay was 
defeat. Putnam, Warren, and Pomeroy, took posses- 



38 REPUBLICANISM IN AiMERICA. [Chap. 

sion of Bunker Hill on the evening of June 16tli, and 
entrenched thereon, and on the morning of the 17th 
met Generals Howe and Pigot at the head of 3,000 well 
equipped soldiers, with field artillery. Thus the war 
was raging. George Washington was appointed to com- 
mand the armies, June 15th, 1775, just two days before 
this important battle. But he was still in Virginia. 
Proscott and Warren, and Samuel Adams, and Cotton 
Mather, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John 
Hancock, all of Massachusetts, and the latter Presi- 
dent of the Continental Congress from 1775 to 1779, 
and whose name appears first upon the Declaration of 
Independence, were leading the fearless spirits to vic- 
tory. Two long months passed from the battle of Lex- 
ington until the 2d of July, the day upon which 
WashiuGfton arrived at Cambridge. At this time the 
population of Virginia was about 746,000, and the whole 
number of men that she contributed to the war was 
32,288. The population of Massachusetts at the same 
time was about 375,000, just half the population of Vir- 
ginia. She contributed 83,162 men; thus, we see that 
Massachusetts, with half the population, sent about 
three times the number of men, or six times as many 
as Virginia, in proportion to her popuif4,tion. The 
Southern States represented in the war were Delaware, 
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and 
Georgia. All these States together supplied 09,377 
men to the Revolutionary War, whilst Massachusetts 
alone sent 83,162, or 13,825 more than all the South. 
Virginia at this time (as her people said) had to remain 
at home to take care of her "niggers," for, at this 
time, she had about 290,000 of them — the crop that 
sprang from the twenty that she imported into James- 
to'wn in 1620, when she cursed our land with that in- 



III.] REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 39 

CLibus, which has so completely disturbed the whole 
fabric of our Government to this day. 

The struggle for independence continued for seven 
years, under difficulties and privations unparalleled ; 
and the accomplishment and establishment of our Re- 
publican system of government forms one of the most 
brilliant chapters in the history of an oppressed people, 
battling for equal justice and manhood freedom. 

During the time the dreadful line met in conflict, and 
the combatants in the field v/ere reaping their harvest 
of death^ and while the Colonial soldier cast himself 
upon the altar of liberty to insure victory, the Conti- 
nental Congress was moulding and giving vitality to 
that political system, whose corner-stone is based upon 
the political and religious liberty that to-day places the 
American Republic in the foremost rank of nations, 
and her citizens the first in freedom on the globe. 

In accordance with the proposition of the first Con- 
gress, the second met at Philadelphia on the 10th day 
of May, 1775 ; and Peyton Randolph, who was the Pres- 
ident of the first, was again elected President. This 
Congress took active measures to induce all the Colonies 
to enter upon a combined practical system of defense. 
The King had declared the Colonies in a state of rebel- 
lion, and had interdicted all trade with them. The 
last hope of reconciliation had vanished, and now, for 
the first time, thoughts of a separation from the Mother 
Country began to take hold of the minds of the people. 
England during this time was sending troops to Amer- 
ica, and the colonists, by their representatives in Con- 
gress, on the 10th day of June, 1776, appointed a com- 
mittee consisting of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, 
Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. 
Livingston, who presented a resolution, ^^tliat these 



40 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Colonies are, and of right ought to he, free and independ- 
ent States^ This resolution was adopted on the 2d 
of July, and on the 4th of July, 1776, the Congress 
adopted the Declaration of Lidependence. Randolph hav- 
ing in the meantime resigned the Presidency of the 
Congress, John Hancock of Massachusetts was elected, 
and in his official position placed his name first to the 
Declaration of Independence. 

As yet, no political form had been adopted for the 
government of the New Nation; Congress had elected 
Washington to be Commander-in-Chief of all the armies, 
and had issued three millions of dollars in bills, pledg- 
ing each Colony to pay its proportion, and the United 
colonists were pledged for any amoun+s delinquent in 
the pro rata of any Oolon}^ A treasury department 
was established, and laws were passed regulating the 
army and navy. 

At this time there was no union of the Colonies, and 
the want of some system or Constitution of a national 
character, to enable the various departments of the 
embryo Government to execute their functions, was 
much needed. Just what kind of a Constitution it 
should be was not well understood ; some propositions 
soon after the adoption of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence were suggested, but not acted upon. On the 8th 
day of July, 1778, a compact, or solemn league, was 
adopted by Congress, which was styled ''Articles of 
Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States." 
(See Appendix — Articles of Confederation.) 

The name of the Confederacy was to be, "The Uni- 
ted States of America." It was left to the several States 
to adopt and ratify these articles, or to reject them. 
A majority of the States adopted them, some proposing 
amendments. Delaware, New Jersey, and Maryland, 



III.] DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 41 

offered serious objections to their ratification, unless 
their proposed amendments were adopted by Congress, 
and Maryland did not ratify them until March, 1781. 

It must be kept in mind that the Revolutionary War 
was now raging, and that the circumstances of the times 
were fast developing important events demanding a 
well regulated system and form of government. 

The Congress, composed cf delegates from the sev- 
eral States, elected by their Legislatures, had the power 
to declare war and conclude peace, to raise men and 
money; and although the powers were not so numer- 
ous as under the present Constitution, there can be 
but little doubt that the ^'perpetual union of the 
States," and the prohibition of any State to secede from 
the Union, without the consent of Congress, was as 
binding on the States as is the Constitution, or any of 
the laws of Congress enacted since the commencement 
of the late rebellion. 

Article 6, Section 1, says: 

" No State, without the consent of the United States in Con- 
gress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any em- 
bassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance or 
treaty, with any King, Prince, or State, nor shall any person 
holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or 
any of them, accept any present, emolument, office, or title of 
any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State; nor 
shall the United States in Congress assembled, or any of them, 
grant any title of nobility. 

" Section 2. No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, 
confederation, or alliance whatever, between them, without the 
consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying 
accurately the jDurposes for which such is to be entered into, and 
how long it shall continue. 

"Article 13. Every State shall abide by the determination 
of the United States in Congress assembled, in all questions 
which by this Confederation are submitted to them; and the Ar- 



42 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tides of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every 
State; and the Union shall be perpetual. Nor shall any alteration 
at any time thereafter be made in any of them, unless such alter- 
ation be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be af- 
terwards confirmed by the Legislature of every State." 

From the date of the Declaration of Independence, 
and during the Revolutionary War, up to the date of 
the adoption of the Constitution — for twelve years — 
the whole Government of the United States was con- 
ducted under the Declaration of Independence, and the 
Articles of Confederation. 

But the life that had been infused into the new na- 
tion; the growing legislative wants to regulate trade 
and commerce, and to more specifically define and es- 
tablish the various branches, legislative, executive, 
and judicial, pressed constantly upon the minds of the 
leading statesmen of the times. The necessity of some 
change in the Articles of Confederation, to meet the al- 
tered condition of the national wants, seemed apparent. 
Virginia took a leading part in suggesting plans of 
amendment, and the calling of Conventions, to enlarge 
and enact modes by which the functions of the Gov- 
ernment might be carried on by the prescribed and 
enacted laws of the nation. 



CHAPTER IT. 

PEEIOI) IMirEDIATELY "iKECEDING THE ADOPTION OP THE CONSTITUTIOy. — 
CESSIO^r of TERRIToEY to the united states. — ordinance of 1784.— 
VOTE ON THE SLAVE QUESTION.— ONE VOTE ONLY WiU^TED TO PROHIBIT 
SLAVERY. 

The period from the adoption of the Articles of Con- 
federation to the adoption of the Constitution, forms a 
most important and interesting chapter in the history 
of America, and opens a field for speculation as to 
what extent the various States might legislate upon 
matters not specificall}^ delegated in the Articles of 
Confederation. The cooperation of each of the thirteen 
Colonies in prosecuting the war (see Appendix for 
troops furnished by each), left their people but little 
time to reflect or mature elaborate forms of go^'ern- 
ment. Some of the States, during this period, had 
adopted Constitutions, whilst others worked under 
their Colonial Charters, long after the ratification of 
the Constitution of the United States. (See Constitu- 
tions.) 

The war had ended by the surrender of Cornwallis 
at Yorktown, October 19th, 1781, and the treaty of 
peace Avas signed at Paris, November 30th, 1782. Still 
the British troops did not evacuate New York till No- 
vember 25th, 1783. The ninth Continental Congress 
had adjourned from Philadelphia to Annapolis, the at- 
tendance of members being small, and little business 
being done until March. 1784. 

What disposition should be made of the public lands 
claimed by the States, i^resented a subject of deep in- 



44 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

terest. Yirginia, having appointed a delegation headed 
by Jefferson, presented to Congress on the 1st day of 
March, 1784, a deed to all the territory she claimed 
northwest of the Ohio, which was accepted, and a mo- 
tion made by Jefferson for the appointment of a Select ' 
Committee, to report a plan for its government. A 
Committee of three was appointed, with Jefferson at 
its head, which Committee reported an ordinance for 
the government of ''the territory ceded already, or to 
be ceded, by individual States to the United States." 
The ordinance provided that this territory should be 
divided into States, and admitted into' the Union, upon 
the assent of two-thirds of the States. Their tempo- 
rary and permanent Governments were to be founded 
upon the following express conditions of the ordinance 
alluded to — 

" 1st. That they shall forever remain -a paH of the United States 
of America. 

" 2d. That, in tlaeir persons, property and territory, they 
shall be subject to the Government of the United States, in Con- 
gress assembled, and to the Articles of Confederation, in all 
those cases in which the original States shall be so subject. 

" 3d. That they shall be subject to pay a part of the Federal 
debt contracted, or to be contracted, to be apportioned to them 
by Congress, according to the same common rule and measure 
b}' which apportionments thereof shall be made in the other 
States. 

" 4th. That their resioective Governments shall be in Repub- 
lican forms, and shall admit no person to be a citizen who holds 
an hereditary title. 

" 5th. That after the year 1800, of the Christian Era, there 
shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the 
said States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the 
party shall have been duly convicted to have been personally 
guilty. 

" That all the preceding articles shall be formed into a charter 
of compact; shall be duly executed by the President of the 



IV.] ORDINANCE OF 1784. 45 

United States in Congress assembled, under his hand and the 
seal of the United States; shall be promulgated, and shall stand 
as fundamental conditions between the thirteen original States 
and those newly described, unalterable but by the joint consent 
of the United States in Congress assembled, and of the particu- 
lar States within which such alteration is proposed to be made." 

On Aj)ril 19, 1784, the ordinance came before the 
Continental Congress for action, and as, under the Ar- 
ticles of Confederation, the votes on all questions in 
the Congress had to be taken by States, each State hav- 
ing not less than two nor more than seven, who were 
appointed annually by the Legislature, having the 
power to recall them at any time, and elect and send 
their successors. In acting upon any question, each 
State had one vote, which vote was determined by a 
majority of the Representatives from said State, but at 
least two members must vote on one side of a question 
before the State was entitled to a vote. 

At this date, every State in the Union, except Mas- 
sachusetts, had Slavery in it; for, in 1G20, the institu- 
tion had been introduced into the Colonies b}^ the ar- 
rival of twenty negroes on board a Dutch ship at James- 
town, Virginia, where they were sold into Slavery. 
And now, after the lapse of a hundred and sixty-four 
years, this germ of discord had spread over the thirteen 
Colonies; and, although the people of Massachusetts, 
as early as 1621, pronounced the traffic a '"heinous 
crime," yet this giant had reared its head amongst the 
sons of the Pilgrims, and stood upon the hills of New 
England, and, like Banquo's ghost, would not down; 
for one State only in the Union had abolished the in- 
stitution. Massachusetts, on adopting her new Consti- 
tution, in 1780, had added a Bill of Rights, which the 
Supreme Court soon after decided had abolished Slavery. 



46 . KEPUBLICANIS^I IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Thus, after a century and a half of bondage, "Fore- 
fathers' Rock" was washed of the unholy sin, and 
one, at least, of the States had taken the first step to 
assume the high duties of fitting herself for a Republi- 
can form of Government. 

Pennsylvania, too, was marching up the highway of 
her future greatness. The Legislature, in 1780, had 
passed an act of gradual Emancipation. At this time, 
many of the leading Statesmen of the Confederacy, in 
all parts of the country, were protesting against the 
maintenance of Slavery; and many of them felt an 
abiding faitli in the spirit of Liberty that actuated the 
hearts of their countrymen in freeing themselves from 
English oppression, that they miglit see the justice of 
liberating their slaves; particularly so was this the 
case in New England. 

Jefferson's Ordinance was now before Congress, and 
for the first time in the history of America, do we find 
the issue joined, and the friends of Freedom and the 
upholders of Slavery confronting each other upon a 
national question, the decision of which was of so much 
importance to those interested, and the results of which 
have been of such vital interest to the whole Republic. 
It is interesting at this time of our national greatness 
and freedom, to look back to those earl}^ days, and see 
with what tenacity the late rebellious States held on to 
the institution of Slavery. 

The Ordinance being before Congress, a resolution was 
offered by Mr. Spaight, of JSTorth Carolina, seconded by 
Mr. Read, of South Carolina, that the fifth Article, the 
one prohibiting Slavery after the year 1800, be stricken 
out, the question being put in the following form: 
"Shall the words moved to be stricken out stand?" 
The ayes and noes were taken by States, as follows: 
Ayes — Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, 



IV.] VOTE ON SLAVERY. 47 

Massachusetts, New York and Connecticut. Noes — 
Virginia, Maryland, South Carolina. 

The votes of the States stood — six for the Ordinance 
and prohibition of Slavery, three against it, Jefferson, 
of Virginia, voting for it, but his vote was overpowered 
by two of his associates, Hand and IMontgomery, voting 
against it. New Jersey having but one representative 
present, that State did not cast any vote ; one represen- 
tative, however, Mr. Dick, voted aye. North Carolina 
having only two representatives present — one voting 
aye, the other no — she did not cast a vote. Georgia 
and Delaware were not represented. An affirmative vote 
of a majority of the States was necessary, under the Arti- 
cles of Confederation, to sustain a proposition, and the 
Ordinance having received the votes of six States, and 
half the vote of New Jersey, we can easily see that, 
(admitting Delaware and Georgia had b^en present, and 
had voted against the Ordinance,) the vote of one more 
representative from New Jersey would have sustained 
the Ordinance ; and no doubt remains, that if the other 
representative from that State had been present, he 
would have cast his vote for the Ordinance. 

Those who have studied the passing and conflicting 
political scenes of the last thirty years — the terrible 
struggle of life and death waged between Slavery and 
Freedom for the possession of the Territories, to the neg- 
lect of all national legislation, such as was carried on 
under the heat and influence of the interests of sec- 
tional strife, engendered by the demon of Slavery — or 
those who can contemplate the bloody drama of the 
Slaveholders' Rebellion, can realize the importance of 
the gentleman's vote from New Jerse}', who was not in 
the Continental CongresLJ on the 19th of April, 1787, 
and see what awful results may hang upon the vote of 
a single individual. 



CHAPTER y. 

CONVENTION TO AMEND THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. — THEY FRAME A 
CONSTITUTION.— DEBATES AND PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONVENTION.— THE 
NEGRO IN THE BASIS OF REPRESENTATION.— SERMON OF THE REV. JONA- 
THAN EDWARDS.— LETTER OF WASHINGTON TO LAFAYETTE.— ORDINANCE 
OF 1787.— HARRISON ADVOCATES SLAVERY. 

From the adoption of the Articles of Confederation, 
July 8th, 1778, up to the year 1787, the increased re- 
quirements for national legislation, through the imper- 
fection and inadequacy of the Articles of Confederation, 
were daily developing themselves. The Continental 
Congress was now in session at the city of New York, 
(this being its kst session). A Convention of delegates 
from the States nad been appointed to amend or alter the 
Articles of Confederation. The Convention met at Phil- 
adelphia on the 25th day of May, 1787, when the fol- 
lowing States were found to be represented by their 
delegates: New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Dela- 
ware, Virginia, North Carolina, and Soutli Carolina; 
and in a few days delegates from the other States pre- 
sented themselves. Rhode Island did not appoint dele- 
gates; and those from New Hampshire did not take 
their seats until Jul}^ 23d. Amongst the many dis- 
tinguished men in this Convention were Washington 
and Franklin. 

The difference of opinion and suggestions offered by 
the members plainly indicated that the framing of a 
Constitution^ or the centralizing of any more powers in 
the General Government, than might be done by 
amending the Articles of- Confederation, did not enter 




,/r/t4^ ffd/z/j/J 



v.] FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. 49 

into the minds of many of the delegates; yet the de- 
termined position taken by many, including Wash- 
ington, to form a " more ^;er/ec^ JJmou,^' and to enlarge 
and centralize the powers — legislative, executive, and 
judicial — in a National Union, and the intelligent posi- 
tions taken by them in exposing the insecurity of their 
liberties, if left to the jobbing political cajDrice and lo- 
cal jealousies of tJie thirteen Colonies — unaided by the 
general forms of government, possessed of all the pow- 
ers of nationality in the legislation and execution of 
its laws and authority — ^plainly showed the necessity 
of Union. 

The Convention, we have seen, met on Friday, May 
25th, 1787. The first act was a motion by Robert 
Morris, of Pennsylvania, that George Washington be 
elected Chairman of the Convention, which was unani- 
mously agreed to. Upon taking the chair, he modestly 
declared his embarrassment, never having been in a 
similar position before, and hoped his errors would be 
excused, as they would be unintentional. 

And now the third great drama in the liberties of 
America was enacted. The Declaration of Independence 
had proclaimed to the world that a spirit of freedom 
had taken hold of the hearts of the colonists; and the 
triumphal armies of America, now flushed with glorious 
victory, having, against overwhelming numbers, con- 
quered the most powerful nation of the earth ; and the 
chief of victory, and also of the army of freedom, now 
installed as Chairman of this august assemblage, con- 
sisting of many of the most illustrious statesmen, war- 
riors and patriots of the New Nation, and guiding the 
offspring of his valor and patriotism into its new bap- 
tism and into the foremost ranks of free nations, was a 
sublime spectacle. 



50 EEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

The Convention continued to meet daily for almost 
four months — from May 25th, 1787, to September 17th, 
of the same year — amidst conflicts and discouragements 
almost dispelling the hopes of the friends of National 
Government. The Convention missed the able services 
and wise counsels of two of America's ablest States- 
men, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, both being in 
Europe as Embassadors. Especially did the friends of 
freedom miss their influence, for their well known love 
of human liberty would have insured their voices in 
favor of the broadest measures of equal rights. The 
Resolutions of 1784, drawn up by Jefferson in relation 
to the government of the public lands, and interdicting 
Slavery within all the Northwestern Territory, was well 
calculated to inspire his friends with the belief of his 
hearty cooperation in limiting the influence of the Slave 
Power in national political affairs. 

Early in the Convention, Edmund Randolph, of Vir- 
ginia, made a lengthy and elaborate speech, showing 
the defects of the existing Confederation, and on the 
29th of May presented a set of fifteen resolutions, as a 
basis for the form of a new Government. He declared 
that they were not intended for a Federal Government, 
but "for a strong, consolidated Union.'' Randolph's plan 
being of a character to invest enlarged powers in the 
national legislative branch, found fierce opposition 
from the "State Rights Party;" for such a party had 
already begun to develop itself in the Convention. 
These resolutions were discussed for about two weeks, 
and objected to. In the meantime, other members pre- 
sented other plans of government. 

On May 30th, the Convention being in committee of 
the whole on the "state of the Union," the following 
resolutions were offered: 



v.] FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. 51 

"1. Resolved, That a union of the States merely Federal, -will 
not accomplish the objects proposed by the Articles of Confedera- 
tion, namely: the common defense, security to liberty, and gen- 
eral welfare. 

" 2. Resolved, That no treaty or treaties among- any of the 
States as sovereign, will accomplish or secure their common de- 
fense, liberty, or welfare. 

"3. Resolved, That a National Government ought to be es- 
tablished, consisting of a supreme, judicial, legislative, and ex- 
ecutive department." 

These resolutions met with bitter opposition from 
Mr. Pinckney, delegate from South Carolina, on the 
ground that the Convention had no power to create a 
new Government, as they were there only to amend and 
revise the Articles of Confederation; the word supreme 
in the third resolution wanted explanation — was it 
"intended to annihilate State Governments?'' 

Suffrage was the next great subject before the Con- 
vention; and here was the point that brought the 
friends of Liberty and the friends of Slavery square to 
the issue. Every State in the Union at this time had 
Slavery in it, except Massachusetts; for, as we have 
already seen, by the Bill of Rights to the new Consti- 
tution of 1780, she had abolished it. 

If a new Government was to be established, with 
three distinct departments — one executive, one judicial, 
and one legislative, divided into three branches — how 
should the "Sovereign States" be represented? Some 
of those advanced in wealth were in favor of a property 
basis ; others were in favor of basing the representation 
on population. But here it was objected that the large 
States would swallow up the small ones. Some mem- 
bers favored that one branch be elected. by the people, 
and that that branch then elect the second branch. 
But discord presented itself at every step ; no harmony 



52 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Cliap. 

could be obtained, and it became evident to all, that 
upon one question raised by members from the South, 
there was an element yet unreconciled, that must either 
break up the Convention, prevent some States from en- 
tering into the Union, or that concessions must be 
made, and an element of future discord incorporated 
into the fundamental laws of the New Nation. The 
veil was drawn aside from this colossus, and the JSfegro 
stood forth, backed by an undivided Southern support, 
to thrust him into the material upon which the new 
edifice of liberty was to have its foundation. The 
large Southern slave interests made the institution a 
power amongst them; and if the national representa- 
tion was to be based upon "property," then the slaves 
sliould be Ccdculated, and if based upon population 
then enumerated. The delegates from New England 
and other States asked the Southern representatives if 
they calculated their slaves as property ; to which they 
replied that they did. "Then," said they, "we do not 
desire that our merchandise be represented in the coun- 
cils of the New Nation." "Are they men?" asked the 
Northern delegates; "are they admitted as citizens?" 
Then, why not on an equality with citizens. "Are 
they admitted us 2)ro2Jertij ? — then, why not other prop- 
erty be admitted into the Confederation?" asked James 
AVilson, delegate from Pennsylvania. 

There being no hopes of the Convention coming to 
any terms upon the subject of framing a Constitution 
that would accord with the general expressed views of 
the majority, without some compromise being made, Mr. 
Sherman, of Connecticut, moved that a committee of 
one delegate from each State be appointed to advise' 
and report upon the subject of the manner of represen- 
tation. The friends of manhood representation knew 



v.] FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. 53 

the awful situation into which they were drifting ; they 
knew that the perpetuation of their liberties rested 
upon the formation of a Central Grovernment, vested 
with full powers to legislate and execute laws, untram- 
nieled by the dictation of '' Sovereign States;" they 
also felt assured that now, as the Southern slaveholder 
demanded representation for his slaves, either as a chat- 
tel or as a man, that a Republican Union could not be 
formed with this great inequality of representation — 
that Slavery was obnoxious to the principles of Repub- 
licanism, and if these men were to be enumerated in 
the population, and the basis forming a representation, 
they ought to be free. 

Equally evident it was, that if the slaveholders of 
the South did not receive a representation for their 
slaves, the delegates would withdraw from the Conven- 
tion, and refuse to join the balance of the States in any 
form; for threats to this effect were already made, as 
the spirit of Secession had already entered the hall of 
the Convention, and was planting the seeds of sedition 
and disunion. 

The Committee alluded to had entered upon their 
duties, and, as in the General Assembly of the dele- 
gates, so now in the Committee Room, the herculean 
form of the negro presented itself, and in the midst of 
that august body, presided over by the venerable Dr. 
Franklin, demanded in thunder tones an admission in 
national representation, although in his own State he 
was the subject of barter and sale, and stood mute as 
a mummy, whilst his master tightened his chains by 
State legislation. 

Few persons familiar with the affairs of the American 
Republic, and influenced by the spirit of liberty and 
equality before the law, will doubt but that the duties 



54 REPUBLICANISiAI IN AilERICA. [Chap. 

resting upon the Committee were of a character fraught 
with greater interest, not only to the people of Amer- 
ica, but to the general liberties of mankind, than ever 
devolved upon any body of men since the history of 
civilization. 

The past contentious debate upon this vexed ques- 
tion of representation assured the friends of liberty and 
equal rights, that the fute of America's national exist- 
ence depended upon concessions tempered with mod- 
eration; but the concessions had to be all on one side, 
for the upholder of Slavery, true to his instincts, re- 
doubled his demands for representation for his "chat- 
tels," as the friends of nationality and liberty relaxed 
their claims; and freedom's defenders grew pale in 
the presence of bloated arrogance, flushed with the 
hope of victory. The slave party violently struggled 
to hold the balance of power in the legislative depart- 
ment of the Republic, upon the threat, that if their 
terms were not acceded to, they would sever the com- 
pact of confederation, and maintain their position as 
"Sovereign States." The battle in General Assembly 
and in Committee was raging, and at its close Slavery 
stood triumphant and Liberty bowed in silent acqui- 
escence. 

The report of the Committee, made on the 5th day 
of July, was: that in the first branch of the Legisla- 
ture, each State should have one representative for 
each forty thousand inhabitants (three-fifths of the 
slaves being counted) ; that in the second branch (the 
Senate) each State should have one vote. From this 
report emanated the representation as defined in Article 
I, Sections 2 and 3, of the Federal Constitution. Some 
of the remarks of delegates upon this subject of repre- 
sentation are given here, which only more fully show 
the reader the spirit that animated their authors: 



Y.] FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. 55 

Rufus King, of Massacliusetts, 

"Desired to know what influence the vote just passed was 
meant to have on the succeeding part of the report, concerning 
the admission of slaves into the rule of representation. The 
admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his mind. 
* * What are the great objects of the general system? First, 
defense against foreign invasion; second, against internal sedi- 
tion. Shall all the States, then, be bound to defend each; and 
shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness which will ren- 
der defense more difficult? If slaves are to be imported, shall 
not the exports joroduced by their labor supply a revenue, the 
better to enable the General Government to defend their mas- 
ters? * * * He never could agree to let them be imported, 
without limitation, and then be represented in the National Leg- 
islature; indeed, he could so little persuade himself of the recti- 
tude of such a practice, that he was not sure that he cc uld assent 
to it under any circumstances." 

Gouverneur Morris, of Pennsylvania, moved to insert 
the word "free" before "inhabitant." 

"Much," he said, " would depend on this point. He never 
could concur in upholding domestic Slavery; it was a nefarious 
institution ; it was the curse of heaven in the States where it pre- 
vailed. Compare the free regions of the Middle States, where a 
rich and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of 
the people, with the misery and poverty which overspreads the 
barren Avastes of Virginia, Maryland, and the other States having 
slaves; travel through the whole continent, and you behold the 
prospect continually changing, varying with the appearance and 
disappearance of Slavery. * * * Upon what princijDle is it, 
that the slaves shall be computed in the representation ? Are 
they men? — then make them citizens, and let them vote. Are 
they property? — why, then, is no other property included ? The 
houses in this city (Philadelphia) are worth more than all the 
wretched slaves that cover the rice swamps of South Carolina. 
The admission of slaves into the representation, when fairly ex- 
plained, comes to this: that the inhabitant of Georgia or South 
Carolina, who goes to the coast of Africa, and, in defiance of the 
most sacred laws of humanity, tears away his fellow creatures 



56 REPUBLICANISM IN AJVIERICA. [Chap. 

from their dearest connections and dooms them to the most cruel 
bondage, shall have more votes in a Government instituted for 
the rights of mankind, than the citizen of Pennsylvania or New 
Jersey, who views with a laudable horror so nefarious a practice. 
He would add that domestic Slavery is the most prominent fea- 
ture in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed Constitu- 
tion. * * * He would sooner submit himself to a tax paying 
for all the negroes in the United States, than saddle posterity 
with such a Constitution," 

" Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, considered the Fisheries 
and the Western Frontier more burdensome to the United States 
than the slaves. He thought this could be demonstrated if the 
occasion was a proper one." (Madison's Papers, Vol. Ill, page 
1261.) 

'* August 21. — Luther Martin, of Maryland, was in favor of a 
tax on slaves. In the first place, as five slaves are to be counted 
as three freemen in the apportionment of representation, such a 
clause would have an encouragement to this traffic; in the sec- 
ond place, Slavery weakened one part of the Union, which the 
other parts were bound to protect — the privilege of importing 
was therefore unreasonable; and in the third place, it was incon- 
sistent with the principles of the Revolution, and dishonorable to 
the American character, to have such a feature in the Constitu- 
tion." 

"Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, did not see how the im- 
portation of slaves could be encouraged by this section. He was 
not apprehensive of insurrections, and Avould readily exempt the 
other States from the obligation to j^rotect the Southerner against 
them. Religion and humaniiij had nothing to do luith the question; 
interest alone is the governing principle with nations." 

" Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, can never receive the plan, 
if it prohibits the slave trade." — Ibid., 1388. 

August 22. — The debate still going on, George Ma- 
son, of Yirgmia (grandfather of James M. Mason, late 
Rebel Embassador to England), who was a strong advo- 
cate of human liberty, said : 

" This infernal traffic originated with the avarice of British 
merchants; the British Government has constantly checked the 
attenii^ts of "Yirgijiia to put a stop to it. The iDresent question 



v.] FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. 57 

concerns not the importing of slaves alone, but the whole Union. 
The evil of having slaves was experienced during the late war. 
Had slaves been treated as they might have been by the enemy, 
they would have proved dangerous instruments in their hands. 
* * * Slavery discourages the arts and manufactures. The 
poor despise labor when performed by slaves; they prevent the 
emigration of whites, who really enrich and strengthen the 
country; they produce the most pernicious effects on manners. 
Every master of a slave is born a petty tyrant; they bring the 
judgment of heaven on the country — as nations cannot be pun- 
ished in the next world, they must be in this. * * * The 
General Government should have the power to prevent the in- 
crease of Slavery." — Ibid., p. 1390. 

Following up this subject, 

" General Pinckney, of South Carolina, declared it to be his 
firm conviction that, if himself and all his colleagues were to 
sign the Constitution, and use their jDersonal influence, it would 
be of no avail toward obtaining the consent of their constituents. 
South Carolina and Georgia cannot do without slaves. * * * 
He admitted it to be reasonable, that slaves should be dutied 
like other imports, but should consider a rejection of the clause 
as an exclusion of South Carolina and Georgia." 

' ' Mr. Sherman said it was better to let the Southern States 
import slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a sine 
quanon." — Ibid., p. 1392. 

The last remarks above ^Yere made on the debate 
relating to the prohibition of the importation of slaves. 

In the Convention, August 29th, 1787, South Caro- 
lina, still fierce on the scent of the slave — not satisfied 
with having them enumerated in the basis of represen- 
tation, and having the right to import them and thus 
overpower the non-importing States in the halls of 
Congress — and dreading the claim of the escaped to his 
freedom, so soon as he might touch free soil, her repre- 
sentative, Pierce Butler, moved to insert after Article 
XV, of the Constitution, "If any person bound to 



58 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

service or lalDor in any of the United States shall escape 
into another State, he or she shall not be discharged 
from such service or labor, in consequence of any 
regulation existing in the State to which they escape, 
but shall be delivered up to the person justly claiming 
their service or labor," which, after some verbal modi- 
fication, was agreed to. (Madison's Papers, Vol. Ill, 
p. 1456.) 

The Constitution completed, it was plain that the 
friends of the slave traffic had at every point gained 
ground. The three great principles upon which were 
founded the elements of the modern Democratic doc- 
trines — the elements that have so long afflicted the 
Union with sectional hostility and strife, that brought 
reproach upon our Government, and that engendered 
the factious tyranny of the late rebellion, and fur- 
nishes sustenance to the morbid appetite and brutal 
passions of the rebel Democratic faction of to-day — 
namely: the importation of the negro; his use in form- 
ing a basis of representation in Congress; his capture 
and return, should he escape into any State or Terri- 
tory of the United States — now became fastened uj^on 
the Government. 

The following extract is from a speech of Charles 
C. Pinckney, delivered in the ratification meeting of 
South Carolina, January 17th, 1788, and will give the 
reader a fair insight into this subject: 

" I am of the same oiDinion now that I was two years ago — 
that, while there remained one acre of swamp land uncleared in 
South Carolina, I would raise my voice against restricting the 
importation of negroes, * * * The Middle States and Vir- 
ginia were for an immediate and total prohibition; we endeav- 
ored to obviate the objections, which were urged in the best man- 
ner we could, and assigned reasons for our insisting on the im- 
portation, which there is no occasion to repeat, as they must and 



y.] SLAVERY. 59 

can appear clear to every gentleman in this house. A Committee 
of States was appointed, in order to accommodate the matter, and, 
after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on the footing of 
the Constitution. By this settlement we have secured aii un- 
limited importation of negi'oes for twenty years; nor is it de- 
clared when that importation shall be stopped — it may be con- 
tinued. We have a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part 
of America they may take refuge. In short, considering all cir- 
cumstances, we have made the best terms for the security of 
this species of property it was in our power to make; we would 
have made better if we could, but, on the whole, I do not think 
them had."— Ellioii's Debates, Vol. IV, p. 285. 

A few more examples of the abhorrence in which 
the slave traffic was held by the purest men of the 
revohitionary period, may tend to awaken a spirit of 
reverence, in the mind of the reader of these pages, 
for the illustrious dead. 

The following quotation is from a sermon preached 
by the Rev. Jonathan Edwards at New Haven, Con- 
necticut, September 15th, 1791. Connecticut at this 
time was a Slave State: 

"African Slavery is exceedingly impolitic, as it discourages 
industry. Nothing is more essential to the political prosperity of 
any State, than industry in the citizens; but, in j^roportion as 
slaves are multiplied, every kind of labor becomes ignominious, 
and, in fact, in those of the United States in which slaves are the 
most numerous, gentlemen and ladies of any fashion disdain to 
employ themselves in any business, which in the other States is 
consistent with the dignity of the first families and the first offi- 
cers. In a country filled with negro slaves, labor belongs to 
them only, and a white man is desx^ised in proportion as he ap- 
plies to it. Now, how destructive of industry in all of the lowest 
and middle classes of citizens such a situation, and the prevalence 
of such ideas will be, you can easily conceive. The consequence 
will be, that some will nearly starve; others will betake them- 
selves to the most dishonest practices, to obtain a means of liv- 
ing. As Slavery produces an indolence in the white pox^ulation, 
so it produces all those vices which are naturally connected with 



60 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

it, such as intemperance, lewdness, and prodigality. These vices 
enfeeble both the body and the mind, and unfit men for any vig- 
orous action and emj)loyment, either external or mental; and 
those who are unfit for such exertion are already very degener- 
ate — degenerate not only in a moral, but a natural sense; they 
are contemptible, too, and will soon be despised, even by the 
negroes themselves. 

" Slavery tends to lewdness, not only as it produces indolence, 
but as it affords abundant opportunity for that wickedness, with- 
out either the danger or difficulty of an attack on the virtue of a 
woman of chastity, or the danger of a connection with one of ill 
fame. A planter, with his hundred wenches about him, is in 
some respect, at least, like the Sultan in his seraglio; and we 
learn too frequently the influence and effect of such a situation, 
not only from common fame, but from a multitude of mulattoes 
in countries where slaves are numerous. 

" Slavery has a most direct tendency to haughtiness also; and 
a domineering sj)irit and conduct in the proj^rietors of slaves, in 
their children, and in all who have control of them. A man who 
has been brought iip in domineering over negroes can scarcely 
avoid contracting such a habit of haughtiness and domination as 
will express itself in his general treatment of mankind, whether 
in his private capacity, or any office, civil or military, with which 
he ma}' be vested. Desj)otism in economics naturally leads to 
despotism in politics; and domestic Slavery in a free Government 
is a perfect solecism in human affairs. 

" How baneful all these tendencies and effects of Slaver}' must 
be to the public good, and especially to the public good in such 
a free country as ours, I need not inform you." — Sermons, 
1775-99, p. 10. 

The following is an extract from a letter written by 
Washington to Lafayette, dated April 5th, 1783: 

" The scheme, my dear Marquis, which you propose as a pre- 
cedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people in this 
country, from that state of bondage in which they are held, is a 
striking evidence of the benevolence of your heart. I shall be 
happy to join you in so laudable a work, but will defer going into 
detail of the business until I have the pleasure of seeing you." — 
Sparks' Washinc/lon, Vol. VIII, p. 414. 



v.] SLAVERY. 61 

During the session of the Convention at Philadel- 
phia, which framed the Federal Constitution, the last 
session of the Continental Congress was being held at 
the city of New York. Many lovers of Freedom in that 
illustrious body had seriously felt the importance of 
some national legislation upon the subject of the spread 
of Slavery into the unorganized Territories lying to the 
north and west. Especially were the men of the New 
England States active in this. They had at an early 
day taken steps to prevent its spread or development 
within their own limits ; and soon after the first impor- 
tation into Virginia, had pronounced the traffic in men 
a heinous offense against God. As early as the year 
1703, they laid a duty of four pounds (>£4) upon each 
negro imported into the Calony of Massachusetts. 

The Congress now in session had seen the impend- 
ing evil. The black cloud at the South, at first so 
small, was fast developing into limitless proportions. 

Mr. Jefferson's Ordinance, of 1784, had been shorn 
of its efficiency, by having the clauses prohibiting 
Slavery stricken out, to please the Democrac}^ 

This Congress had appointed a Committee to provide 
some remedy for the evil. Nathan Dana, of Massachu- 
setts, was Chairman; and on the 11th day of July, 
1787, a plan was reported, promulgating "An Ordi- 
nance for the government of Territories of the United 
States northwest of the Ohio." 

Nothing had been said about the Territory south of 
the Ohio ; so that, by making a distinction in this Or- 
dinance, or being silent as to any action in relation to 
the Southern Territor3^ it was soon agitated by the 
Democracy, that this field was to be left open to Slavery. 

The following is the Ordinance, Article YI being the 
only one relating to Sla^^ery: 



62 EEPUBLICANIS:,! IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

THE ORDINANCE OF 1787, 

Passed by Congress previous to the adoption of the Constitution, 
and subsequently adopted by Congress, August 1th, 1789, entitled, 
"An Ordinance for the Government of the Territory of the United 
States northwest of the Iliver Ohio." 

Article YI. — There sliall be neither Slavery nor involuntary 
servitude in the said Territory, otherwise than in punishment' of 
crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted : Pro- 
vided always, that any person escaping" into the same, from whom 
labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original 
States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to 
the person claiming his or her labor or service, as aforesaid. 

Done by the United States in Congress assembled, the thir- 
teenth day of July, in the year of our Lord 1787, and of the Sov- 
ereignty and Independence the twelfth. 

William Grayson, Cliairtnan. 
Charles Thompson, Secretary 

This Ordinance soon became a great stumbling-block 
in the road of the Democracy. 

After the admission of Ohio, in 1803, the vast ter- 
ritory to the north, known as Indian Territory, began 
to fill up with settlers from the Slave States. Of 
course, they must take their property with them. To 
this the party of freedom objected, and invoked the 
stern letter of the Ordinance. William H. Harrison, 
subsequently President of the United States, being Gov- 
ernor of the Territorj^, petitioned Congress to suspend 
the Ordinance, and allow slaves to enter the Territory 
without hindrance. 

Memorials and petitions from the emigrants, with 
prayers and supplications from Harrison, were con- 
stantly before Congress, imploring it to relax the sixth 
article, and allow them to deal in men. These peti- 
tions met with but little success; and soon counter peti- 



v.] ORDINANCE OF 1787. 63 

tions were sent to the National Congress by citizens 
from the Free States, now settling in the Territory. 

For four years, the Slave Party agitated the repeal 
of this Ordinance ; but, hj the well timed interposition 
of the friends of freedom, the extensive territory, out 
of which the States of Illinois, Michigan, Indiana, and 
Wisconsin were formed, was dedicated to Freedom. 



CHAPTER YI. 

JIEETrNO- OF FTRST CONGRESS UNDER THE COXSTITTJTION.— GEOEGE WASHING- 
TON ELECTED PRESIDENT.— JOHN ADIMS VICE-PRESIDENT.— VOTE AT THE 
ELECTION.— FIRST BUSINESS OF CONGRESS. —POWERS OF THE PRESIDENT 
TO REMOVE FROM OFFICE. —DEBATES UPON THE POWERS OF THE PRES- 
IDENT.— TENURE OF CIVIL OFFICE,- AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

The first Congress under the Constitution met at New 
York, on the 4th day of March, 1789; but not until 
the 1st of April was a quorum present, and no quorum 
of the Senate until the Gth. On this day, the creden- 
tials of the members present being read and ordered 
on file, the Senate proceeded by ballot to the choice 
of a President to preside over that body, for the sole 
purpose of opening and counting the votes for Presi- 
dent of the United States. John Langdon was elected. 

The Members of Congress and the Senate assembled 
in the Senate Chamber, and proceeded to count the 
vote of the Electors for President and Yice-President 
of the United States, which was as follows : George 
Washington, 69; John Adams, ol; Samuel Hunting- 
ton, 2; John Jay, 9; John Hancock, 4; Robert H. 
Harrison, 6; George Clinton, 3; John Rutledge, G; 
John Milton, 2 ; James Armstrong, 1 ; Edward Telfair, 
1; Benjamin Lincoln, 1. 

George Washington having received all the votes 
cast, and John Adams the next higliest number, were 
declared President and Vice-President of the United 
States; and on the oOth of April, the President and 
Yice-President, attended by the Members of Congress, 
were joined by the Senators; the Chancellor of New 



YL] THE FIRST PRESIDENT. 65 

York administered to the President the constitutional 
oath of office, concluding with, "Long live George 
Washington, President of the United States." 

The President, having taken his seat, after a brief 
pause, proceeded to deliver his Inaugural Address. 

The wheels of the new Government were being fast 
put into motion. But, so far, the Union consisted 
of only eleven States. Georgia had not 3^et ratified the 
National Constitution, and Rhode Island had neither 
sent delegates to the Convention, nor made any move 
toward entering the Union; so that Rhode Island and 
Georgia were foreign nations^ and were now acknowl- 
edged as such, by Congress passing special laws exempt- 
ing their goods — the growth or manufacture of these 
States — from foreign duty, and their vessels to be en- 
tered on the same privileges as those of the United 
States, until the 15th of January, 1790. Georgia and 
Rhode Island subsequently adopted the Constitution, 
and became members of the Union. (See States, Ap- 
pendix.) 

The first business attended to was the rates of tariff 
on imports, and the presentation of the application of 
the Legislature of Virginia, proposing amendments to 
the Constitution, which brought on a warm debate upon 
the constitutional manner of proposing and enacting such 
amendments. The next subject demanding constitutional 
application was the question raised upon the appointment 
and removal of the heads of tlie three departments cre- 
ated by the Congress — the department of State, of the 
Treasury, and of War ; and upon the question now 
raised, as to whether the powder rested, in the President 
alone to remove the heads of these departments, or 
whether, as in their appointments, the concurrence of 
the Senate was necessary, involved the same principles 



C6 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

and inquiry that have agitated the executive and legis- 
lative departments of the National Government, upon 
the removal of Mr. Stanton, Secretary of War, by the 
Executive alone, during the session of the fortieth 
Congress, and while the Senate was still in session. 

The differences of opinion entertained and expressed 
in this first Congress, upon this vital question, have been 
happily settled by the legislative department of the 
nation defining and regulating the powers, and the man- 
ner of removal from civil office, by the law passed at 
the second session of the thirty-ninth Congress, known 
as the Tenure of Office Bill. This law settles the ques- 
tion of removal, in making it imperative upon the same 
power that appoints to remove — namely, the President, 
hy and with the consent mid advice of the Senate. Below 
are the leading features of this law : 

CHAPTEE CLIT. TENtmE OF CrVTL OFFICE. 

Section 1. Persons holding, or appointed to any civil office 
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall be en- 
titled to hold such office until a successor shall have been in like 
manner ajopointed and duly qualified. The Secretaries of State, 
of the Treasury, of War, of the Navy, and of the Interior, the 
Postmaster-General and the Attorney-General, shall hold their 
offices respectively for and during the term of the President by 
•whom they may have been appointed, and for one month there- 
after, subject to removal by and with the advice and consent of 
the Senate. 

Sec, 2. When civil officers, excepting Judges of the United 
States Courts, shall, during a recess of the Senate, be shown by 
evidence satisfactory to the President, to be guilty of misconduct 
in office, or crime, or for any reason shall become incapable, or 
legally disqualified to perform its duties, in such a case ibe Pres- 
ident may suspend such officer and designate some suitable per- 
son to j)erform temporarily the duties of such office, until the 
next meeting of the Senate. Such persons shall take Iho oath, 
and give the bonds required by law. In such cases, it shall be 



VI.] REMOVAL PROM OEFICB. 67 

the duty of the President, within twenty days after the meeting 
of the Senate, to report to that body such suspension, with the 
evidence and reasons for his action in the case, and the name of 
the person so designated to perform the duties of such office. If 
the Senate concurs, the President may remove the officer and ap- 
point a successor; if the Senate does not concur, the suspended 
officer resumes hia office, and receives again the oiSjcial salary 
and emoluments. 

The following extracts fi-oiri the debates at the first 
session of the American Congress under the Constitu- 
tion, relative to the power of removal from ofEce, may 
be read with profit and interest. 

In the House of Representatives, during the first 
session of the first American Congress under the Con- 
stitution, on the 19th day of May, 1789, upon the dis- 
cussion arising upon the power of the Executive under 
the Constitution to appoint to or remove from ofi&ce 
any of the heads of departments of the National Gov- 
ernment, a resolution was introduced by Mr. Madison: 

"That there should be established an Executive Department, 
to be denominated the Department of Foreign Affairs; at the 
head of which there shall be an officer, to be called the Secretary 
of the Department of Foreign Affairs, who shall be appointed by 
the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
and to be removed by the President." 

The establishment of the office of Foreign Affairs, 
with an officer at its head, denominated the Secretary 
of Foreign Affairs, was agreed to in Committee. When 
they came to the mode of appointing and removing 
such officer, there arose a discussion upon the constitu- 
tional powers to effect this. Mr. Smith, of South Caro- 
lina, moved to strike out the words "who shall be 
appointed by the President, by and with the advice 
and consent of tlie Senate." He conceived the words 



68 EEPUBLICANISM IN A3IEEICA. [Chap. 

to be unnecessary ; besides, it looked as if they were 
conferring power, which was not the case, for the Con- 
stitution had expressly given the power of appoint- 
ment in the words there used. He also objected to 
the subsequent part of this paragraph, because "it 
declared the President alone to have the power of 
removal." Mr. Madison remarked: 

"That, as tliere was a discretionary power in the Legislature 
to give the privilege to the President alone of appointing officers, 
there could be no injury in declaring in the resolution the con- 
stitutional mode of appointing the heads of dejoartments; how- 
ever, if gentlemfin were uneasy, he would not abject to striking 
it out."' 

Mr. Lee thought there was no objection to the words 
in the resolution. 

Mr. Smith, of South Carolina^ said: 

" This officer is at the head of a department, and one of those 
who are to advise the President ; the inferior officers mentioned 
in the Constitution are clerks and other subordinate persons. 
The words are only a repetition of the words in tlifi Constitution, 
and are consequently superfluous." 

The question was taken on striking out the words 
alluded to, and carried in the affirmative : then followed 
a lengthy discussion upon the power of the President 
to remove from office the heads of departments, which 
was participated in by Madison, Smith, Lee, Benson, 
Vincing, Bland, Jackson, Boudinot, White, Thatcher, 
Sjdvcster, Goodhue, Gerry, Livermore, Clymer, and 
others. Mr. Bland said: 

" The power given by the Constitution to the Senate, respect- 
ing the appointment to office, would be rendered almost nuga- 
tor3% if the President had the power of removal. If the first 
nominatioiL of the President should be disapproved by the Sen- 



YL] REMOVAL FROM OFFICE. 69 

ate, and the second agreed to, the President would have nothing 
to do but wait the adjournment of Congress, and then fill the 
vacancy with his favorite, who, by thus getting into possession 
of the office, would have considerable chance of permanency in 
it. He thought it consistent with the nature of things that the 
power which appointed should I'emove ; and would not object to 
a declaration in the resolution, if the words were added ' that 
the President shall remove from office, by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate.' He agreed that the removal by 
impeachment was a supplementary aid in favor of the jDCople; 
but he was clearly of the opinion that the same power that 
appointed had, and ought to have, the power of removal." 

Mr. Jackson said: 

" He agreed with the gentleman in the general principles, that 
the body who appointed ought to have the power of removal, as 
the body which enacts laws can repeal them." 

Mr. White: 

" Thought no office under the Grovemment was to be held 
during pleasure, except those which are to be constituted by law; 
but all the heads of departments are to be appointed by the 
President, and with the consent and advice of the Senate. He 
conceived that in all eases the party who appointed ought to 
jv.dge of the removal, except in those cases which, by the Con- 
stitution, are exceptec" , and in those cases impeachment and 
conviction are the only mode by which they can be removed." 

Mr. Sylvester said: 

" He inclined to the sentiments of the gentleman from Vir- 
ginia (Mr. Bland), who thought the Senate ought to be joined 
with the President in the removal, as they were joined by the 
Constitution in the appointment to office." 

Mr. Gerry: 

" The Constitution provides for the appointment of the public 
officers in this manner: The President shall nominate, and by 
and with the consent and advice of the Senate, shall appoint 
Embassadojs, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the 



70 REPUBLICANISM IN AJVIERICA. [Chap. 

Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose 
appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which 
shall be established by law. Now if there be no other clause 
respecting the appointment, I shall be glad to see how the heads 
of departments are to be removed by the President alone. Yv hat 
clause is it that gives this power in express terms? I believe 
there is no such. If there is a jjower of removal besides that by 
impeachment, it must rest somewhere; it must vest in the Presi- 
dent, or in the President and the Senate, or in the President, 
Senate, and House of Representatives. Now there is no clause 
which expressly vests it in the President. I believe that no gen- 
tleman contends that it is in the House, because that would be 
that mingling of the executive and legislative powers gentlemen 
deprecate. I presume the gentleman will grant, that if there is 
such a power, it vests with the President by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate, who are the body that appoints. I 
think we ought to be cautious how we stej) in between the Presi- 
dent and the Senate, to abridge the power of one or increase the 
other," 

Mr. Livermore; 

" Considered this a constitutional question, and was of opin- 
ion that the same power which appointed to office had the right 
of removal also, unless it was restrained by an express declara- 
tion to the contrary. As the President by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate is empowered to appoint Embassa- 
dors, certainly they have a right to remove them and appoint 
others. * * * * jje took it, therefore, in the present 
case, that the President and the Senate would have the power to 
remove the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. The only question, 
therefore, which appears to be before the Committee, is, whether 
we shall give this power to the President alone ? " 

Mr. Bland: 

"Their inquiries were then reduced to this point: Does it 
reside, agreeably to the Constitution, in the President, or in 
the President and the Senate? The Constitution declares, that 
the President and the Senate shall appoint; and it naturally 
follows that the power which appoints shall remove also. What 
would be the consequence of the removal hj the President alone ? 



VI.] REMOVAL FROM OFFICE. 71 

He had already mentioued and need not repeat. A new Presi- 
dent might, by turning out of the great offices, bring about a 
change of the ministry and throw the affairs of the Union into 
disorder ; would not this in fact make the President a monarch, 
and give him absolute power over all the great departments of 
the Government? It signifi.es nothing, that the Senate has a 
check over the appointments, because he can remove and tire 
out the good disjposition of the Senate." 

The argnments in favor of the power of removal 
being in the President alone were urged with great 
earnestness, and a majority of the House seemed to 
favor that view, for on the question being put on the 
resolution, that "by and with the advice and consent 
of the Senate" be added, it was lost — more upon the 
ground, however, that as it was left to the Congress to 
place the appointing power where it saw lit; that it 
might also regulate the manner of removal, if any 
should be deemed necessary, in addition to those meth- 
ods prescribed by the Constitution. The "'Tenure of 
Civil Office Act" puts to rest this agitating question. 

At the time alluded to above (the meeting of the 
first Congress), twelve amendments were proposed to 
the Constitution, ten of which were soon adopted ; and 
upon these amendments have depended much of our 
greatness and liberty as a .nation, as abo upon the sub- 
sequent amendments; but, as these amendments, to- 
gether with the entire Constitution, will be made the 
subject of comment in a subsequent chapter, I refer 
the reader to it, as also to the Constitution itself, in the 
Appendix to this book. 



CnAPTER VII. 

SLAVERY.— ITS ORIGIN.— LAWS CONCERNING SLAVERY.— ABOLITION OF.— SLAV- 
ERY AMONGST THE ANCIENTS.— ADDRESS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY ASSOCIA- 
TION.— DIVINITY OF SLAVERY. 

The history of liumnn Slavery dates baek to the 
earliest knowledge of the human race, and a species 
of this iniquity seems to have existed in mild forms, 
brought about by distinction of physical power, the 
possession of some species of wealth, or by the vol- 
untary act of men selling themselves, and even their 
wives and children, for the liquidation of some debt, 
perhaps contracted on the throw of a dice in the lot- 
tery; but the selling by force, and against the will of 
the victims, had its origin by the captors selling the 
conquered. 

Nimrod seems to have been the first dealer in slaves 
after the deluge, for on his invasion of the territories 
of Asliur, the son of Shem, in the territory of Shinar, 
having seized upon Babylon, he compelled the captives 
to be employed in building and repairing the Capitol. 
Abraham, who was born about seventy years after the 
death of Nimrod, had three himdred and eighteen 
slaves, horn in his own house. 

The practice of buying and selling slaves was upheld 
by the Jewish laws. They were to be bought only of 
the heathen^ and if any of the Jewish people sold them- 
selves into Slavery, they were to be liberated at the 
year of Jubilee; and their Great Lawgiver had said: 
"He that stealeth a man and sellcth him shall surely 



VI r.] HISTORY OF SLAVERY. 73 

bo put to death;" but this applied only to their own 
race. 

Soon the evil spread into Egjrpt-, Arabia, Chaldea, 
and iiito every region of the earth. The Phoenicians 
and Greeks, in the age of Homer, were kidnapping 
their own countrymen and selling them into bondage, 
and Ulysses himself barely escaped capture and being 
sold as a slave. 

When riiilip of Macedonia conquered the Thebans, 
he made all the captives slaves, and Alexander, when 
he took the city of Thebes, sold the whole inhabitants 
— men, women, and children. In Athens and Rome 
all prisoners were held as slaves. The representation 
of the beautiful Hecuba, wife of Priam, complaining, 
as she is, like a dog chained at the gate of Agamemnon, 
shows the extent of the practice amongst those who 
afterwards claimed a place amongst the lovers of human 
freedom. 

Fabius, when he subdued Sarentum, sold thirty thou- 
sand of the citizens to the highest bidder; and the 
generous man, orator, statesman and General, Julius 
Caesar, sold at one time fifty-three thousand slaves, his 
captives in war. By the laws of the twelve tables, 
creditors were empowered to seize their insolvent debt- 
ors and hold them until they discharged by their labor 
the sums due ; the children of all slaves were the prop- 
erty of their masters. 

A species of Slavery existed among the ancient Ger- 
mans and in England, as will appear by a commission 
issued by Queen Elizabeth, as late as the year 1574. 
Anglo-Saxons were held in a species of Slavery. 

In Scotland, also, the Slavery of their own kin in 
the form of vassalage, service, and homage to the Laird, 
long kept their people behind in the march of liberty. 



74 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

There is no lixcd date at whicli to place the begin- 
ning of the Slavery of the negro; no doubt remains 
but that Slavery existed amongst themselves as early 
as the creation of their race; and centuries before a 
European ever saw an African, tlie ]\Iohanniiedan Arabs 
were receiving slaves from Africa. Xor is the Slavery 
of man confined to the enslavement of the negro to 
the white man or of his own race; for to this day the 
enslavement of the white by tlie colored races of Africa, 
although of rare occurrence, still has existence. Nei- 
ther can we well understand tliat the enslavement of 
the white race in this Republic did not exist to a very 
great extent up to the close of the late rebellion; in- 
deed, since the passage of the national laws prohibit- 
ing the importation of slaves, and making it a felony, 
the proprietors of the original African stock held it in 
such affectionate embrace that it grew pale by degrees, 
and although the chattel bore a strong family resem- 
blance to the ancestors and present proprietors of the 
plantation, and the microscope had to be applied to 
his head to determine his status in the Courts of law, 
two facts alone were necessary to place him on the 
schedule of tlie insolvent, on the list of the bankrupt 
or forced sale, and liable for the debts of his master, 
viz: Had he any African blood in him, and icas he horn in 
Slavenj — was his mother a slave? Either one of these 
facts alone was sufficient to establish the proprietor- 
ship of the master who followed him into the Free 
States, and to cause a delivery of him, under the Fugi- 
tive Slave laws, and to proclaim him, under the decis- 
ions of the highest judicial power of the nation, ''not 
entitled to any of the rights of the citizen." 

We have seen in preceding chapters the abhorrence 
in which the traffic in men was held by the leading 



VII.] HISTORY OF BLAVEItY. 75 

statesmen and patriots of tlic revolutionary times, and 
in otir own day, how the common liuirjanity of our 
nature rebels against such a practice. Tlie v(;iy idea 
that a (^Jovernment wnl/l be Republican in form and 
maintain within its Constitution and laws a force hold- 
ing; certain classes of its inhabitants as merchandise, is 
an inconsistency at once palpably at variance with the 
meaning of the word Republic, and inconsistent with 
the theory and principles of a free nation; but the 
Constitution upheld this practice, and with each suc- 
ceeding year, with the increase of the interests of the 
elave population, their increase in numbers, and their 
political influence in the representation in the National 
Legislature, came forth the stern demands of the pro- 
prietor for protection of, and guarantees against any 
interference with the institution, either State or Na- 
tional. These demands involved two subjects of vital 
importance, which for the last thirty years had ab- 
sorbed the whole public attention, and diverted the 
legislative branch of the nation from the consideration 
of all things not interested with them — Slavery, its 
protection within the Slave States, and its rights in the 
puljlic territory. 

The humane Thomas Jefl'erson, soon after his acces- 
sion to the Presidency, in his message to Congress in 
1800 and 1807, recommended to that body the passage 
of laws prohibiting the importation of persons of color 
and abolishing the slave trade; which, by the Consti- 
tution, might be terminated at the end of the year 

1807. A law was passed, taking effect January 1st, 

1808, prohibiting the slave trade, or importation of 
persons of color, for the purpose of selling or holding 
them as slaves, and making it a high crime, subject to 
fine and imprisonment. This was a step in the for- 



76 . EEPUBLICANISM IN AilERICA. [Chap. 

ward march of liberty. By this the great supply fount- 
ains of the raw material were cut off from the South, 
and a careful liushandry of the stock on hand had to be 
resorted to in order to propagate the species ; and from 
this period dates the marked discoloration and assimila- 
tion of the American negro to the American citizen. 

The abomination of this new feature — of men, women 
and children, born on American soil, and white as their 
masters, being the subjects of sale, sold and separated 
regardless of the ties of affinity and consanguinity that 
bound them together — had excited the just indigna- 
tion of the masses of the Free States, where a love of in- 
dustry and honest gain from the results of their toil had 
broken down the ancient landmarks of class and family 
prestige, and where a new field of unbounded activity 
and prosperity drew the masses more closely together, 
upon a common platform, than had been reached in 
any land, since the introduction of civilization. 

This growing feeling of resentment, as might have 
been expected, began to take practical form under the 
shadow of the Charter Oak — beside the towering col- 
umn of Bunker Hill Monument — by the side of Fan- 
euil Hall — at the schools of learning at Cambridge — 
on the altar dedicated to the service of God — upon 
the same soil and by the descendants of those fearless 
patriots who bearded the British lion and wrenched 
from English tyranny the jewel of American liberty. 

Following in the march of freedom, soon all the 
Free States, or the greater portion of their people, 
joined in sympathy and cooperation with the party of 
emancipation, and formed the Anti-Slavery organiza- 
tion, which, from 1833-5, so agi'.ated the Slave States 
against the operations of these societies. Powerful 
combinations of men at the North were formed to 



VIL] HISTORY OF SLAVERY. 77 

oppose them; and the South, after enacting severe pen- 
alties for the crime of "agitating" the subject, the cir- 
culation of papers and tracts, and after offering large 
rewards for the heads of leading Abolitionists at the 
North, South Carolina, by public meetings, declared 
that, unless the Free States put an end to these Anti- 
Slavery Societies, at their next meeting, she would 
secede from the Union. From this date forward, until 
the opening of the late rebellion, an active contest and 
bitter hostility existed between the Slave and Free 
States, all growing out of the altered condition of the 
North and South, and the incompatibility of Slavery 
existing in a Republic. Tlie issue was fairly joined in 
this: The South said Anti-Slavery agitation must be 
stopped; that all papers advocating the emancipation 
of the slaves were destructive of Southern interests 
and seditious, and ought to be prohibited from being 
circulated in the mails, and charged the Anti-Slavery 
Societies as being disturbers of the public peace, and 
in favor of a dissolution of the Union; to which the 
American Anti-Slavery Association, in August, 1835, 
issued the following declaration of principles: 

To THE Public. 

"In behalf of tlie American Anti-Slavery Society, we solicit 
the candid attention of the public to the following declaration 
of our principles and objects. Were the charges which are 
brought against us made only by individuals who are interested 
in the continuance of Slavery, and by such as are influenced 
solely by unworthy motives, this address would be unnecessary ; 
but there are those who merit and possess our esteem who would 
not voluntarily do us injustice, and who have been led by gross 
misrepresentations to believe that we are pursuing measures at 
variance, not only with the constitutional rights of the South, 
but with the precepts of humanity and religion ; to such we offer 
the following explanations and assurances ; 



78 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

*' 1st. Wo hold that Cougress has no more right to abolish 
Slavery iu the Southern States thau iu the French West India 
Islands ; of course, wo desire no national legislation upon the 
subject. 

'' '2d. We hold that Slavery can only be lawfully abolished by 
the Legislatures iu the several States in which it prevails, and 
that the exercise of any other than moral influence to induce 
such abolition is unconstitutional. 

"3d. We believe that Congress has the same right to abolish 
Slavery iu the District of Columbia that the State Governments 
have Avitliiu their respective jurisdictions, and that it is their 
duty to ellaco so foul a blot from the national escutcheon. 

"-1th. AVe believe that American citizens have the same right 
to express and publish their opinions of the Constitution, laws 
and institutions of any and every State and nation under heaven ; 
and wo mean never to surrender the liberty of speech, of the 
press, or of conscience — blessings we have inherited from our 
fathers, and which we intend, as far as we are able, to transmit 
unimpaired to our children. 

" 5th. Wo have uniformly deprecated all forcible attempts on 
the part of the slaves to recover their liberty ; and were it in our 
power to address them, we would exhort them to observe a quiet 
and peaceful demeanor, and would assure them that no insur- 
rectionary movements on their part would receive from us the 
slightest aid or countenance. 

" (Uh. We wo\dd deplore any servile insurrection, both on 
account of the calamities which would attend it, and on ac- 
count of the occasion it might furnish of increased severity and 
ojipression. 

"7th. We are charged with sending incendiary publications 
to the South ; if by the term incendiary is meant publications 
containing arguments and facts to prove Slavery to be a moral 
and i>olitical evil, and that duty and policy require its imme- 
diate abolition, the charge is true ; but if this chai'ge is used to 
imply publications encouraging insurrection, and designed to 
excite the slaves to break their fetters, the charge is utterly and 
unequivocally false. We beg our fellow citizens to notice, that 
this charge is made without proof, and by many who confess 
that they have never read our publications, and that those who 
make it oiler to the public no evidence from our writings iu 
support of it. 



VII.] ANTI-SLAVERY ASSOCIATION 79 

" 8tli. Wo arc accuBecl of sending our publications to tho 
slaves, and it is asserted that their tendency is to excite insur- 
rections. Both of tho charges are false. These publications are 
not intended for tho slaves, and were they able to read them, 
they would find in them no encouragement to insurrection. 

" 9th. We are accused of employing agents in the Slave States 
to distribute our publications. AVe have never had one' such 
agent ; we have sent no packages of our newspapers to any per- 
son in those States for distribution, except to respectable resi- 
dent citizens, at their own request ; but we have sent by mail 
single papers addressed to public officers, editors of newspapers, 
clergymen, and others; if, therefore, our object is to excite the 
slaves to insurrection, the masters are our agents. 

" We believe Slavery to bo sinful, injurious to this and to 
every other country in which it prevails ; we believe immediate 
emancipation to be the duty of every slaveholder, and that the 
immediate abolition of Slaver}', by those who have a right to 
abolish it, would be safe and wise ; these opinions we have fi-eely 
expressed, and we certainly have no intention to refrain from 
expressing them in future, and urging them upon the consciences 
and hearts of our fellow citizens who hold slaves or apologize 
for Slavery. 

" We believe the education of the poor is i-equired by duty, 
and by a regard for the permanency of our republican institu- 
tions. There are thousands and tens of thousands of our fellovr 
citizens, even in the Free States, sunk in abject poverty, and who, 
on account of their complexion, are virtually kept in ignorance, 
and whose instruction in certain cases is actually prohibited by 
law. We are anxious to protect "^he rights, and to promote the 
virtue and happiness of the colored portion of our population, 
and on this account, we have been charged with a design to 
encourage intermarriages between the whites and blacks. This 
charge has been repeatedly, and is now again denied, while we 
repeat that the tendency of our sentiments is to put an end to 
the criminal amalgamation that prevails wherever Slavery exists. 

"Wo are accused of acts that tend to a dissolution of the 
Union, and even of wishing to dissolve it. We have never 
* calculated the value of the Union,' because we believe it to 
be inostimable, and that tho abolition of Slavery will remove tho 
chief danger of its dissolution; and one of the many reasons why 
we cherish and will endeavor to preserve the Constitution is, 



80 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

that it restrains Congress from making any law abridging tlie 
freedom of speech or of the press. 

" Such, fellow citizens, are our principles. Are they unworthy 
of Republicans and Christians ? or are they in truth so atrocious, 
that in order to prevent their diffusion you are yourselves willing 
to surrender, at the dictation of others, the invaluable privilege 
of free discussion; the very birthright of Americans ? Will you, 
in order that the abominations of Slavery may be concealed from 
i:)ublic view, and that the Capitol of your Eepublic may continue 
to be, as it now is, under the sanction of Congress, the great 
slave mart of the American Continent, consent that the general 
Government, in acknowledged defiance of the Constitution and 
Laws, shall appoint throughout the length and breadth of your 
land, ten thousand censors of the press, each of whom shall have 
the right to inspect every document you may commit to the 
Post Office, and to suppress every pamphlet and newspaper, 
whether religious or political, which in his sovereign pleasure, he 
may adjudge to contain an incendiary article ? Surel}^ we need 
not remind you, that if you submit to such an encroachment on 
your liberties, the days of our Republic are numbered; and 
that, although Abolitionists may be the first, they will not be 
the last victims offered at the shrine of arbitrary power." 

The principles enunciated in the above resolutions, 
were not alone the sentiments of the body in whose 
name they were issued, but were echoed from the silent 
tomb by the departed friends of freedom, who, in the 
Constitutional Convention of 1787, bartered the Afri- 
can awa}^ for the sake of establishing a Union, which 
could not otherwise have been accomplished under the 
stern threats of Georgia and South Carolina — ''no Slav- 
ery, no Union;" nor could it be thus accomplislied, 
under the solemn announcement of the American 
people, when they declared their independence, that 
''we hold these truths to be self-evident ; that all men 
are created equal; that they are endowed by their 
Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among 
these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." 



YIL] INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY. 81 

Could the principles aclvocateci oy both parties live, 
and the American Republic live ? In their first aspect 
they are arrayed against each other as opposite ele- 
ments. One came from the Occident, stern as an ice- 
berg, his heart cold as the North Pole, bearing chains 
and scourge, full of profane oaths, passion and lust; 
with locks hoary with frost, the breath of whose stern 
command strikes terror to the hearts of the oppressed, 
and whose lightest word chills the soul of the captive. 

The other came from the fair land of hope, the hand- 
maid of equal justice, smiling upon the fair prospect 
of Spring, distributing with a liberal hand the fragrant 
flowers whose leaves glowed with morning's warm sun, 
and whose petals emitted inspiring perfumes, sing-{ng 
choral notes that were echoed back by celestial hosts 
and touched with magic wand the heart of the slave, 
and his soul glowed with hope — she smiled upon the 
captive in his cell, and the closed doors were flung 
open and his shackles fell. 

Avarice and crime called to their aid the influence 
of wealth, wrung from the toil and ,tears of poor 
humanity, bound to a doom more terrible than the car 
of Juggernaut, and invoked the passions of ignorance 
and prejudice, the barbarism of caste, and even called 
upon sectarian, intolerant bigotry, in the name of what 
was called religion, to bind fast the shackles upon the 
captive, and the hosts of Slavery rallied to the standard, 
and lent willing aid to perpetuate the bondage of the 
slave, whose feeble voice, crying for deliverance, was 
drowned in the jubilant shout of the captor, as he 
riveted anew the chains of his victims. 

During all these long years, the elements of the de- 
struction of this mighty crime and blot upon the fair 
name of American Liberty, were slowly and surely pro- 



82 REPUBLICANISM IN AilEEICA. [Cliap. 

gressing. " Forefather's Rock " had been washed of this 
sin. Massachussetts, always in the front ranks of 
equal justice, had declared that no child of God could 
stand upon her soil, or look upon the towering monu- 
ments erected to the memory of her illustrious sons 
who fell in defense of liberty, and be a slave. All the 
New England States had declared the same, and others 
soon followed; a new era in the history of the race had 
dawned, and the wheels of equal justice began to move 
the car of liberty, and up from the sea-side, wherein 
the Pilgrim Fathers had cast the anchor of hope, came 
the voice of intelligence and reason, |)i^oclaiming 
against the iniquity of the traJGfic in man. The engine 
of its destruction was already in motion; the potent 
power of education was digging at its roots; each 
reverberation of the press cast missiles of destruction 
into the camp of the ''peculiar institution;" each 
sermon preached and each hymn sung in the houses of 
worship, wafted hope to the oppresssd; every school- 
house erected was an intrenchment of the army of 
conquest; and each troop of children "with satchel 
and shining morning face," on their march to school, 
was but the prelude to the hosts of the armies of free- 
dom, who marched upon the citadel of the slave- 
holder, and crushed the strongholds of bondage, and 
lifted the unfortunate subject of oppression upon the 
broad platform of manhood equality before the law. 

The doctrines advocated by the slave-holders of 
America as promulgated by the expounders of their 
institutions, John C, Calhoun, Jefferson Davis, Alex- 
ander H. Stephens, and others, of the divine right to 
hold slaves, seems to have had advocates at earlier 
periods of our history; but this divine doctrine did not 
apply alone to the colored races, but also to harharians; 



VII.] BARBARISM OF SLAVERY. 83 

a term not applicable to the colored more than to the 
white race of men; the meaning of the word being 
foreign, wild, or things in their normal condition. 
The Greaks and Romans called all foreigners — such as 
liv^ed vnthout their countries, and were ignorant of their 
language, laws and customs — barbarians. The word 
harbarian with them was not reproachful as with us ; they 
applied it to things, as to manufactures made abroad, 
as Barl)arico2 Yestes^ embroidered garments from foreign 
nations ; Barbaricmn Aunnn, gold from Africa. When 
applied to man, it meant a foreigner; and all such were 
considered slaves, and the Greeks and Romans con- 
sidered themselves their masters so soon as they en- 
tered their countries. 

At a later period, it was thought by other nations, 
that to hold men in Slavery, would aid in teaching 
them the Christian religion; and to this end, the pious 
King Louis XIII signed a law, declaring all negroes 
within his dominions slaves. Who knows, but that it 
was from a reading of this Christian law, and the pure 
piety of the Vice-President of the late Southern Con- 
federacy, A. II. Stephens, that he conceived the philo- 
sophical ideas, advocated by him, of the divine right of 
Slavery. 

The anti-Christian operations of the armies of the 
Republic of America, and the anti- Christian Proclama- 
tion of Emancipation, issued by Abraham Lincoln, no 
doubt entitle the whole Republican party to the name 
of barbarianSj in the estimation of the slave-breeders of 
the South and their Democratic brethren of the North. 

The doctrines and notions of Slavery and barbarians, 
as practiced and understood in Europe, had found 
early advocates in the Colonies of America. Virginia, 
(the mother of Presidents, and the mother of Slavery 



84 REPUBLICANISM IN A5IERICA. [Cliap. 

in the United States) not satisfied with introducing 
Slavery of the negro into America, (twenty having 
arrived at Jamestown, Virginia, on board of a Dutch 
ship in 1G20, the first in America) soon conceived the 
idea of enshiving the harbarian^ and to this end enacted 
a code of laws, that has been in strict conformity with 
the sentiments of the leaders in the Slave States up to 
the date of Emancipation. With this exception, the 
slave-breeder of the latter days, neither discriminated 
between his own child (if a little mixed) and the 
negro, nor between " Christian and harbarianJ' 

As early as the year 1G79, the chivalry of Virginia 
passed laws, turning over to the soldiers the absolute 
possession of all Indians captured by them. The 
statute reads: ''For the better encouragement of 
soldiers, that all Indians taken prisoners in war in the 
Colony, should be the property of their captors." 

Soon after this, it was held that all persons not 
Christians, could be held as slaves. In the case of 
Hudgins v. Wright, it was held by Judge Tucker in 
1682, "That all servants brought into Virginia by sea 
or land, not being Christians, whether negroes. Moors, 
mulattoes, or Indians ; and all Indians which shall 
hereafter be sold by neighboring Indians, or any other 
trafficking with us, as slaves, shall be slaves to all 
intents and purposes." — Hamirag and Mumford's Re- 
ports, p. 139. 



CHAPTER YIII. 

TERRITOKY OF THE UNITED STATES. — GOVERNMENT OF THE TERRITORY.— 
SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY.— ADMISSION OP MISSOURI.— OPPOSITION TO 
HER ADMISSION.— MISSOURI COMPROMISE.— POSITION OF THE FRIENDS OF 
FREEDOM AND OF SLAVERY.— SPEECHES UPON BOTH SIDES. 

One of the subjects agitating the public mind during 
the past thirty years, was in relation to the government 
of the public domain, the great cause of which had its 
origin in the interests of the Slavery question. The 
Territories stretching westward from the Missouri to 
the Pacific, were filling up with a population chiefly 
from the Free States, carrying with them all their love 
of liberty and hatred of Slavery. Ohio, Illinois, 
Michigan and Iowa, had planted themselves upon the 
territorial domain, reaching from the Ohio to the 
great lakes in the west, and had been admitted as Free 
States. Minnesota was still further northward; Wis- 
consin entered the Union from the west, in 1848, with 
a prohibition of Slavery; and now, in 1850, the jewel 
of the Republic, California, with an area greater than 
that of all the New England and Middle States, and 
with a climate, natural mineral and agricultural re- 
sources, unequaled in the world, came with Neptune's 
trident from the shores of the Pacific, and the golden 
harvest of her mountains, proclaiming that her hardy 
sons had planted the flag of liberty where the aurora 
borealis reflects back departed day, and demanded 
admission into the family of States. Her Constitution 
was examined, to see if it was Republican in form. 

Article I. Section 18, reads: "Neither Slavery nor 



86 REPUBLICANISM IN AJVIERICA. [Chap. 

iiivoluutary servitude, unless for the punishment of 
crimes, shall ever be tolerated in this State." The 
Constitution in all its forms seemed to be Republican; 
indeed too much so to suit the Senators and Represen- 
tatives from the Slave States. The friends of freedom 
were anxious for her admission, but they were met 
early in the proceedings with bitter opposition from 
the South. The emaciated form of the leading spirit 
of '' State Rights," ever true to his instincts, was in 
the Senate Chamber — the sands of life fast running 
through the glass, and the kingdom of Slavery crum- 
bling before his gaze, from the Atlantic to the Pacific — 
all the heresies of his youth unrepented, and the accu- 
mulated sins of half a century fresh blown upon him; 
still, with a ^endish propensity clinging to the relics 
of barbarism, he exerted every physical and mental 
effort at his command, to delay the admission of the 
new State, upon the specious argument of her coming 
into the Union without having gone through the pro- 
bationary process of a Territorial Government, and her 
unwieldy proportions. Nor was the voice of John C. 
Calhoun, the only one- raised against the admission of 
California; for now, as in 1820, on the application of 
Missouri for admission into the Union, the powerful 
combination of the entire South stood arrayed against 
her ; but unlike that contest, the South did not pretend 
to feel disposed to enter into any ''Compromise" for 
the interdiction of Slavery in the w^estern territory. 
The act called the "Missouri Compromise," had alreadj'- 
proved inoperative, as Slavery was extending itself into 
the whole western territory. Compromise had passed 
from the thought of the leaders of the South, who, 
now that they had violated the Missouri compact, 
claimed that Congress had no right to legislate upon 



VIII.] MISSOURI COMPROMISE. 87 

Slavery in the Territories ; in fact this was their doctrine 
when they entered into the solemn agreement as follows, 
in 1820, on the admission of Missouri, which is known 
as the Missouri Compromise: 

"That in all that territory ceded by France to the United 
States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty- 
six degrees and thirty minutes, north latitude, not included 
within the limits of the State contemplated by their act. Slavery 
or involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of 
crimes, whereof the parties shall be duly convicted, shall be, and 
is hereby forever prohibited. Provided always, That any person 
escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully 
claimed, in any State or Territory of the United States, such 
fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person 
claiming his or her labor as aforesaid." 

Some of the positions taken, and arguments made, 
by the friends and opponents, at the time of this com- 
pact, to fasten the sin of Slavery upon Missouri by 
National sanction, will serve to aid the reader in deter- 
mining upon the justice or injustice of this league with 
the traders in men. 

On the 16th day of March, 1818, a petition from the 
inhabitants of Missouri, for admission into the Union, 
was presented to Congress. The petition for the ad- 
mission of Maine was now also before that body ; little 
objection was offered to her admission, save by mem- 
bers from the South, who were anxious that certain 
doctrines which had arisen regarding the admission of 
States from territory west of the Mississippi should be 
settled, ''which," said Mr. Clay, "if pei-sevcred in, no 
man can tell where they will end. If conditions were 
to be demanded upon the admission of a State, where 
was the limit?" Mr. Taylor, of New York, said: 

" Congress may admit new States into the Union. * « * 



88 REPUBLICANISM IN AIVIERICA. [Chap. 

Tlie Constitution imposes upon Congress no obligation to admit 
new States; it permits none to demand admission; it authorizes 
no member of the Confederacy to require such admission. The 
President and Senate cannot by treaty admit a State into the 
Union, nor can they impose on Congress an obligation to do it. 
The admission of Louisiana, which was part of the same Terri- 
tory with Missouri, Avas not claimed as a matter of right; it was 
solicited as a favor. The propriety of imposing conditions, 
was then thought reasonable and Constitutional too. A polit- 
ical, as well as every other society, should prescribe the manner 
of obtaining the conditions of membership. The power of 
admitting new States and making the laws necessary and proper 
therefor, gives the right for which we contend; and according 
to the plain and natural interpretation of language, appears 
too evident to need further illustration. 

" By the treaty with France, Congress acquii^ed an incontest- 
able title to the domain, and possession of the ceded territory in 
full sovereignty, with all its rights and appurtenances. The 
only limitation on the exercise of this sovereignty, must be 
found in the Constitution. The sovereignty is general, but 
must be exerted in a manner consistent with the principles of 
our National Grovernment; it, therefore, becomes important to 
ascertain what these princijoles are, in relation to the amendment 
on your table; in other words, is the power of holdi?jg slaves a 
Federal right? In discussing this question, we ought carefully 
to distinguish between the princii)les of the United States 
Government, and those of particular States. 

' ' The doctrines of New Hampshire and Georgia in regard to 
Slavery, are diametrically opposite, and cannot both be the 
doctrines of the United States. The Federal Government is as 
distinct from each of these as they are from each other. All 
these rightfully exercise a limited sovereignty in their proper 
sphere. We further premise, that in a Confederacy like ours, 
the principles of a dominant State naturally acquire a currency 
and artificial value from their connection with honor and power. 
It is evident enough that the United States Government does 
not belong to Virginia any more than to Ohio, * * * 

and is there less danger that the- principles of Virginia in regard 
to Slavery, will acquire popularity, and ultimately pass for those 
of the nation, because she is wise in her policy, and maintains 
-her consequence in every department of your Government '? 



VIII.] ADMISSION OF STATES. 89 

" But let VLB examine what are the principles upon -which the 
United States Government is founded. Do they justify Slavery? 
I answer they do not. Congress with its sovereignty, has 
constantly endeavored to prevent the extension of Slavery, and 
has maintained the doctrine, ' that all men are born equally 
free;' but has disclaimed, and continues to disclaim, an}'' right 
to enforce this doctrine upon State Sovereignties. 

" The first truth declared by this nation at the era of its inde- 
pendence was, ' That all men are created equal; that they are 
endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that 
among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' 
Are we willing to pronounce this declaration, for the support of 
which the fathers of our Revolution pledged their lives and for- 
tunes, a flagrant falsehood? Was this declaration a solemn 
mockery? Did such men as Jefferson, Adams, Franklin, Sher- 
man and Livingston, proclaim to the world a self-evident truth, 
doctrines they did not believe ? Did they lay the foundations 
of this infant Republic in fraud and hypocrisy ? The supposition 
is incredible. These men composed the Committee which reported 
the Declaration of Independence; four of them were delegates 
from Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and New York. 
They expressed the opinions of the States they represented. 
The sentiments of their Chairman on this interesting subject, 
are not contained in the Declaration alone; if further evidence 
be required as to his opinions, it is abundantly furnished in his 
' Notes on Virginia.' His denunciation of Slavery is there ex- 
pressed in language too distinct to be misunderstood; its injus- 
tice is portrayed in glowing colors, and its evils portrayed with 
glowing eloquence. While books are read or truths revered, 
his sentiments on this subject will insure to their author unfading 
honor. 

" In 1S03, Louisiana, including the Territory of Missouri, was 
purchased from France. The third is the only article of the 
Treaty relating to the subject before us; it consists of three 
parts. First. — The inhabitants of the ceded Territory shall be 
incorporated into the Union of the United States. This jiromise 
was to be executed immediately. It extended to all the inhabit- 
ants, wherever resident, and depended on no contingency; with- 
out it, they might have continued aliens, and been treated like 
the inhabitants of a conquered province. The obligation imposed 
by this clause, was discharged by Congress in passing the act of 



90 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

1804, organizing Louisiana into two Territories, and providing 
for the temporary government thereof. By this act they were 
incorporated into the Union, and the laws of the United States 
were extended to them, and they became part of the American 
family, subject to its rules and regulations, and bound to obey 
its authority. Their allegiance was transferred from France to 
the United States; they were obliged to support our Constitution 
and maintain our laws; they necessarily acquired some new 
privileges, and lost some formerly enjoyed. For example: they 
lost the privilege of employing ships in the slave trade — of buy- 
ing foreign slaves — of punishing heresy — and in short, of being 
governed by the laws of France; and they acquired the privilege 
of being governed by the American Congress on principles of 
freedom. These consequences necessarily followed their incor- 
poration into the Union. * * * 

' ' The rights of United States citizenship are founded on the 
Constitution. They are permanent, too, and cannot be taken away 
or afiected by State laws; but the right of holding slaves may 
be taken away by State laws; therefore, it is not a right of 
United States citizenship, and consequently was not guaranteed 
to the inhabitants of this Territory by treaty. The inhabitants 
had no right to calculate on holding slaves; neither the princi- 
ples of the Constitution, nor the practice of the Government, 
justified that expectation. Congress had allowed Slavery to 
exist in no Territory, where its allowance had not been made by 
the State ceding it an express condition of the cession. These 
inhabitants could not reasonably expect greater rights than were 
enjoyed by those of the original Territory of the United States. 
They were authorized to expect the protection of self-govern- 
rai^nt, in the same manner as it had been granted to them. They 
were subject to the determination of Congress as to time, manner, 
boundaries, and every other condition. 

" The third clause of the article: That the inhabitants in the 
meantime, shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoy- 
ment of their liberty, property, and their religion which they 
profess. 

' ' Without stopping to inquire into the general significanco of 
the word projyertij, I take it for granted that it does not include 
the future generations of men, who may be born in the Terri- 
tory. * * * 

" The States of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois Vv^ero admitted into 



VIIL] SLAVERY IN THE TERRITOPJES. 91 

the Uuiou in 1802, 1816 and 1818 ; and the restriction against 
Slavery was applied, without opposition, to all of them. They 
formed their Constitutions accordingly, and are now reaping the 
rich reward of civil, as well as political freedom. 

" The Slave Trade was abolished by the Act of 1807, to tate 
effect on the first day of January, 1808; being the earliest day on 
which Congress could exercise that power. In this manner Con- 
gress has respected the rights of men, and has endeavored,, in 
pursuance of the princijoles of the United States Government, to 
limit the extension of Slavery as much as possible." 

On January 28th, 1820, the discussion of the admis- 
sion of Missouri still being under cousideration, Mr. 
Smyth, of Virginia, said: 

" Has the power to legislate over Slavery been delegated to 
the United States ? It has not. Has it been prohibited to the 
States ? It has not. Then it is reserved to the States respect- 
ively, or to the people ; consequently it is reserved to the State 
of Missouri or to the people of that State, and any attempt of 
Congress to deprive them of this reserved power will be unjust, 
tyrannical, unconstitutional and void. ^: * * 

" The peox:)le of each of the States who adopted the Constitu- 
tion, except Massachusetts, owned slaves, yet they considered 
their own Constitutions to be Republican; and the Federal Gov- 
ernment bas not, by virtue of its power to guarantee a Republican 
Constitution to each State in the Union, required a change of 
the Constitution of any one of these States. 

" The Constitution recognized the right to the slave projierty, 
and it thereby appears that it was intended by the Convention 
and by the people that that projoerty should be secure. 

"The representation of each State in this House is propor- 
tioned by the whole number of free persons and three-fifths of 
the number of slaves. In forming the Constitution, Southern 
States, Virginia excepted, insisted on and obtained a provision 
authorizing them to import slaves for twenty years ; and the 
Constitution provides that slaves running away from iLeir mas- 
ters in one State and going into another, shall be delivered up 
to their masters. 

'* It has seemed to some, that, as Ohio was required to form a 
Constitution agreeing with the Ordinance of Congress of 1787, 



92 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

which excluded Slavery from the Territory northwest of the 
Ohio river, therefore Missouri may be likewise required to 
exclude Slavery by her Constitution. Whatever be the effects 
of the Ordinance of 1787, it has no ajoplication to Missouri; but 
I contend that Ohio is not bound by the ordinance; that she is 
at liberty to decide as she please the question whether she will 
or will not exclude Slavery." 

The following sample of Pro-Slavery eloquence will 
tend to illustrate the passions of its advocates. The 
admission of Missouri, February, 1820, being still un- 
der discussion in the House of Representatives, Mr. 
Reid, of Georgia, among other things, said : 

"But let gentlemen beware! Assume the Mississippi as a 
boundary; say that to the smiling Canaan beyond its waters no 
slave shall approach, and you give a new character to its inhab- 
itants, totally distinct from that which shall belong to the people 
thronging on the east of your limits. You implant diversity of 
pursuits, hostility of feeling, envy, hatred and bitter reproaches, 
which, if 3^ou remain inexorable, if you persist in refusing the 
humble, the decent and reasonable prayer of Missouri (to hold 
slaves), is there no danger that her resistance will rise in propor- 
tion to your oppression ? 

' ' Sir, the firebrands which are even now cast into your society, 
will require blood; aye, and the blood of freedom for its quencJi- 
ing. Your Union shall tremble as under the force of an earth- 
quake; while you incautiously pull down a constitutional barrier, 
you make way for the dark tumultuous and overwhelming waters 
of desolation. If you now sow the winds must you not reap the 
whirlwinds ?" 

According to Mr. Reid's ideas, restricting Slavery in 
Missouri Avas sowing the winds. 

On February 4th, the ^lissouri bill being still before 
the House, Mr. Hardin, of Kentucky, said: 

" One portion of the United States brings forward and sup- 
ports this amendment, under the imposing name of humaaity, 
sympathy and religion, at the- same time uttering the bitterest 



VIII.] MISSOURI COMPROMISE. 93 

curses against the odious and abominable practice of i-etaining a 
part of the human family in bondage. I acknowledge there 
would be great propriety in reprobating the practice upon this 
occasion, if we were the authors of it, or could get clear of it; 
but it has been our misfortune to have it entailed upon us by 
that Government under which we were colonized; and however 
eloquently gentlemen may declaim upon the subject of universal 
liberty, it proves nothing on the present question, although it 
may captivate and enlist all the finer feelings of the sensibili- 
ties of the heart. But I fear, I greatly fear, Mr, Chairman, 
that gentlemen are fighting under false colors— that tliey have 
not yet hoisted their true flag. As this contest is upon the great 
theatre of the world, in the presence of all the civilized nations 
of the earth, and as it is to be viewed by an impartial posterity, 
would it not be more magnanimous to haul down the colors on 
which is engraven humanity, morality and religion, and in lieu 
thereof, unfurl the genuine banner, on which is written a contest 
for political consequence and mastery ? 

" On one side of the House, Mr, Chairman, we are contending, 
not for victory, but struggling for our political existence. We 
have already surrendered to the non-slaveholding States, all 
that region of the American Empire between the great rivers, 
Ohio and Mississippi; and if you tear from us that immense 
country west of the Mississippi, we may at once surrender at dis- 
cretion, crouch at the feet of our adversaries, and beg mercy of 
our proud and haughty victors. 

" Behold, Mr. President, how our tables groan with the cum- 
brous mass of memorials and petitions from town meetings, 
Colonization Societies, and Emancipation Clubs, together with 
resolutions from all the non-slaveholding States. This mode of 
-^^^-^.*i^,^ on this House is extremely unfriendly, and hostile to 
the enactment of good, wise, and salutary laws, * * * 

" The amendment is fraught with great injustice to the people 
of Missouri, Those who lived there and had slaves when the 
country was transferred to the United States, were told in the 
most solemn manner, by the very terms of the Treaty itself, that 
they were to be secured in the free enjoyment of their property, 
and it was then well known to the contracting parties, that a great 
number of the inhabitants had slaves. To those who have moved 
there since, what has been the language of this Government 
to them? It was, that Slavery should be tolerated there, because 



94 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Congress, in the territorial administration of the Government of 
that country, did not prohibit it. 

"Under the persuasion that that description of property was, 
and would continue to be well secured to the rightful proprietors, 
we are told that the slave property which is now there, shall be 
secure to the owners. 

" I have shown that the increase is to be taken from them if 
the amendment be adopted, and the same by necessitj'^ acceded 
to by the people of Miasouri, what will follow as the conse- 
quence? This — that emigration from the slaveholding States 
being substantially prohibited, the population will flow into that 
country exclusively from the North, and in the course of a few 
years, by State regulations, their slaves will be taken from them. 
The gentlemen who advocate this amendment, well know the 
consequences that will follow from the restriction as now jDro- 
posed. Their declaration that the slave property now there is not 
eventually to be effected, is insidious; it cannot deceive us, the 
nation, or gull the people of Missouri. If this were not the 
expected and looked-for consequence, that master-stroke of 
Northern politics, to make it a non-slaveholding State, would be 
an abortion, and fall short of its mark. 

" The people of Missouri have sagacity enough, if this amend- 
ment should be adopted, to know upon what they have to depend; 
that is, their resistance to the measure, or an abandonment of 
their country and homes, because they will never consent to give 
up and lose their slave property. * * * j ^all upon the 
gentlemen from both sides of this House, to tell me what is to 
be the consequence if this question is not settled in some way, 
this session. I may be asked how is this to be done ? I answer, 
by a Compromise, and in no other way. Can either party be so 
vain as to expect a victory? Behold, and see how this nnrio?i 
is divided! Eleven States against eleven, a small majority in 
this House in favor of this amendment, a small one in the 
Senate against it, and the Cabinet, perhaps, not unanimous. 

*' This dispute is like no other that ever came into this House; 
that was ever laid before the legislative bod}' of this nation. 
Party spirit, I know, has at times run high, but the great danger 
f ix)m this question , as it relates to the safety and integrity of the 
Union, is this: That it is not the same State divided into parties; 
it is not the States in the same section of the Union divided 
against each other; it is the North and the East, against the 



YIII.] MISSOURI COMPEOfflSE. 95 

South and tbe "West. It is a great geograpliical line that sepa- 
rates the contending parties; and those parties, when so equally- 
divided, shake mighty empires to their centre, and bi-eak up the 
fountains of the great deep, that sooner or later, if not settled, 
will rend in twain this Temple of Liberty from the top to the 
bottom. 

" My friends reply to me, and say, how can you compromise? 
How can you surrender principles? It strikes me, Mr. Chair- 
man, that this matter can be settled with great facility, if each 
warty be so disposed, and neither give up any point in this ques- 
tion, which may be called principle. Can it not be done by 
permitting Missouri to go into the Union with the restriction, 
and then draw a line from the western boundary of the proposed 
State of Missouri, due west to the Pacific — North of the line pro- 
hibit Slavery, and South permit it ?" 

On February 5tli, the Missouri bill being still under 
discussion, Mr. Hemphill, of Pennsylvania, said : 

"Mr. Chairman: The present amendment does not interfere 
"with the slaves now held by the inhabitants of Missouri; but by 
its operation, their offspring will be free. The cause in which 
we are embarked is just, as its object is to afford to the descend- 
ants of an unhapp}' race, those enjoyments that heaven intended 
to give them; but we are met on the threshold of the discussion, 
and told that Congress has no right to legislate on the subject. 
It is said that the power is too large. It has been compared to an 
ocean, and that Congress ought not to be entrusted with it, the 
danger of it being abused is so great. It is contended, that if 
Congress possesses the power, they might descend to the minutest 
acts of legislation, and introduce new States into the Union, 
mere dwarfs, stripped of all the grandeur of sovereignty. * * 

" But it has been said, that even this condition in restraint of 
Slavery, would manacle a limb of the sovereignty of the proposed 
State of Missouri, and bring her into the Union, as an object of 
scorn, altogether unworthy of the association of her sister States. 
This picture is most unnaturally drawn. It ought rather to have 
drawn her as the Goddess of Liberty, a being incajiable, from the 
composition of her nature, of doing wrong in this respect, and 
yet deprived of no political strength. If any of her sister States 
should disdain to associate with her, the general si^irit of the 
age would condemn such lofty i^i'etensions. 



96 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

" Our ancestors treated this subject in the true light in which 
Liberty and Slavery ought always to be considered; but is the 
spirit that warmed their breasts to pass for nothing? Is the 
Ordinance of 1787 to be reproached as a mere usurpation and 
nothing more ? Let us at least condescend to inquire into these 
first princijoles, and afterwards we can perceive whether they 
ajiply to this particular case or not. 

" I now, Mr. Chairman, beg leave to call the attention of the 
Committee, to the peculiar kind of sovereignty that is to be with- 
held from the proposed State of Missouri. It is pretended that 
she will be deprived of the right of holding men in bbnaaj*, 
but how can this be deemed a right ? It is nothing more than a 
tyrannical abuse of sovereignty. All the laws on earth cannot 
make a right of it. When a people are overcome and enslaved 
for want of ability to resist, thej' do not lose their rights; the 
laws of the oppressing country take from them their remedy. 
They are not held as slaves because they have no rights, but 
they are held by force, and because there is no remedy in their 
■power. :^ ■^ ^ ^ ^ ^- ^ 

" The contest for Liberty was bloodj^ and expensive, and after 
it terminated in the achievement of an independence, and when 
the Eepresentatives of the people assembled to make a Consti- 
tution, among the first difficulties that were presented to them, 
was the unfortunate practice of Slavery. It was pregnant with 
every species of embarrassment; they had fought for liberty, but 
were obliged to countenance within the borders of their own 
country, a state of bondage. For themselves, they could not 
bear political restraint, but their situation had been a paradise, 
compared to the condition of this miserable race. 

" A large portion of the people at that critical moment, were 
constrained to yield to certain principles contained in the Con- 
stitution, as a Federal alliance was considered as the only polit- 
ical event, that could effectually contribute to the tranquillity 
and future greatness of the United States as a nation, a Compri- 
mise was effected. **** * *** 

" But to these Compromises, the people of Missouri were as 
stran'iers. Could the present question in any shape have been 
presented to the Convention ? I appeal to the candor of the 
Committee, if, in their opinion, it would have been sustained 
for a moment, by the patriots of that early day ? Slavery in the 
eld States could not be extinguished, but as to States that were 



VIII.] COMPROMISE DISCUSSION. 97 

to grow up out of the Constitution, it never was intended that 
thej should be inconsistent with the solemn professions made 
to the world. 

"The sentiments of the nation on this subject, were fairly 
evinced by the disposition of the Territory northwest of the Ohio; 
and shall it now be made a serious question, whether we will de- 
liberately extend the practice of Slavery to this boundless region, 
and deny the blessings of liberty to nations unborn, when we 
are left at liberty to act according to our own wishes, and when 
there is no plea of necessity for an excuse? I ardently hope 
that a different result will be the effect of our deliberations. 
****** *** 

"Slavery, in the abstract, strikes the heart with abhorrence. 
This life can have no charms, if it is not sweetened with liberty; 
and if a slave has any accurate knowledge of his condition 
nothing can appear before him but sadness, from the dawn of the 
morning to the close of the evening. * * The gentle- 

men on the other side tell us, that if the restriction is carried the 
Union will be dissolved. * * Will the other slavehold- 
ing States join in the contest? What is there to justify such a 
calamitous event ? AVherein are we betraying our country ? Do 
we not sl:and on the ground of our ancestors ? Are we not main- 
taining the same principles that animated their hearts, when like 
a band of patriotic brothers, they unanimously excluded Slavery 
from the northwestern territory ? I have no wish to say, that the 
honorable gentlemen only mean to intimidate us; that would be 
unkind; but I beg leave to differ with them on this subject. I 
have a more exalted opinion of the patriotism of the South. 
They will never cause American blood to be spilt, unless for 
reasons that would justify them in the eyes of the world; and, 
in the language of Mr. Jefferson, ' The Almighty has no attribute 
that would side with them in such a cause as this would be.' 

"Has it come to this, that the existence of Slavery is to be 
considered as one of the pillars of our liberty ? This, indeed, 
would be a political paradox." 



CHAPTER IX. 

.^MISSION OF MISSOUKI. — ANNEXi^TION OF TEXAS. —WAE BETWEEN MEXICO 
AKD TEXAS. — SANTA ANNA IN THE FIELD. —HOUSTON MAKES HIBt PRIS- 
ONER. —WAR BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO. — RESULT OP 
THE WAK. 

From the 16th day of March, 1818, to the 10th day 
of August, 1821, the first date being the day upon 
which the petition of the people of Missouri was pre- 
sented to Congress prating admission into the Union, 
to the latter date, the time of the admission — a period 
of three and a half years — the almost entire business 
of the nation had been neglected, and the whole ener- 
gies of the members expended upon the subject of 
Missouri; the representatives from the Free States urg- 
ing the prohibition of Slavery, and the representatives 
from the slaveholding States bending every energy, 
and exhausting every argument for her admission with- 
out any restrictions as to Slavery. 

The Constitution was invoked by both sides — the 
one to prove that under it the General Government 
had the power to legislate in all things necessary for 
the government of the public domain ; having the right 
to purchase or otherwise acquire property; to sell or 
otherwise dispose of it; to govern it by Federal appoint- 
ment and Federal legislation. The friends of Slavery 
holding that the territory being the common property 
of the people of all the States, that the}^ could, and of 
a right ought to, take with them their property of any 
description, and when framing a Constitution, tliey 
should not be debarred by Federal power from coming 




THOMAS JEFFERSON 




IX.] EXTENSION OF SLAVERY. 99 

into the Union, Slavery or no Slavery, as to them might 
seem best. The friends of restriction held that as the 
Constitution of the United States empowered the Gen- 
eral Government to "make all needful rules and regu- 
lations respecting the Territory, or other property be- 
longing to the United States," (Article lY, Section 
3, Constitution), that the Congress had complete con- 
trol of the Territory — could sell, convey, or in any 
other way that they saw fit dispose of it to any State, 
people or foreign Government, and that the Congress 
was to be the judge of what were ^^ needful rules and 
regulations" for any of the Territory, and that in this 
matter they were to be the sole judges , and that the leg- 
islation enacted for them by the Congress, was the su- 
preme law of the land. The compromise^ restricting 
Slavery within certain limits, did not determine this 
point of controversy. [This subject will be further 
commented upon under the ^ead of Constitutional 
Powers.] 

The public domain into which the institution of 
Slavery would have been extended under the doctrine 
of the Pro-Slavery party and the Squatter Sovereignty 
doctrine, forms at this time a most prominent feature 
of the geographical area of the Union, the acquisition 
of which forms a most singularly striking coincidence 
of how circumstances may produce great results. The 
acquisition of the Territory of Louisiana is no more 
remarkable in its accomplishment than it is interesting 
in its eflects. The possession of the waters of the great 
artery of America, the river Mississippi, had long 
claimed the attention of leading American statesmen. 
The treaty with Spain of Oct. 27th, 1795, secured the 
middle of the Mississippi as the boundary on the west, 
and also the free use and navigation of the whole river, 

7 

LOFCi 



100 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

froDi its source to its mouth, to the citizens of both 
countries; and the citizens of the United States were 
to be permitted for three years to use part of the city 
of New Orleans for a place of deposit and exportation 
for their merchandise, and this privilege might be con- 
tinued if not injurious to Spain; and if discontinued, 
then another part should be assigned — some place on 
the banks of the Mississippi. The provincial authori- 
ties, however, soon declared that by their new rela- 
tions with the English Government these privileges 
to America had ceased, and that without a new order 
from the King of Spain the conditions then stipulated 
must end. 

Thomas Jefferson, who had been inaugurated Presi- 
dent of the United States in 1801, turned his first at- 
tention to acquiring the Territory of Louisiana, but it 
was soon ascertained that all the Territory west of the 
Mississippi, and that portion of Louisiana on the east, 
with New Orleans, had been ceded to the French by 
the Spanish Government for the insignificant consider- 
ation of granting in succession to the Duke of Parma, 
a Spanish Prince, the grand duchy of Tuscany. The 
superior military power of Napoleon is considered to 
have been a convincing argument in this affair. 

The apprehensions of the American people at this 
cunning operation on the part of Napoleon, aroused 
suspicions for the future safety of the Union. In con- 
sequence of the close proximity of a new neighbor, 
whose proclivities for conquest and absorption were so 
well knoAvn, the loss of the waters of the Mississippi, 
or their couccupation with an uncertain and ambitious 
neighbor, were equally embarrassing and dangerous, 
and any sacrilice must be made to possess them. The 
cession of the Territory to France had been kept a se- 



IX.] TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 101 

cret for some time, and now that the fact was known, 
the American Government set vigorously to work to 
obtain at least a free right of way on the Mississippi. 
A commission was appointed for this purpose, as also 
to offer terms of purchase for the Louisiana Territory. 

The American Government still had claims on Spain, 
for the treaty relating to the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi had been ruthlessly violated, and Mr. Livingston 
and Mr. Pinckney, Ministers to France and Spain, wore 
instructed to inform those Governments of those facts. 
Mr. Monroe and the gentlemen who are named here, 
constituted a commission to secure the right of way of 
the Mississippi by treaty. Napoleon and his Ministers 
were disposed to treat them at first with but little con- 
sideration; but new features were developing them- 
selves. Many of the leading London papers advocated 
the sending of an expedition of British troops to take 
possession of New Orleans. Difficulties between 
France and England were assuming a grave aspect, and 
the possibility of Napoleon holding his newly acquired 
Territory, in opposition to the powerful navy of Great 
Britain, seemed hopeless. 

The certainty of difficulties with Great Britain daily 
relaxed the ambition of Napoleon to hold on to this 
Territory, and the fact that cash would be wanting in 
the coffers of France, and the fears that England might 
in some way become possessed of this Territory, a 
proposition was made to the American Commissioners 
to purchase it at about one hundred million dollars; but 
the Commissioners did not know that they possessed 
any power to pwrcliam the Territory; nor indeed does 
it appear that Jefferson himself knew of any power in 
the General Government by which such an act could 
be done; besides, the Commissioners were only in- 



102 REPUBLICANISM IN A^IERICA. [Chap. 

structed to arrange for the occupation, on favorable 
terms, of that part of Louisiana east of the Mississippi, 
and the navigation of that river ; but it was found on 
investigation that the Floridas and an almost limitless 
tract of Territory had been ceded to France, and all 
this she was willing to sell to America, owing to the 
j^ressing circumstances in which she found herself. 
Frequent consultations with Messieur Marbois, Minis- 
ter of the French Treasury, brought the negotiations 
to a close, upon the following conditions: Vessels of 
France and Spain, coming directly from any part of 
their respective dominions, loaded only with the pro- 
ducts of the same, to have the right for twelve years 
to enter the ports of the ceded Territory on the same 
terms as vessels of the United States. France there- 
after to enjoy the privileges of the most favored 
nations. The sum to be paid was 00,000,000 francs, 
and;the French debt of about 20,000,000 francs, the 
whole purchase amounting fmall}^ to $15,000,000. 

The treaty was signed on the 30th day of April, 1803, 
and thus, with a single dash of his pen, for the paltry 
sum of fifteen million dollars, Napoleon signed away a 
Territory and possessions of inestimable value to the 
United States, and handed into the possession of the 
Republic the key to the waters of the king of Ameri- 
can rivers, upon whose bosom floats from the distant 
West to the waters of the Gulf the bread supply of 
two Continents, and containing an area of rich and 
fruitful soil that at some distant day may support a 
population three times as great as that of the whole of 
France at the present time. 

The acquisition of this vast Territory is one of the 
finest accomplishments of American diplomacy in tlie 
history of our country. 



IX.] COLONIZING TEXAS. 103 

The addition of the Floridas aud that great Territory 
stretching from the Rio Grande to the waters of the 
Pacific, embracing California, Oregon, and Washington 
Territory, forms a most interesting and important link 
in our history. 

When the purchase of Louisiana was made, but little 
attention had been paid to its geographical limits, and 
whether or not it embraced the Territories of the Flor- 
idas was not fully determined — its lines were uncer- 
tain. Subsequent developments tended to give shape 
to this subject, when Spain laid claim to these latter 
Territories, which she afterwards ceded to the United 
States. 

The vast region lying between the Mississippi and 
Rio Grande, known as Texas, soon called up new diffi- 
culties. The American Government had not formerly 
laid any claim to it, still it was supposed that it was 
embraced within the area of the purchase of Louisiana. 
The Territory of Texas during the period from the ces- 
sion of Louisiana up to the organization of its State 
Government, furnished an active field for the adventur- 
ous American spirits, who, taking it for granted that 
as neither Mexico nor the United States had positively 
asserted ownership, and that "possession was nine 
points of the law," began to establish their individual 
claims to it, prominent amongst whom were Burr, La- 
fitte. Long, and Austin. 

The unsettled state of political affairs in Mexico gave 
the people of that country but little time to attend to 
the affairs of Texas. But as time wore on, and the 
fact that Texas adjoined the Mexican State of Coahuila 
on the one side, and the Territory of the United States 
on the other, and now that the spirit of filibustering 
had fully set in, the subject began to agitate both Gov- 



104 REPUBLICAOTSM IN AJIERICA. [Chap. 

ernments. Moses Austin, a Connecticut Yankee, who 
had gone to Texas and represented a band of Roman 
Catholics who were supposed to be suffering from 
Protestant intolerance, received a grant from the Mex- 
ican Government to form a colony in Texas. Austin 
died in the same year — 1821 — the year in which Mex- 
ico gained her independence from Spain. Austin's son 
succeeded him in the grant, but with little effect. 
The anxiety of the United States to be in the undis- 
turbed possession of Texas was manifesting itself. 

By the advice of John Quincy Adams, President of 
tlie United States in 1827, it was agreed that a propo- 
sition should be made to the Mexican Government to 
pay them one million dollars for their claim on all 
Territory east of the Rio Grande, but from motives of 
policy the proposition was not made. 

The idea of purchase was still prominent with the 
American administration. President Jackson's Secre- 
tary in 1829 made a proposition to pay to Mexico five 
millions of dollars for Texas, but the Mexican Govern- 
ment refused to sell. The Territory stood as a bone 
of contention between the American and Mexican Gov- 
ernments. It was a sweet morsel for the hungry man 
of Slavery, and every effort was made to colonize it 
with a population from the above States. 

Sam. Houston, one of the most adventurous of Amer- 
ican citizens, having passed many years among the 
Cherokee Indians, by whom he was made a Chief, made 
his way into the Territory, and aided by the slave 
party, soon entered upon schemes to obtain control of 
Texas. A Convention of the Americans in the Terri- 
tory was called to frame a Constitution, to which Hous- 
ton was elected a delegate. It met April 1st, 1833. 
A Constitution was framed, and Texas declared herself 



IX.] INDEPENDENCE OF TEXAS. 106 

a free and independent State March 2d, 1836, and hold- 
ing no allegiance to Mexico. At this time Texas con- 
tained a population of upwards of fifty thousand, most- 
ly Americans. Mexico, incensed at this act of assump- 
tion, at once commenced hostilities against Texas. 
Houston, now at the head of the Americans, met the 
Mexicans. Santa Aniia took command of the Mexican 
forces, who by superior numbers defeated Houston, and 
in cold blood murdered, on March 20th, 357 men, the 
entire number captured — Santa Anna pursuing Hous- 
ton in hot pursuit. But the wheel of fortune soon 
turned in Houston's favor. Being supplied with two 
guns (six-pounders) he suddenly turned upon the en- 
emy, vastly his superior in numbers, and gained a de- 
cisive victory, taking Santa Anna prisoner, with 
whom he concluded a treaty acknowledging the inde- 
pendence of Texas. 

General Houston was soon after chosen Pi^sident of 
the new Republic, and the "Lone Star" became an in- 
dependent nation. 

Houston was inaugurated October 22d, 1836. The 
subject of declaring Texas an independent nation was 
urged by members of the Congress of the United 
States; but circumstances were developing difficulties 
between America and Mexico, and delay was thought 
advisable; still her independence was acknowledged 
March 1st, 1836. Meantime the political complexion 
of affairs with Mexico was beginning to wear a serious 
aspect, but the term of President Jackson's office closed 
without any outbreak. 

Van Buren came to the Presidency in 1837, and 
during his administration the subject of the annexa- 
tion of Texas was a prominent feature in the Congress. 

The independence of Texas havin2: been declared in 



TOO REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

1833, and the fact that she was not admitted into the 
Union initil the od day of March, 1845, tlie very last 
day of President Tyler's administration, will show that 
for twelve years what is now known as Texas, a State 
in the American Union, was an independent Republic, 
and as much a foreign nation as is Mexico, or any other 
Government. Still the people who created and gov- 
erned the country were Americans, and strong feelings 
of attachment for their native country directed their 
attention and hopes towards the union of Texas to the 
American Republic. 

During the last term of Jackson's office, which be- 
gan in March, 1833, through all of Van Buren's term, 
which began in March, 1837, and through Tyler's ad- 
ministration, which began in April, 1841 — (he having 
been elected Vice-President in the fall of 1S40, when 
W. H. Harrison was elected President — Harrison hav- 
ing died one month after his inauguration, and Tyler 
succeeding to the Presidency) — through all those ad- 
ministrations up to the last day of Tyler's term, the 
subject of the admission of Texas formed a prominent 
feature of Congressional debate. 

The situation of Texas was peculiar. America claim- 
ed and reasoned upon the cession of the territory by 
Spain to France, and its subsequent cession by France 
to the United States. Still, although many eminent 
Americans held to this opinion, others took an oppo- 
site view, holding that the territory belonged to Mex- 
ico, and that Congress had no power to admit her into 
the Union — that her acquisition must be by treaty 
through the Executive Department. Nor was JMexico 
idle upon the subject, for, as she found her neighbors, 
the American Republic, seeking an alliance with Tex- 
as, she stoutly proclaimed her title to that territor3^ 



IX.] WAR WITH MEXICO. 107 

Towards the close of Tyler's administration the Slave 
Power at the South became loud in demands that the 
Grovernment should comply with the request of the 
people of Texas for admission into the Union. Most 
of the Northern delegates opposed the annexation, and 
a high party feeling was manifested upon the subject. 
Towards tlie last day of Tyler's administration resolu- 
tions were passed by both Houses of Congress for the 
admission of Texas, and Tyler, on the 3d day of March, 
1845, the last day of his administration, dispatched a 
messenger to Texas to secure her immediate annexa- 
tion, which was soon after accomplished, and the vexed 
question was at an end. 

The annexation of Texas led to a war with Mexico, 
which resulted in the acquisition of California by the 
United States. A suspicion existed between Mexico 
and the United States so soon as Texas was annexed, 
that difficulties would arise. Mexican forces were dis- 
patched ,to the Rio Grande to look after the interests 
of her boundaries. The twenty-ninth Congress of the 
United States, which met on December 1st, 1845, made 
propositions to meet any emergency that might arise, 
and in January following General Zachary Taylor was 
sent at the head of an army to New Orleans, and in 
April following took up his position on the western 
line of Texas. Early in March he received orders to 
march to the Rio Grande. Here he found a strong 
force of Mexicans entrenching, and on the 12th of 
April, 18^0, the Mexican commander requested Taylor 
to retreat back forthwith, warning him that did he re- 
fuse, a declaration of war would follow. Taylor did 
not retreat, and on the 8th of May follow^ing, the Mex- 
ican forces crossed the Rio Grande, and with 6,000 men 
attacked Taylor, who had only 2,300 men. The Mex- 



108 EEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

icans were defeated, and the next da}^ were followed 
up by Taylor's forces, who completely routed them, 
driving them in great confusion across the Rio Grande. 

The war with Mexico continued with increasing suc- 
ces-5 to the American arms, up to the 30th day of May, 
1848, at which time a treaty of peace, friendship, 
limits, and settlement, between the United States and 
the Republic of Mexico was concluded; the ratifica- 
tions of which were duly exchanged at the City of 
Queretnro, in Mexico. 

By this treaty Mexico ceded to the United States New 
Mexico, with an area of 281,368 square miles (the 
Territory of Arizona, and a part of the Territory of Colo- 
rado have since been severed from it.) She also ceded 
the Territory of California (now State) with an area of 
158,687 square miles. By the treaty the United States 
agreed to pay to Mexico twelve millions of dollars, and 
also agreed to assume the claims of citizens of the 
United States: " the claims already liquidated and de- 
cided against the Mexican Republic to an amount not 
exceeding three and one quarter million of dollars." 

The termination of the war with Mexico, after two 
years duration, marked by spirited victories by the 
Americans, served to lend a new impulse of chivalry 
to the army of conquest, and tended to place it& 
fighting qualities pretty high, at least, in the estimation 
of the Mexicans, who were quite Avilling to enter into 
the terms, by which, for fifteen millions, they relin- 
quished a territory of such almost boundless propor- 
tions, embracing nearly ten degrees of latitude, reach- 
ing from Oregon to the Rio Grande ; possessing climate, 
soil, and mineral wealth unequaled on the globe. 

But not alone did the treaty above alluded to place 
the United States in the possession of California; for 



IX.] ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA. 109 

as early as 1846, the American flag had been i^lanted 
on the Pacific side, and the territory proclaimed to be 
the property of the United States. California at this 
period was a Mexican territory known as Alta Califor- 
nia, in contradistinction from Baia California, which 
was thcD, and is still, a Mexican- Territory. 



OKAPTFU X 

CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF CALIFORNIA.— OCCUPATION OF BY AiVT'^ICANS. 
—RAISING THE BEAR FLAG.— ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT.- - ^^ /iBATES 
IN CONGRESS ON.— ADMISSION OF.— PROTEST AGAINST.— SPEECHES OF CLAY, 
"WEBSTER, JEFFERSON DAVIS, AND OTHERS.— CALHOUN WILL MAEE CALt- 
rOENIA THE "TEST QUESTION." 

The claims of the United States to the Territory of 
Oregon, had been at this time (1846), pretty well 
established. As early as 1842 and 1844, settlers from 
many of the Eastern and Western States had made 
their way into Oregon, and even some few into Cali- 
fornia. The American Government became anxious 
to know more of the nature of the soil, climate, and 
resources of their possessions on the Pacific, and had 
already sent exploring parties into the country. 

John C. Fremont, a brevet Captain in the Corps of 
United States Topographical Engineers, had left Wash- 
ington in the spring of 1845, on a tour of exploration 
across the plains, and over the Rocky Mountains, to 
the Pacific ; and charged with endeavoring to find the 
best route from the Rocky Mountains to the mouth of 
the Columbia River. After a most hazardous journey, 
he arrived with his faithful guide and escort. Kit Car- 
son, and his men (six of whom were Delaware Indians) 
the whole company consisting of sixty-two men, within 
a hundred miles of Monterey, where he halted, and pro- 
ceeded in person to the head-quarters of General Castro, 
the Mexican General in charge of the Territory. His 
object was to obtain a pass for himself and company, 
to go to tlie San Joaquin Valley, where hunting and 



X.] ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA. Ill 

pasture were abundant. He received a verbal promise 
from the General that it would be all right, to go 
where he desired, and that, on his word of honor, ''as 
a soldier," he would not be molested. Fremont and 
his party were soon on their way to the valley. 

Three days after this, the ungallant General Castro, 
had raised an army of three hundred native Californi- 
ans, and sent a dispatch to Fremont, notifying him to 
quit the country at once, else he would march upon 
him, and put to death his whole company. This 
treachery did not much surprise Fremont and his party, 
who replied that he would leave when he was ready. 
He prepared for action, entrenched himself on " Hank's 
Peak," about thirty miles from Monterey, and over- 
looking that village, where he raised the American 
flag. The whole company were well armed, each with 
a knife, a tomahawk, two pistols and a rifle. 

The warlike Castro, now came dashing on, with 
cavalry, infantry and artillery ; but after making a few 
ineffectual attacks, always galloped off before coming 
within range of Fremont's bullets. Castro issued bulle- 
tins and proclamations daily, of the impending destruc- 
tion of the little band, but always keeping out of rifle 
range of the entrenchments. After four days of this 
fighting^ Fremont broke camp and started on his jour- 
ney towards Oregon. Castro was not visible. 

Fremont had proceeded into Oregon, and had reached 
Klamath Lake, when he was overtaken by Lieutenant 
Gillespie, of the United States Army, who had left 
Washington the previous November, crossing the coun- 
try from Vera Cruz to Mazatlan, and who arrived 
at ^Monterey in a United States sloop of war, and 
started up the valley in search of the explorers. Gil- 
lespie had letters to Fremont from the Secretary of 



112 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

State, and it is supposed they, oi other letters to him, 
from friends at Washington, caused him to retrace his 
steps, and return to the valley of the Sacramento. 
This move had been quickened by the fact, that on the 
very night after receiving his dispatches, and whilst 
all were asleep, the Indians broke into his camp, and 
assassinated three of his Delaware Indians, and might 
have slain the whole company, had it not been for the 
vigilance of Kit Carson, who sounded the alarm, 

Fremont soon returned to the Sacramento Valley, 
and encamped near the mouth of the Feather River, 
where the settlers soon flocked around him. Great 
alarm was caused by reports that General Castro was 
on the march to attack them, with a strong force of 
cavalry. A company of twelve volunteers, headed 
by Mr. Mersite, started for the Mexican Fort at 
Sonoma, in Sonoma county, and on the 15th of June, 
1846, entered and captured the post, where they found 
two hundred and fifty stand of arms, and nine cannon. 
Here they captured General Vallejo, and took him a 
prisoner to Sutter's Fort, at Sacramento. 

William B. Ide, a New England man, was left to 
garrison the fort at Sonoma, with a force of eighteen 
men. General Castro having charge of the operations 
at Sonoma, issued his pronunciada^ calling upon his 
countrymen to rise, and drive the marauders from the 
soil. On the 18th of June, Ide issued Ids proclamation, 
to the people of Sonoma, to defend themselves, and 
calling upon them to assemble at Sonoma, and assist 
in establishing a Republican Government. A flag 
was improvised, by painting in rude form, the figure of 
a grizzly bear on a piece of white cotton cloth ; it fol- 
lowed Ide's proclamation, and was the flrst flag, after 
California was declared independent of Mexico. It is 



X.] ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA. 113 

still in possession of the " Pioneer Society" of Califor- 
nia, at San Francisco. 

Fremont was at Sutter's Fort during these eventful 
operations; but hearing that Castro intended a raid upon 
Ide at Sonoma, he reached there on the 23d of June, 
at the head of ninety riflemen. He met only a few 
retreating Mexicans of De la Torres' band, wdio made 
their way to Saucelito, where they escaped by boat 
across the Bay to Yerba Buena, (now San Francisco.) 
Castro did not appear. 

Fremont returned to Sonoma, and on July 5th, 1846, 
his party, consisting of one hundred and sixty mounted 
men, concluded to make a Declaration of Independ- 
ence, which they did, thus superseding the " Bear 
Flag." Fremont was at their head. Soon the whole 
company started for Sutter's Fort, intending to attack 
Castro, who was reported to be at Santa Clara; they 
soon learned, however, that he was on the retreat to 
Los Angeles, but they determined to follow him, 
(some five hundred miles). 

Soon news reached them of a new feature in affairs. 
On the 2d day of July, Commodore Sloat, of the 
United States Navy, with the Frigate Savannah and 
five smaller vessels, arrived at the Bay of Monterey, 
California. The Commodore had no instructions from 
his Government to take any hostile steps on the Pacific 
coast; on the contrary, liis mission was peace. But 
whilst he was at Mazatlan, he heard of the annexation 
of Texas, and of the certainty of war between the 
United States and Mexico, but he did not know of the 
declaration of war, by the American Congress, against 
Mexico, nor that General Taylor was alread}^ in the 
field ; nor did he know that instructions were on the 
way to him, from liis Government (dated 15th of May, 



114 REPUBLICANISM IN AMEEICA. [Chap. 

1846), directing him to take jDOSsession of Mazatlan, 
Monterey and San Francisco, and. to declare th.e country 
the property of the United States. 

Sloat is supposed to have known that the possession 
of California by the American Government had been 
much favored at Washington ; besides a strong English 
fleet, under the command of Rear- Admiral Sir George 
Seymour, was hovering about the coast of California 
on the same day that the Savannah left Mazatlan. 
Seymour's flagship, the CoUmgicood, sailed from San 
Bias; both headed for Monterey, under a full press of 
sail, the Savannah being the fastest reached Monterey 
first, where Sloat learned of the efforts being made by 
the British authorities to place California under the 
protection of the English Government, 

Governor Pico, the Mexican Governor of the Ter- 
ritory of California, and General Castro, were in favor 
of this scheme. Mr. Forbes, the English Yice-Consul 
at Monterey, was active in making the negotiation; 
and the American Consul, Thomas 0. Larkin, also at 
Monterey, informed Sloat upon his arrival of the state 
of affairs; this, together with the news of the opera- 
tions of Fremont and his party at Sonoma (it is sup- 
posed he heard of it), determined him at once (Jul}^ 
7th) to dispatch two hundred and fifty marines on 
shore, to hoist the American flag over the town of 
Mo:iterey. A salute of twenty-one guns was fired, and 
a proclamation issued that California henceforth was a 
part of the United States. 

The dull ship of the British Rear- Admiral arrived at 
Monterey only to see the Stars and Stripes floating 
over it, as a part of the Republic of America; the 
Admiral, too, read the proclamation, and saw that 
he was outwitted by Sloat, and outrun by the Savannah. 



X.] ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA. 115 

The day follcsving, July 8th, by order of Commodore 
Sloat, a party from the United States sloop of war 
Portsmouth, landed at Yerba Buena, now San Francisco, 
and hoisted the American flag on the Plaza. 

On the 10th, Commander Montgomery of the Ports- 
mouth, sent an American flag to Sonoma which was 
hoisted, and the flag improvised by Ide and his 
men, known as the '' Bear Flag," was hauled down, all 
welcoming the Stars and Stripes. 

Commodore Stockton, on board the United States 
frigate Congress, arrived at Monterey, July 15th, just 
one week after Sloat had taken possession of the coun- 
try, and one week later. Commodore Sloat sailed home 
on board the Levant. 

Stockton was now in full command of the American 
fleet, aided by Commodore Dupont. Meantime, Gen- 
eral Kearny had arrived at Monterey, crossing by way 
of New Mexico. Ho had orders from the United States 
Government to take possession of, and establish a Gov- 
ernment for California; but on his arrival, he found 
that Sloat, Stockton, and Fremont, had already ac- 
complished these things. The government of tno 
country was conducted under the military authorities 
until November 13th, 1849, at which time a State Con- 
stitution was adopted. 

The Convention to frame this Constitution met at 
Monterey, September 1st, 1849. Amongst the per- 
sons who have since acquired a national or State 
reputation, who were present at the Convention,were 
Captain H. W. Halleck, since General-in-Chief of the 
Armies of the United States, an accomplished scholar, 
soimd lawyer, brave man and true patriot; John A. 
Sutter, of Sutter's Fort, the friend of the needy; Thomas 
0. Larkin, the first and only American Consul in 



1.16 REPUBLICAJfISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

California; General Yallejo, of Sonoma; Doctor Gwin, 
"Duke De Gwin," of Maximilian notoriety; Edward 
Gilbert, founder of the Alta California newspaper, and 
first Member of Congress from California; and last, 
but not least, J. Ross Browne, who reported the pro- 
ceedings of the Convention. Amongst the members of 
the Convention also was W. E. Shannon, born in Ire- 
land, who came from New York to California in the 
year 1846; he. it was who proposed in the Convention 
that clause in the Constitution which brought up such 
determined opposition from the Southern Democracy 
to the admission of California: "Neither Slavery nor 
involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of 
crime, shall ever be tolerated in this State." 

The Constitution was adopted November 13th, 1849, 
and the State admitted by Act of Congress into the 
Union September 9th, 1850; thus the State of Califor- 
nia was, from a Mexican' Territory, ushered into the 
Union as a State, without undergoing the probationary 
delay of a Territorial Government. 

The reader has already been referred to this subject 
in a preceding chapter, in which the strong desire to 
have this vast Territory thrown into the hands of the 
slave power was discussed. A few additional illustra- 
tions of this feelino;, as demonstrated in the Concrress 
of the United States upon the subject of her admission 
into the Union, may be interesting. 

In the United States Senate, Januar}- 29th, 1850, 
Mr. Clay, Senator from Kentucky, said (the subject 
being the admission of California: — ) 

" Mr. Prositlent : I \xo\'\ in my hand a series of resolutions 
which I desire to submit to the consideration of this body : Taken 
together in combination, they propose an amicaWe arrangement 
of all questions in controversy'- between the Free and Slave States, 
growing out of the subject of Slavery, * * * * 



X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 11 Y 

" It being- desirable for the peace, concord, and harmony of 
these States to settle and adjust amicably all existing questions 
of controversy between them, arising out of the institution of 
Slavery, upon a fair, equitable, and just basis. Therefore, 

" 1st. Resolved: That California with suitable boundaries 
ought, upon her application, to be admitted as one of the States 
of this Union, without the imposition by Congress of any re- 
striction, in resjject to the extension or introduction of Slavery 
within those bounds. 

" 2d. Reaolved: That Slavery does not exist by law, and is not 
likeh' to be introduced into any of the territory acquired by the 
United States from the Republic of Mexico. It is inexpedient 
for Congress to provide by law, either for its introduction into 
or exclusion from any part of said territory; and that appropri- 
ate Territorial Governments ought to be established by Congress 
in all of the said territory not assigned as the boundaries of the 
proposed State of California, without the adojDtion of any re- 
striction or condition on the subject of Slavery." 

Mr. Clay said, in support of this proposition; 

" This resolution, sir, proposes in the first instance a declara- 
tion of two truths; one of law and the other of fact. The truth 
of the law which it declares is, that there does not exist at this 
time Slavery within any portion of the territory acquired by the 
United States from Mexico. "When I say, sir, that it is a truth, 
I speak ray own solemn and deliberate convictions. I am aware 
that some gentlemen now hold a different doctrine, but I joer- 
suade myself that they themselves, when they come to review 
the whole ground, will see sufficient reasons for a change, or at 
least a modification of their opinions; but that at all events if 
they adhere to that doctrine, they will be found to compose 
a very small minority of the people of the United States, 

" 5th. Resolved: That it is inexpedient to abolish Slavery in 
the District of Columbia while that institution exists within 
the State of Maryland, without the consent of the people, and 
without just compensation to the owners of slaves within the 
District. 

" 7th. Resolved: That more effectual provisions ought to be 
made by law, according to the requirement of the Constitution, 
for the restitution and delivery of persons bound to service 
or labor in any State, who anay escajDe into any other State 
or Territory in the Union." 



118 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

There were eight of these resolutions, but as those 
already given are the only ones applicable to the sub- 
ject of this chapter, the others are omitted. 

The sophistry of the Kentucky orator will be visible in 
the resolutions above. The point raised in the first res- 
olution was, that Congress should neither prohibit nor 
introduce into the State, by implied or express terms, 
the system of Slavery. "Let it alone," was his doctrine. 
Ho would tickle the ear of the slaveholder by assuring 
him that if the National Government did not establish 
and sustain the institution that it would not attempt to 
prohibit it. 

The question raised in the second resolve was, that it 
was not likely that Slavery will be introduced into any of 
the territory within the limits of the Territory of Cali- 
fornia; and that as it was "not likely," therefore, it 
was " inexpedient" for Congress to provide either for its 
" introduction or exclusion" in said Territory. By this 
it was tacitly acknowledged that Congress had the power 
to legislate upon the subject, but that it was "inex- 
pedient" for it to do so. The inexpediency in the mat- 
ter was this ; that Mr. Clay was endeavoring to escapa 
a grave responsibility — trying to please the slaveholder 
at the sacrifice of cardinal principles of Federal au- 
thority, and of the laws of nations and the rights 
of man, while the ex/pediency would have been that the 
highest judicial authority establisli the fact, that no 
power existed under the Federal Constitution to cap- 
ture or return slaves who might have escaped into the 
territory of the nation; and that so soon as a slave 
entered the Territories he was free. What is here said 
will apply to the inexpedient propositions in the fifth 
resolve. 

The recommendations in the seventh resolve are 



X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 119 

what disclose the cupidity of its author. He advised 
more effective laws, "according to the requirements of 
the Constitution/' for the restitution and delivery of 
persons bound to service or labor in any State, who 
may escape into any otlier State or Territory of the 
Union. 

Article IV, Section 2, of the Constitution, provides 
that, " No person held to service or labor in one State, 
under the laws thereof, escaping flbto another, shall, in 
consequence of any law or regulation therein, be dis- 
charged from such service or labor, but shall be de- 
livered upon claim of the party to whom such service 
or labor may be due." This is all that is said in 
the Constitution of the Union, in relation to the re- 
turn of persons held to service or labor; and this 
directly and in the most positive terms applied to the 
States of the Union. Where did the Kentucky States- 
man find his constitutional requirements to return 
escaping or other slaves in the Territories to their mas- 
ters in either the States or Territories ? Let the im- 
partial reader judge of this expounder of the Con- 
stitution. 

Mr. Foote, addressing the President, said : 

" The resolutions of the honorable Senator assert that Slavery 
does not now exist by law in the Territories recently acquired 
from Mexico ; whereas, I am of the opinion that the treaty with the 
Mexican Republic carried the Constitution with all its guarantees, 
lo all the territory obtained by treaty, and secured the privilege 
to every Southern slaveholder to enter any part of it, attended 
by his slave property, and to enjoy the same therein, free from 
all molestation or hindrance whatever. 

" If all other questions connected with the subject of Slavery 
can be satisfactorily adjusted, I see no objection to admitting all 
California, above the line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, 
into the Union, provided another new Slave State can be laid off 
within the present limits of Texas, so as to keep up the present 



120 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERiOA. [Chap. 

equiponderance between the Slave and the Free States of the 
Union." 

Mr. Foote, having delivered himself of this exposition 
of constitutional powers and guarantees, had done full 
justice to the views of Southern Senators upon the 
same subject, but in the minds of constitutional law- 
yers, untainted by the influence of a pecuniary interest 
in tlie "peculiar institution," I am inclined to the be- 
lief that he will find few admirers upon the question 
which seemed to be settled in the honorable Senator's 
mind, that Slavery did exist in the territory acquired 
from Mexico by force of treaty stipulations with the 
American Government; and that the citizens of the 
Slave States were guaranteed protection in their prop- 
erty (slaves), and could enter any part of said ter- 
ritory, and enjoy protection from the Federal Govern- 
ment. Four barriers stand in the way of Mr. Foote's 
propositions: 1st. That the normal condition of man is 
freedom. 2d. That Slavery exists only by the opera- 
tion of enacted laws or long continued custom within 
prescribed territories or nations. 3d. That the Mexi- 
can nation, by Act of Congress, abolished Slavery 
in all her States and Territories in the year 1829; and 
that Slavery did not exist in any of said territory 
at the time of its acquisition by the United States, and 
consequently, no conditions of that nature, nor of 
property in man, could have passed to the incoming 
nation demanding its support and protection to the 
citizen in this species of property. 4th. As the Govern- 
ment of the United States was not slaveholding, and 
never liad been, and as Slavery was purely a creature of 
State laws, there were no guarantees in the Constitu- 
tion to that species of property in the Territories. 

Mr. Mason, debating the resolutions, said : 



X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 121 

" But there is anotber which I deeply regret to see introduced 
into this Senate by a Senator from a slaveholding State. It is 
that which assumes, that Slavery does not now exist by law 
in those countries. I understand one of these propositions 
to declare, that by law, Slavery is now abolished in New Mexico 
and California. That was the very proposition advocated by 
non-slaveholding- States at the last session, combated and dis- 
proved, as I thought, by gentlemen of the slaveholding States, 
and which the Compromise Bill was framed to test." 

The remarks upon Mr. Foote's opinions will apply 
to this constitutional expounder (from a Southern 
stand-point) . 

Mr. Davis, of Mississippi (late President of the late 
Confederacy), next addressed the Senate on the reso- 
lutions. He said: 

" As with regret I see this, the conservative branch of the 
Government, tending towards that fanaticism which seems to 
prevail with the maioiity in the United States, I wish to read 
from the journals of that date the resolutions thus adopted, and 
to show that they went further than the honorable Senator from 
Kentucky has stated. * * * * j -^in read the 

fifth in the series, that to which the honorable Senator from 
Kentucky must have alluded. It is in these words: 

"Resolved : That the intermeddling of any State or States, or 
their citizens, to abolish Slavery in the District or any of the Ter- 
ritories, on the ground, or under the pretext that it is immoral 
or sinful, or the passage of any act or measure of Congress, 
with that view, would be a direct and dangerous attack on 
the institutions of all the slaveholding States." 

Arguing upon these resolutions and the preceding 
remarks, he said: 

" And that I may be understood upon this question, and that 
my position may go forth to the country in the same columns 
that convey the sentiments -of the Senator from Kentucky, I 
here assert, that never will I take less than the Missouri Com- 
promise Bill, extended to the Pacific Ocean, with the specific 
recognition of the right to hold slaves in the territory below 



122 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

that liuo ; and tliat before such Territories are admitted into the 
Union as States, slaves may be taken there from any of the 
United States, at the option of the owners. I can never consent 
to give additional power to a majority to commit further aggres- 
sions ui)on the minority in this Union. * * ^= * * 
I have not proposed to com^jel slaveholders to take their 
slaves to California, nor to renew the African slave trade there. 
* * * * We maintain, that it is the right of the 
people of the South to carry this species of property to any 
portion of the Territories of the United States; that it rests 
tinder the Constitution, upon the same basis as other property." 

Mr. Webster, speaking upon Clay's Compromise Res- 
olutions, March 7th, 1850, said: 

" Mr. President: I wish to speak to-day not as a monarch, a 
Southern man, nor as a Northern man, but as an American, and 
a member of the Senate of the United States. * * * 

Now as to California and New Mexico, I hold Slavery to be ex- 
cluded from those Territories by a law even superior to that 
which admits and sanctions it in Texas. I mean the law of na- 
ture. * * I mean Slavery as we regard it — slaves in 
the gross, of the colored race, transferable by sale and delivery 
like other property. * * i bear with j^ain, anguish 

and distress the word secession. * * Peaceable seces- 
sion! Sir, your eyes and mine are never destined to see that 
miracle — the dismemberment of this vast country without con- 
vulsion! The breaking up of the fountains of the great deep 
without rullling the surface! Who is so foolish as to exjDect to 
see such a thing ? Sir, he who sees these States now revolving 
in harmony around a common centre, and expects to see them 
quit their places and fly off without convulsion, may look the 
next hour to see the heavenly bodies rush from their spheres and 
jostle against each other in realms of space, without producing 
the crash of the universe. There can be no such thing as peace- 
able secession. Peaceable secession is an utter impossibility. 
Is the great Constitution under which we live he^e, covering the 
whole country, is it to be thawed and melted away by secession, 
as the snows of the mountains melt under the influence of the 
vernal sun, disappear almost unobserved and die oil'? No, sir! 
No, sir I * * I see it as plainly as I see the sun in 



X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 123 

heaven. I see that disruption must produce such a war as I 
■will not describe in its two-fold characters. 

" Peaceable secession ! peaceable secession! The concurrent 
agreement of all the members of this great llepublic to separate 
— a voluntary separation, with alimony on one side and on the 
other; why, what would be the result ? Where is the line to be 
drawn ? What States are to secede ? What is to remain Amer- 
ica V What am I to be ? An American no longer ? Where is 
ihe flag of the Republic to remain ? Where is the eagle still to 
tower ? — or is he to cower and shrink and fall to the ground ? 
* * Our children and our grandchildren would cry out 
shame upon us if we of this generation should dishonor these 
ensigns of the power of the Government and the harmony of the 
Union, which is every day felt among us with so much joy and 
gratitude. What is to become of the Army ? What is to become 
of the Navy ? What is to become of the public lands ? How is 
each of the thirty States to defend itself ? I know, although the 
idea has not been stated distinctly, there is to be a Southern 
Confederacy. * * i hold the idea of a separation of 

these States — those that are free to form one Government, and 
those that are slaveholding to form another — as a moral impos- 
sibility. * * And now, Mr. President, instead of the 
possibility or utility of secession, instead of dwelling in these 
caverns of darkness, instead of groping with those ideas so full 
of all that is horrid and horrible, let us come into the light of 
day — let us enjoy the fresh air of Liberty and Union — let us 
cherish those hopes that belong to us — let us devote ourselves 
to those great objects that are fit for our considerations and our 
actions." 

Mr. Calhoun said: 

" If the question is not now settled, it is uncertain whether it 
ever can hereafter be, and we, as the representatives of the 
States of this Union, regarded as Govejrnments, should come to 
a distinct understanding as to our respective views, in order to 
ascertain whether the great questions at issue can be settled or 
not. If you who represent the strong portion cannot agree to 
settle them on broad principles of justice and duty, say so, and 
let the States we both represent agree to separate and part in 
peace. If you are unwilling that we should part in peace, tell 
us so, and we will know what to do when jou reduce the ques- 



124 EEPUBLICAIfISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tion to submission or resistance. If you remain silent you -will 
compel us to infer what you intend. In that case, California 
will become the test question." 

Let it be remembered that the only objection to the 
admission of California was that her Constitution pro- 
hibited Slavery. [During the period of these debates 
John C. Calhoun, Z. Taylor, President of the United 
States, and Mr. Elmore, United States Senator, elected 
to succeed Calhoun, and David P. King, Representa- 
tive, all four died.] Daniel Webster was appointed 
Secretary of State for the United States, left the Sen- 
ate, and was succeeded by the appointment of Honora- 
ble Robert C. Winthi'op, by the Grovernor of Massachu- 
setts. 

The tedious debate on the admission of California 
here ended, Monday, August 12th, 1850, by a vote of 
the Senate on her admission, which resulted as follows, 
the composition of which will at once show the strong 
party feeling existing in the Senate: Yeas — Messrs. 
Baldwin and Smith, Connecticut; Bell, Tennessee; Ben- 
ton, Missouri; Bradbury and Hamlin, Maine; Bright and 
Whitcomb, Indiana; Cass and Felch, Michigan; Chase 
and Ewing, Ohio; Cooper and Sturgeon, Pennsylvania ; 
Davis, Massachusetts; Dickinson and Seward, New 
York; Dodge and Walker, Wisconsin; Dodge and 
Jones, Iowa; Douglas and Shields, Illinois; Greene, 
Rhode Island; Hale and Norris, New Hampshire ; Hous- 
ton, Texas; Miller, New Jersey; Phelps, Ycrmont; 
Spruance and Wales, Delaware; Underwood, Kentucky; 
Upham, Vermont; Winthrop, Massachusetts — 34. 

Nays — Messrs. Atchison, Missouri; Borland and 
Sebastian, Arkansas; Berrien and Dawson, Georgia; 
Foote, Mississippi; Hunter and Mason, Virginia; King, 
Alabama; Morton and Yulee, Florida; Pratt, South 



X.] ADmSSIOX OF CALIFORNIA. 125 

Carolina; Rusk, Texas^ Soule, Louisiana ; Turney, Ten- 
nessee — 18. 

But the Democracy were not satisfied with this pop- 
ular expression of the Senate for her admission, and 
on Wednesday, August 14th, presented a remonstrance 
to the Senate, as follows: 

" We, the undersigned Senators, deeply impressed with the 
importance of the occasion, and with a solemn sense of the re- 
sponsibility under which we are acting, respectfully submit the 
following protest against the bill admitting California as a State 
into this Union, and request that it may be entered upon the 
Journal of the Senate. We feel that it is not enough to have 
resisted in debate alone a bill so fraught with mischief to the 
Union and the States we represent, with all the resources of ar- 
gument Avhich we possessed, but that it is also due to ourselves, 
the people whose interests have been intrasted to our care, and 
to posterity, which even in its most distant generations may feel 
its consequences, to leave in whatever form may be most solemn 
and enduring, a memorial of the opposi'cion which we have made 
to this measure, and of the reasons by which we have been gov- 
erned, upon tJie pages of a journal which the Constitution re- 
quires to be kept so long as the Senate may have an existence. 
We desire to place the reasons upon which we are willing to be 
judged by generations living, and yet to come, for our oj)posi- 
tion to a bill whose consequences may be so durable and portent- 
ous as to make it an object of deep interest to all who may come 
after us. 

" We have dissented from this bill because it gives the sanc- 
tion of law, and thus imj)arts validity to the unauthorized action 
of a portion of the inhabitants of California, by which an odious 
discrimination is made against the property of fifteen slavehold- 
ing States of the Union, who are thus deprived of that position 
of equality which the Constitution so manifestly designs, and 
which constitutes the only sure and stable foundation in which 
this Union can repose. 

"Because the right of the slaveholding States to a common 
and equal enjoyment of the temtory of the Union has been de- 
feated by a system of measures which, without the authority of 
precedent, of law, or of the Constitution, are manifestly con- 



126 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

trived for that purpose, and which Congress must sanction and 
adopt, should this bill become a law. 

" Because to vote for a bill passed under such circumstances 
would be to agree to a principle which may exclude forever here- 
after, as it does now, the States which we represent from all en- 
joyment of the common territory of the Union — a principle 
which destroys the equal rights of their constituents, the equali- 
ty of their States in the Confederacy, the equal dignity of those 
whom they represent, as men and as citizens in the eye of the 
law, and their equal title to the protection of the Government 
and the Constitution. 

" Because all the propositions have been rejected which have 
been made to obtain either a recognition of the rights of the 
slaveholding States to a common enjoyment of all the territory 
of the United States, or to a fair division of that territory be- 
tween the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States of the Union 
— every effort having failed which has been made to obtain a fair 
division of the territory proposed to be brought in as the State 
of California. 

" But, lastly, we dissent from this bill, and solemnly protest 
against its passage, because in sanctioning measures so contrary 
to former precedent, to obvious policy, to the spirit and intent 
of the Constitution of the United States, for the j)urpose of ex- 
cluding the slaveholding States from the territory thus to be 
erected into a State, this Government in effect declares that the 
exclusion of Slavery from the territory of the United States is 
an object so high and important as to justify a disregard not only 
of all the principles of sound policy, but also of the Constitution 
itself. Against this conclusion we must now and forever protest, 
as it is destructive of the safety and liberties of those whose 
rights have been committed to our care, fatal to the peace and 
eqitallly of the States which we represent, and must lead, if ]ier- 
sisted in, to the dissolution of that Confederacy in which the 
slaveholding States have never sought more than equality, and 
in which they will not be content to remain with less. 

" J. M. Mason, E. M. T. Hunter, Virginia; A. P. Butler, R. 
B. Barnwell, South Carolina; H. L. Turney, Tennessee; Pierre 
Souls, Louisiana; Jefferson Davis, Mississippi; David R. Atchi- 
son, Missouri; Jackson Morton, D. L. Yulee, Florida. 

" Senate Chamber, August 13th, 1850." 



X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 127 

On September Otli, 1850, the Clerk of the House of 
Representatives announced to the Senate the passage 
of a bill by the House of Representatives for the ad- 
mission of California, and she was admitted into the 
family of States. 



CHAPTER XI. 

EIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE TO TAKE SLAVES INTO THE" TERRITORIES.— INTEEEST 
AND COMPROMISE.— UNITED STATES AND STATE COURTS DECISIONS ON.— 
STATUS OF COLORED PERSONS.— SLAVES REAL ESTATE.— RUN.-VW AY NE- 
GROES MAY BE TRACKED WITH DOGS, IF DONE WITH CIRCUMSPECTION. 

The right of citizens of the Slave States to carry 
their slaves into the Free States as body servants or 
domestics, and the time that they should remain in such 
Free States with such slaves, and whether such a de- 
lay prolonged beyond the reasonable time for the pur- 
poses of a traveling or pleasure excursion, or the recu- 
peration of ill health, was long an open question. 
How long could a slave be held by his master in a Free 
State under the Constitution and laws of States pro- 
hibiting Slavery within their limits, was equally unde- 
cided. The broad declaration upon which is founded 
American Liberty, that all men are created equal, cer- 
tainly has its forcible significance in every State and 
Territory of the Union. Freedom is the normal condi- 
tion of all men. Slavery owes its origin to a 2^erversion of 
a law of nature, and is controlled in its operation and 
extent by the local laws of the Nations, States or Dis- 
tricts in which it exists. At the time of the adoption 
of the Constitution of the United States, Slavery ex- 
isted in all the Colonies except Massachusetts, where 
it had been abolished shortly before that period by a 
Bill of Rights to the new Constitution of the State. 

It will be conceded, no doubt, that once a State 
having aholishecl Slavery within her limits, or coming 
into the Union with a 2^rohibition of Slavery, that no 



XL] SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. 129 

power exists in the General Government to impose 
Slavery upon the inhabitants of such State, and that 
no power exists in a State to extend beyond its own 
limits either Freedom or Slavery. As well might the 
law makers of a State attempt to extend their jurisdic- 
tion in this matter to a foreign nation as to any ter- 
ritory outside of its own limits and within an adjoining 
State of the same Confederacy, or the public domain 
of the General Government. 

The acquisition of territory by a nation is either by 
original discovery and possession in the name of the 
sovereign, by conquest, by cession, or by purchase con- 
cluded by the Executive or Legislative Departments of 
a nation. These are the modes of acquisition by those 
nations having a Government consolidated or made up 
of confederated States; and territory might undoubt- 
edly have been acquired in either or all of these modes 
by any of the original States of the Union before the 
adoption of the Articles of Confederation, or before the 
adoption of the Constitution of the United States, so 
long as they acted in a national capacity, and main- 
tained even a de facto Government, but not so when 
they surrendered their national cliaracter to the United 
States. 

Man, neither by the laws of nature, the common law, 
nor the law of nations, is regarded as a chattel, but 
the reverse is the governing rule, and man is in all 
conditions, and in all lands, supposed to be free — to go 
and return, and do whatsoever to him seemeth best, 
and to control his liberty. Some laio must be shown, 
enacted by constitutional authority, depriving him of 
his libert}^ Man not being the subject of haHer by the 
common law, and those States, or parts of nations, or 
nations themselves, holding slaves, cannot have pro- 



130 REPUBLICANISM IN AJVIERICA. [Chap. 

cess for the return and delivery of a human being upon 
the plea of ovmersMp, outside of their own territory, 
because the common law and the law of nature knows 
no such condition of the human race, and only for the 
commission of high crimes, before or after conviction, 
do the laws and customs of nations return the body of 
a human creature to the Supreme Executive of a State 
or Nation, and not to the possession or control of an 
individual. The philosophy of common sense, and the 
philosophy of good government, teach the equity of 
this. 

The existence of Slavery in the Colonies of America 
prior to the adoption of the Constitution of the United 
States, might well excuse those holding that species 
of "property" in legislating for its security in the sev- 
eral States. The avarice of man might plead a justifi- 
cation; but it is most difficult to conceive upon what 
theory or hypothesis an argument can rest to justify the 
General Government in upholding it. The legislative 
branch of a Republic in extending her patronage and 
support to a traffic so odious and so at variance with 
the meaning, scope, and genius of a Republican form 
of government, would seem to be a palpable violation 
of the fundamental principles upon which the Govern- 
ment was established. 

The fierce debates in the Convention that framed 
the Constitution, and the contentions upon the subject 
of Louisiana, Texas, Missouri, and California, the Com- 
promise and Fugitive Slave bills, all of which the read- 
er has found in preceding chapters, and which need 
not be here referred to again, have clearly shown that 
interest upon the part of those holding these "chattels" 
controlled the legislation of the nation, and that the 
great balance wheel of Federal power and Federal pat- 



ii 



XL] SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. 131 

ronage was kept in motion by ''^men held to service or 
labor." 

The acquisition of the vast public domain since the 
formation of the Federal Union, was the act of the 
Grcneral Government, and not the act of the States. 
But as the same persons legislating in the Slave States 
— or at least the people of those States — were called 
into the National Councils to enact laws, the national 
legislation at each period of the Government partook 
of the feeling and interest of that section. It does not, 
therefore, appear strange that the hands of the national 
legislators could not be kept clean of the stain of con- 
verting the United States Government into a prop- 
agator of Slavery, and her Courts of Justice and Mar- 
shals into dealers in and catchers of men. 

Article IV, Section 2, of the Federal Constitution 
says: "No person held to service or labor in one 
State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, 
shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, 
be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be 
delivered upon claim of the party to whom such serv- 
ice or labor may be due." 

This being the fundamental law of the land, it can- 
not be disputed as to the limits to which it was confined 
by its own language — "held to service or labor in one 
State, and escaping into another." It will be seen that 
this clause of the Constitution refers in direct terms 
to the States, and that its operation and execution must 
be confined where its phraseology places it. This 
clause, as has already been seen, was inserted in the 
Constitution under the roll of the Juggernaut wheel of 
the slave power ; but it left open two issues of vital in- 
terest. First, the authority by which the law should 
be executed, if disobeyed; and secondty, its silence 



132 REPUBLICANISM IN AMEPJCA. [Chap. 

upon its force or effect in the Territories. These two 
subjects, more than any others, had absorbed the pub- 
lic attention — disturbed national and State legislation — ■ 
and, in 18G1, culminated in the greatest civil war of 
any age. 

With the growth and development of the nation 
came the growth and spread of Slavery, and the acqui- 
sition of territory ; and with the development of these 
came the necessity for the application of constitution- 
al principles — not only as to the return of "persons 
held to service or labor," but to the powers of the 
General Government in the matter of the admission of 
new States into the Union, and as to whether the in- 
coming States should be left to their own free will in 
framing their Constitutions, or wliether or not the 
Legislative Department of the National Government 
should prescribe what hind of a Constitution tliey 
should come in with — whether or not it should prohibit 
Slavery, or determine what kind of government was 
Republican in form. Uj)on these subjects, as they de- 
veloped themselves at each stage of the Nation's pro- 
gress, they were met by interest, and compromises 
were entered into to meet the demands of conflicting 
parties. As the States of tlie North abolished Slavery, 
they, or some of them, in turn protested against the 
process of the judicial authority coming from the Slave 
States into the Free States to capture and return slaves, 
and the power of the Federal Government had to be 
invoked to carry the letter of the Constitution into 
execution. So we find the National Congress pass- 
ing laws for the rendition of the slave to his master in 
the States and Territories. Bat as the Constitution 
was invoked, its letter and spirit must be interpreted, 
and the friends of Freedom asserted boldly that it was 



XL] SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY. 133 

silent upon the subject of capturing slaves in the Ter- 
ritories. 

Mixed with this subject was the question of whether 
or no Congress could prescribe the conditions of ihe 
Constitutions of new States, organized out of the ter- 
ritory, and seeking admission into the Union. The 
.statesmen of the South contended that Congress had 
10 constitutional power to dictate terms, either for or 
against Slavery, whilst tlie statesmen from the Is^orth 
held that the N^ationai Ijcgislature had the sole ])oweT 
of passing all necessary laws for the Territories, and 
that the Constitution imposed upon it the power and 
the duty to "guarantee to every State a Republican 
form of government." 

The National Legislature, in obedience to the influ- 
ence of sectional feeling, passed the acts known as the 
"Fugitive Slave Laws," [the reader has already been 
referred to tliese acts,] and the judicial branch of the 
Government had sustained them by elaborate opinions 
upon their constitutionality. 

The reader will observe my declared opinion, that 
Slavery is purely a local affair, confined to such geo- 
graphical limits as may be included within the State 
or Nation which claims to hold men in Slavery by writ- 
ten laws or long custom, and as the Constitution was 
silent upon the subject of Slavery in the Territories, it 
must be concluded that as no law of the National Gov- 
ernment placed it there, that the Territories must be 
free ; and so it would follow that if slaves in like man- 
ner should be carried from one State of the Union into 
a Free State, and there employed or held, they would 
also become free, because the State prohibitions gen- 
erally declare that Slavery sJiall not he nor exist within 
tJieir limits. 



134 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

The language of the Constitution relating to persons 
held to service being returned, was that if such per- 
sons escape they shall be returned to their masters; 
and even this escape does not apply to the Territories 
but to the States. It follows, then, that if a slave en- 
tered a Free State by any other means than an escape 
from his State or master, that he would not be subject 
to arrest under this clause of tlie Constitution. If he 
enter the Free State or the Free Territory by accident 
or mistake^ or by the consent of the master, then he 
would become free ; or, if whilst an escaping slave, be- 
ing in a Free State, bring forth offspring, then such 
offspring would be free. It may not be here uninter- 
esting to give a few of the judicial oj^inions. State and 
National, upon these and other points. The reader 
will hei:v in mind that it is impossible to conceal the 
fact that many of the decisions are colored with in- 
fluences or interests financial or political. 

" United States Constitution, Article IV, Sees. 2 and 3 are con- 
fined to persons held to service or labor escaping from one State 
to another, and do not extend to the case of a person brought 
volwniarily by his master into another State or Territory. Liv- 
ermore ik People, 26 Barber (New York), page 270." 

"A contract to set a slave free on a certain day, on certain 
conditions, whether made with the vendor on sale and purchase 
of the slave, or with the slave himself, is an executory contract 
for emancipation, and a specific performance of it cannot be en~ 
forced by the slave in a Court of Law or Equity. Jackson v. 
Bobb, 18 (Arkansas), page 399." 

" It is lawful to track runaway negroes with dogs, provided it 
be done with a due degree of caution and circumspection. Mo- 
ran V. Davis, 18 (Georgia), page 722." 

" A conveyance of land and slaves in trust, to allow the slaves 
to occupy the land and receive the profits thereof, and of their 
labor, is void. Smith v. Betty, 11 Gratt (Virginia), page 752." 

" A bequest of freedom to a slave is void, in consequence of 



XI.] SLAVERY ADJUDICATED. 135 

Lis incapacity to take under the will. Roberson v. Eobersou, 
21 Alabama, page 237." 

" In a Slave State every colored man is supposed to be a slave. 
Miller v. McQuerry, 5 McLean, page 469," 

It will be seen by the decision of the Supreme 
Court in the Arkansas case above cited, that a contract 
with a slave for emancipation is void ; and by the de- 
cision of the Georgia Supreme Court in Moran v. Davis, 
that it is lawful to track runaway negroes with dogs. 
The reader will observe how careful the learned Judges 
of the Supreme Court of Georgia were in not putting 
in the word slave, or person held to service or labor, 
but negroes, which includes in this sense an}' persons 
having any negro blood in them, or whose rtiother was 
a slave, be she black or white ; or be the father of the 
negro black or white; nor does the learned Court say 
whether the ''moderation and circumspection" shall 
be observed by the master or by the dogs. 

In the Alabama case it will be seen that a bequest 
of freedom by will to a slave was void, because a slave 
could not take by device. And in the case of Miller 
'0. McQuerry, above, it will be seen that the United 
States Circuit Court decided that in ''Slave States 
every colored man is presumed to be a slave." It is 
most difficult to reconcile this very singular opinion 
either with the principles of law or common sense. 
Neither the law of nations, the civil nor common law, 
nor the laws of nature make any such violent presump- 
tion. Congress certainly has not attempted to legis- 
late this presumption into a law, and a State Legisla- 
ture, in enacting such a rule, would certainly little ex- 
pect that a species of legislation so much at variance 
with the acknowledged laws of civilized nations and 
the laws of nature, could be supported even by State 



136 KEPUBLICANISII IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

judicial tribunals, much less by the Courts of a great 
nation, which declare by the fundamental law that all 
men are created equal. 

In viewing a decision so sweeping in its effects, it 
would be well to ascertain whether the learned Judge 
did or did not mean it to be understood that in a State 
or country where Slavery existed in a reverse form from 
that in which it did in the United States, {i. e. where 
the slave is the white man, and his master the black 
or colored man,) his decision would be applicable; or 
in a case where the master was colored and the slave 
also colored, as is the case in parts of Asia, and was 
the case in many of the Slave States of America. If 
this be good law^ then in the State or country where 
the white man was the slave, and his master the col- 
ored man, the relution would be at once reversed, and 
the master would be put upon his proofs that he was 
not the slave; and where the master and slave were 
both colored, and Slavery existing there, then, prima 
facie, the colored man would be held to be a slave ; and 
as this would embrace both master and slave, the whole 
community would be slaves, even if there was not a 
man who was not colored in the whole Nation. Query: 
Who would be the master? 

According to this decision the whole free colored 
population might have been arrested, imprisoned, and 
tried as being slaves, and it would have been purely 
competent to hold them as slaves, unless they had 
brought clear proofs that they ^vere not slaves. 

Nor does the Court say that this shall apply to 
negroes, blacks, Africans, or persons of African de- 
scent; hut colored. Which color did the Court mean? 
Mulatto, octoroon, black, brown, copper, yellow, or 
red ? There are as many shades of colored men as 



XI.] SLAVERY ADJUDICATED. 137 

there are of colors between black and white, and 
the colored are twenty to one of the whites the world 
over. Did the Court mean to say that if one China- 
man held another in Slavery in his own country, that 
because Slavery existed there, that all colored men would 
be presumed to be slaves ? This is what the decision 
does say. Such twaddle, emanating from the Courts 
of the enlightened itepublic of America, is nauseating. 

"■ In Alabama, the presumption arising from color, indicating 
African descent, is that the person is a slave. Becton v. Fur- 
geson, 22 Alabama, page 599." 

What was written respecting the decision of the 
United States Circuit Court will apply to. this decision. 

" The Act of 1806, Section 32, called the Black Code, justifies 
the firing vq)on runaway slaves who are armed, or who, when 
pursued, refuse to surrender; avoiding, however, if possible, the 
killing of them. Laparouse v. Rice, 13 Louisiana, page 5G'/." 

In view of this decision by the highest judicial tri- 
bunal, and the case reported in 5th McLean, above 
alluded to, it is plain to be seen that the position of 
the slave in Louisiana was anything but pleasant; and 
as all colored men were, in consequence of their color, 
supposed to be slaves, and if one of this class of per- 
sons, although free, should be pursued anywhere, and 
ordered to stand, and if he refused to do so, he could 
be fired upon, "avoiding, however, if possible the kill- 
ing of him," will show the imminent jeopardy of the 
colored inhabitants of the Slave States, and the absolute 
control of the master. 

A testator made this provision in his will : 

" The negroes loaned my wife, at her death, I wish to have 
their choice of being emancipated or sold publicly; if they prefer 
being emancipated, it is my wish that they be hired out until 



138 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

a sufficient sum is raised to pay their expenses to a land where 
they can enjoy freedom. 

" Held, that as the manumission of the slaves was made to 
depend upon their own election, an act of which they were 
legally incapable, the jDrovision was void. Bailey v. Poindexter, 
14 Gratt. (Virginia), page 132." 

The beauties of the decision of the Supreme Court 
of the ''Mother of Presidents," viewed in its equitable 
bearings, will be apparent and needs no comment. 

" A bequest of slaves, with a provision by which they may be 
supjDorted withoub working like other slaves, is a violation of 
the policy of the State, and void, Lee v. Brown, 3 James' 
Equity (North Carolina), page 141." 

" A bequest of two hundred acres of land and three thou- 
sand dollars, with a family of slaves, who were valuable, with a 
provision that on the death or insolvency of the legatee one 
of the slaves should select an owner, who was also to take 
the land and money, with an injunction that the slaves should 
be treated kindly and humanely, is manifestly for the ease 
and benefit of the slaves, and against public j)olicy." Same 
authority as last above. 

Persons who feel disposed to be treated ''kindly 
and humanely," and who like " ease," particularly 
if they are " colored," will, no doubt, be deeply in- 
terested in studying the two last above decisions. It 
was scarcely necessary for the highest judicial tribunal 
of the slave-breeding State of North C. to have as- 
serted that anything tending to the ease and comfort 
of the slave was against public policy, and void, as 
such has always been Southern Democratic policy, as 
the blood, tears, and unrequited toil of two and a 
half centuries of the poor slave will abundantly tes- 
tify. IIow long Democratic speakers and the Demo- 
cratic press will advocate this doctrine is uncertain. 

Tlie subject of this decision would form an iiUeresting 



XI.] SLAVERY ADJUDICATED. 139 

basis for a Democratic speech to a Democratic Freed- 
man's Club, as it might enlighten them upon the love 
of their former masters toward them. 

" lu a suit for freedom, by Ann, claimed as a slave, proof that 
her grandmother was a mulatto and a slave, and that her mother 
was a quadroon and slave, and the father a white man, was held 
to countervail (outweigh) the testimony of two physicians, who 
had examined the petitioner; that she presented all the indicaol 
being of the white race, but that one-eighth of African blood 
might not, but would in general show itself, and that the mixed 
child was more likely to resemble the father than the mother. 
Gaines v. Ann, 17 Texas, page 211." 

Microscopic shades of complexion are not now 
necessary to determine the freedom of persons in 
Texas; nor are opinions of learned physicians, that 
the person presents all the ^^indica" of being of the 
white race, of any importance- within the limits of the 
American Republic. 

" If one claimed as a slave, but suing for his freedom, mani- 
festly belongs to the negro race, he is presumed to be a slave. 
Daniel v. Guy, 19 Arkansas, page 121." 

" Where it is matter of doubt that the petitioner belongs to 
the negro race, evidence that the woman reputed to be bis 
mother, and owned as such, was lawfully held in Slavery, repels 
any presumption that he is entitled to Freedom. Gray v. 
Stevenson, 19 Arkansas, page 580." 

" A convict slave is a free man, for the purpose of giving evi- 
dence, as well as of punishment. The State v. Dillahant, 3 
Harrington (Delaware), page 551. The State v. Griffin, ib., 
page 559." 

" A mulatto free man of color is a citizen of the' State, and a 
slave is a person within the meaning of the Act of 1825. The 
State V. Edmund, 4 Dev. (North Carolina), page 340." 

* ' A slave tried for a capital crime may be convicted on the tes- 
timony of a slave, though uncorroborated by pregnant circum- 
stances. The State v. Ben, 1 Hanks (North Carolina), 434." 

" Slaves in Virginia in 1777, were real estate, and descended 



140 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap, 

to the eldest son. Cbiver v. EesjDass, 1 Munroe (Kentucky), 
pag-e 25." 

" A part owner of a slave may emancipate to the extent of his 
interest; it is effectual i^ro tanto. Thompson v. Thompson, 
4 B. Munroe (Kentucky.)" 

" Slaves are competent witnesses only for or against negroes 
or mula-ttoes. Turney v. Knox, 7 Munroe, 88 (Kentucky)." 

Ill the case of the State v. DiUahant, and the case 
of the State v. Griffin, the Supreme Court of Delaware 
held, that a convicted slave is a free man, and this is the 
only instance in which (Courts of slaveholdiug Staies 
have admitted, that by any possibility a slave can. 
discharge the duties of a free man. They have said 
that he could not be released by the will of his owner 
if there was any contingency depending upon the will 
or assent of the slave, and he has been refused liis 
freedom on these grounds. But it must be observed 
that the Court of Delaware acknowledges his freedom 
to extend only to two things; that he may testify 
against a negro, and for the purpose of being hanged 
himself. It must have been consoling to the slave to 
know that he was free for the purpose of convicting 
his fellow slaves; and that whilst he stood on the 
scaffold, and the hangman's axe was descending 
to cut the rope, he himself was free. 

In the case of the State v. Edmund, it will be seen 
that the Supreme Court of ^yorth Carolina decided, 
that by the Statute of that State of- 1825, '• a mulatto 
free man of color is a citizen of the State, and a slave is 
v^parsony No doubt both the " citizen" and the " per- 
son" will appreciate the distinction in this decision, 
and also the addition to it, in the Thirteenth Amend- 
ment to the Constitution of the United States, which 
says, that in the United States " all men are free!' 

In the case of Chiver v. Respass, above, it will 



XL] SLAVERY ADJUDICATED. 141 

be seen that in Virginia in 1777, slaves were consid- 
ered real estate. From this condition may have arisen 
the popular American term, '' mud-sill," to those 
employed in labor. It is reasonable also to suppose 
that the modern name of " contraband," by which this 
species of "property" was designated, was owing 
to the improved facilities of locomotion, induced by 
the armies of the North, '^ marching through Geor- 
gia," and that the negro is now a " free-soiler." 

The case of Thompson v. Thompson, above, is one 
involving a most important physiological subject, upon 
which the learned Court fails to shed the necessary 
light. The Court held that a part owner of a slave 
might emancipate to the extent of his interest. We 
can understand the Court in making this decision; but 
the point in which the slave would bo interested, 
would be the ap_pUcation of the rule ; for in a ' case 
where one party was the owner of a half interest in a 
slave — a third, or any other proportion — and he should 
emancipate pro tanto (to the extent of his interest), 
and the party owning the balance of the negro should 
order his interest to labor, by what process could the 
Court guarantee to the subject of its decision the status 
of part free and part slave ? Would an injunction to re- 
strain the physical motion of a certain leg or arm, and 
the tying of it up justify the decision, and satisfy the 
owner and the slave ? 

. A singular feature of the enslavement of man in 
the American Republic is the fact, that at the begin- 
ning of the Slaveholders' Rebellion in 1861, there were 
5,718 Americans (colored) held as slaves by the In- 
dian tribes in the Territories west of the Arkansas. 
Let it be understood that in the case of these persons, 
the prohibition of the importation of negroes had 



142 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tended to bleach their complexions. Many of them 
were almost pure-blooded Americans ; they varied from 
the wooly Congo to the rosy-cheeked Saxon. Of these, 
2,297 were held by 385 Choctaw masters; 2,504 by 
384 Cherokee masters; 1,651 by 267 Creek masters, 
and 917 by 118 Chickasaw masters. 

The number of Indian slave-owners were few com- 
pared with all the Indians; but in proportion to the 
number of owners, they held more slaves than did the 
white slave-owners of the South, mnjiy of them own- 
ing several hundred slaves. 



CHAPTER XII. 

WILMOT PKOVISO.— SLAVERY IN MEXICO.— IN THE TERRITORIES.— LAWS OP 
SPAIN AND MEXICO RELATING TO.— DRED SCOTT DECISION.— FUGITIVE 
SL.\VE LAWS OF CALIFORNIA.— STATE COURT DECISIONS IN CASE OF PER- 
KINS AND ARCHEY. 

Among the many popular themes of public interest 
that had their origin in the Congress of the United 
States during the debates upon the subject of an ap- 
propriation by that body to purchase territory from 
Mexico, was the "Wilmot Proviso." On the 4tli of 
August, 1846, the President informed the Senate, by 
special message, of his desire to negotiate for the pur- 
chase of Mexican territory. 

A bill for an appropriation of two million dollars was 
introduced into the House of Representatives. This 
proposition involved the important question of how 
this territory should be governed as regarded Slavery. 
Calhoun and the whole Southern Democracy had long 
promulgated the doctrine that the slaveholder had as 
much right to take his property (the slave) into any 
Territory of the Union, and be protected there by Fed- 
eral law and Federal officials, as the man from the Free 
States had to take ?ds merchandise there and be pro- 
tected. The Whigs at the North, and many of them 
at the South, held opposite opinions — that Slavery was 
a subject of local law, and did not by any constitu- 
tional or other law extend into the Territories acquired 
by the Union. 

Mexico had already, by act of her Congress, abol- 
ished Slavery upon every foot of her soil, and the 



144 REPUBLICANISM IN AJIERICA. [Chap. 

United States, as a Nation, was not slaveholding; and 
the presumption that Slavery could, as a matter of 
course, extend to the public domain, enslaving those 
of African descent, who were freed by the laws of Mex- 
ico, or introducing slaves from American States upon 
territory declared to be free by the Mexican G-overn- 
ment, could not be tolerated by the Whigs. 

On the 4th day of August, 1846, David Wllmot^ of 
Pennsylvania, introduced a proviso to the bill for the 
appropriation, as follows: 

" Provided, That as an express and fundamental condition to 
the acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by 
the United States, by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated 
between them, and to the use by the Executive of the moneys 
herein appropriated, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude 
shall ever exist in any j^art of said territory, except for crime, 
whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." 

The bill was passed in the House, and on Monday 
night, August 11th, was sent to the Senate, where it 
came up next day, the day agreed upon for Congress 
to adjourn. The morning, however, was passed in de- 
bate, and the clock in the House being ten minutes 
faster than the time of the Senate, the legislative ses- 
sion was closed, and the bill and appropriation laid 
over. 

Upon the discussion of the Wilmot Proviso arose 
the doctrine of ''^Squatter Sovereignty,'' of which Stephen 
A. Douglas was subsequently a strong advocate. Its 
principal features were that the inhabitants of any of 
the States had an equal right to introduce their prop- 
erty into the Territories, and when a sufficient popu- 
lation existed as to entitle the Territory to become a 
State, then the inhabitants thereof might adopt a Con- 
stitution with or without Slavery, and frame such laws 



XII.] SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY. 145 

as they thought proper, and that the Congress of the 
United States had no power to legislate upon the sub- 
ject of Slavery in the Territories; that it was the prop- 
erty of the peojyle^ and that they alone could say what 
their domestic institutions should be. Upon this ^^o^i^/'rtr 
fallacy Douglas rode into power with the Democracy, 
and into the ring of the politician^ and out of the sphere 
of the statesman. 

Calmly looking over the records of the advocates of 
this theory, it is most difficult to surmise how they 
disposed of that clause of the Federal Constitution 
which says: "Congress shall have power to dispose 
of, and make all needful rules and regulations respect- 
ing the Territory or other property belonging to the 
United States." 

I cannot see how language can be shaped to more 
clearly and fully vest the National CongTess with full 
power to legislate upon subjects that would qualify the 
public domain, when possessed of sufficient population 
to become States in the Union, than that in the above 
clause. 

Again, the Constitution says: "New States may be 
admitted by Congress into the Union;" and further, 
"The United States shall guarantee to every State in 
this Union a Republican form of government." 

They ^^may be admitted" — not they slmll. The act 
of their admission is a legislative act of Congress, and 
as there is no power to dictate nor control the legisla- 
tive branch of the Federal Government in this respect, 
it may impose such conditions as may seem best; and 
until a State, making application for admission, comply 
with these terms, the Congress can govern them by its 
laws; and as the General Government, and not the 
States, must legislate upon the subject, how is the 



146 REPUBLICANISM IN AJtIERICA. [Chap. 

Congress to be controlled as to the extent or quality of 
its legislation? And if Congress is of opinion that 
Slavery is inconsistent with a Republican form of gov- 
ernment, may it not so declare, and refuse to admit 
the State until a Constitution prohibiting it is adopted? 
Or, jif a Territory refuse to adopt such a Constitution, 
and thus cannot be admitted into the Union, and it re- 
mnin in a territorial condition until its population is as 
great or greater than the wliole of the States of the 
Union, and still maintains Slavery, and declines or re- 
fuses to adopt a Constitution Republican in form, as 
may be prescribed by Congress, is it not competent for 
Congress to legislate Slavery out of such Territory and 
fit it for admission ? Surely this is one of the "needful 
rules and regulations respecting the Territory." 

In further support of my statements, that Slavery 
was abolished in Mexico prior to the acquisition of any 
territory by the United States from that country, a cor- 
rect translation of some of the laws upon the subject 
in that country are here given. The extracts are taken 
from the eleventh volume of the laws of Mexico, pub- 
lished at the City of Mexico in 1838; also from the de- 
cree of President Guerrera in 1829, page 213 of the 
volume above alluded to: 

" Fifteenth of September, 1829. Decree of the Government 
in virtue of extraordinary powers. 

" Abolition of Slavery in the Republic. 1. Slavery is abol- 
ished in tiie Eepublic. 2. Consequently those are free who 
until now have been considered slaves. 3. "When the circum- 
stances of the treasury permit it, the owners of slaves shall be 
indemnified in the manner prescribed by the laws." 

The Congress of Mexico, in 1831, acting upon the 
decrees of President Guerrera, classifying and approv- 
ing them, on the 15th of February, 1831, enacted; 



XIL] ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN MEXICO. 147 

" 1st, Slavery is abolished, witliout any exception, in the 
whole Republic. 

"2d. The masters of slaves manumitted by the present law, 
or by the decree of the 15th of September, 1829, shall be indem- 
nified for their value." 

The Constitution of Mexico of 1834, contains the 
following declaration : 

"1. No one is a slave in the territory of the Nation; and any 
introduced shall be considered free, and shall be under the pro- 
tection of the laws." 

It seems idle to multiply evidences tending to show 
that Slavery was abolished in Mexico, California, Texas, 
and New Mexico, and that when these Territories 
(which belonged to Mexico) became the property of 
the United States they were free territory, as much as 
the territory of Canada or Nova Scotia is to-day, and 
that if these latter had been acquired by the United 
States, prior to the late war, they would have been 
equally open to Slavery as was any of the territory ac- 
quired from Mexico ; and who can entertain the idea 
that Slavery could be introduced into them by emi- 
grants were they Territories belonging to the Union. 

It has already been seen that in the slaveholding 
States of America stringent laws were passed prohibit- 
ing emancipation, and that by will or agreement slaves 
could not attain liberty — the tendency, jiolicy, and 
scope of the laws being opposed to emancipation. On; 
the contrary, the laws of Spain enforced in Mexico re- 
lating to slaves, were all favorable in their tendencies 
towards emancipation; and special laws were enacted 
by which slaves could gain their freedom, even with- 
out the consent and against the will of their masters. 
Many of these laws, if in force in the Slave States of 

10 



148 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

America during their palmy days of miscegenation, 
would have added largely to the list of free female 
slaves. The following extracts will illustrate. The 
quotations are from the Spanish law dictionary of Es- 
criche, under the heads, ^^ Usdavo,^^ ^^ EsdavitudJ^ 

" The slave shall deserve liberty in the four following' cases: 

1. If he shall inform on the ravisher or forcer of a virgin %Yoman. 

2. If he discovers the maker of false money. 3. If he shall dis- 
cover a military chief who abandons his post. 4. If he shall in- 
form on the murderer of his master, or shall avenge his death, 
or discover treason ag-ainst the King- or the King'dom. In the 
three first cases the King shall give the price of the slave to his 
master. Law 3, title 22, part 4. 

"If the master publicly jirostitute his slave woman, she is 
thereby freed, and he cannot recover her or have any right over 
her. Law 4, title 22, part 4." 

Had this law been in force in the Slave States, Abra- 
ham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation would have 
only applied to some of the male slaves, and those of 
the females who were under the age of maturitij. 

Two events only have transpired in the United 
States that seem to excel in importance the "Dred 
Scott Decision." These are the independence of Amer- 
ica, and the late Rebellion. 

The case above alluded to was decided in the Su- 
preme Court of the United States at the December 
term, 185G, Honorable Roger B. Taney, Chief Justice, 
and the Honorables John McLean, James W. Waj^ne, 
John Catron, Peter V. Daniel, Samuel Nelson, Robert 
C. Grier, Benjamin R. Curtis, and John A. Campbell, 
Associate Justices, 

• The opinion was delivered for the Court by the 
Honorable Roger B. Taney, Chief Justice. Mr. Justice 
McLean and Mr. Justice Curtis dissented, and wrote 
elaborate and able opinions. Some of the most inter- 



XIL] STATUS OF THE NEGRO. 149 

esting points in the decision of the Court, and also of 
the dissenting opinions, are given here. For a full re- 
port of the case the reader is referred to 19 Howard, 
United States Supreme Court Reports, page 393. The 
decision and opinions occupy two hundred and thirty 
pages, and will repay a careful reading. The Court 
said : 

"A free negro of the African race, whose ancestors were 
brought to this country and sold as slaves, is not a citizen within 
the meaning of the Constitution of the United States. 

' ' The only two clauses in the Constitution which jooint to this 
race, treat them as persons whom it was morally lawful to deal 
in as articles of property, and to hold as slaves. 

" The plaintiff having admitted by his demurrer to the plea in 
abatement that his ancestors were imported from Africa and sold 
as slaves, he is not a citizen of the State of Missouri, according 
to the Constitution of the United States, and was not entitled to 
sue in that character in the Circuit Court." 

It will be seen that the Court held Scott to be a 
slave and not a citizen, in consequence of the status of 
his ancestors. I apprehend that if all persons were held 
to this rule, many interesting changes would be made, 
even among "first families." 

" If, therefore, the facts he states do not give him nor his fam- 
ily a right of freedom, the plaintiff is still a slave, and not enti- 
tled to sue as a citizen. 

" Every citizen has a right to take with him into the Territory 
any article of property which the Constitution of the United 
States recognizes as property. 

' ' The Constitution of the United States recognizes slaves as 
property, and pledges the Federal Government to protect it, and 
Congress cannot exercise any more authority over property of 
that description than it may constitutionally exercise over 
property of any other kind. 

" The Act of Congress, therefore, prohibiting a citizen of the 
United States from taking with him his slaves when he removes 
to the Territory in question, to reside, is an exercise of authority 



150 REPUBLICANISM IN AJIEfJCA. [Chap. 

over private j)roj)erty which is not warranted by the Constitu- 
tion; and the removal of the plaintiff by his owner to the Terri- 
tory gave him no title to freedom." 

The attention of tlie reader is called to the differ- 
ence of opinion in the above decision, compared with 
those views already stated upon this subject; that 
Slavery is the subject of municipal and local law, and 
cannot exist in localities unless where some specific law 
or long custom establishes it. In support of these prop- 
ositions, and in opposition to the above opinion of 
the learned Court, the reader s attention is called to 
the dissenting opinions of Justice McLean and Justice 
Curtis, and the Spanish laws upon the subject of 
Slavery in this chapter. 

Justice McLean, dissenting, says: 

" On the question of citizenship, it must be admitted that we 
have not been very fastidious. Under the late treaty with 
Mexico, we have made citizens of all grades, combinations, and 
colors. The same was done in the admission of Louisiana and 
Florida. No one ever doubted, and no Court ever held that the 
people of these Territories did not become citizens under the 
treaty. They have exercised all the rights of citizens, without 
being naturalized under the A.cts of Congress. * * * 

" In the course of my judicial duties, I have had occasion to 
consider and decide several of the above points. 1st. As to 
the locality of Slavery. The civil law throughout the Continent 
of Europe, it is believed, without an exception, is, that Slavery 
cannot exist only within the territory wliere it is established; 
and that if a slave escapes, or is carried beyond such territory, 
his master cannot reclaim him, unless by virtue of some express 
stipulation. (Grotius, lib. 2, chapter 15, 5,1; lib. 10, chapter 
10, 2, 1. Wicquepast's Ambassador, lib. 1, page 418. 4 Martin, 
385. Case of the creole in the House of Lords, 1842. 1 Phil- 
lemore, on International Law, 31G, 335.) 

*' There is no nation of Eurojje which considers itself bound 
to return to his master a fugitive slave^ under the civil law, 
or the law of nations. 



XII.] SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. I5l 

" In tbe great leading case of Prigg- iK the State of Pennsyl- 
vania (IG Peters, 594; 14 Curtis, 421), this Court says, that by 
the general law of nations, no nation is bound to recognize the 
state of Slavery, as found within its territorial dominions. 
* * * * The state of Slavery is deemed to be a 
mere municipal regulation, founded upon and limited to the 
range of the territorial laws. This was fully recognized in 
Somersett's case (Laff. Rep. 1; 2 Howell's State Trials, 79), 
which was decided before the American Revolution." 

Lord Mansfield, in delivering the opinion of the 
Court of King's Bench, in the Soniersett case, said: 

" The state of Slavery is of such a nature that it is impossible 
of being introduced on any reasons, moral or political, but only 
by positive law, which preserves its force long after the reasons, 
occasion, and time itself, from whence it was created, is erased 
from the memory. It is of a nature that nothing can be suffered 
to support it but positive law. 

" Slavery is sanctioned by the laws of this State, and the right 
to hold slaves under our municipal regulations is unquestionable; 
but we view this as a right, existing by positive law of a municipal 
character, without foundation in the laws of nature, or the un- 
written and common law." (Rankin v. Lydia, Court of Appeals, 
Kentucky; Miller, J., 2 A. R. Marshall's Rep.) 

That the reader may follow me in my views that the 
Government of the United States was vested with full 
power to legislate for the Territories, and can prohibit 
Slavery or any other institution contrary to nature, 
reason, or justice, I give an extract from the opinion 
of Chief Justice Marshall, in the case of the Atlantic 
Insurance Company v. Carter (1 Peters, 511; 7 Cur- 
tis, 685), cited by Justice McLean, speaking in regard 
to the people of Florida; 

" They do not, however, participate in political power; they 
do not share in the Government until Florida shall become a 
State. In the meantime, Florida continues to be a Territory of 
the United States, governed by virtue of that clause of the Con- 



152 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Btitution which empowers Congress to make all needful rules and 
regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging 
to the United States." 

This comprehensive opinion of the learned Chief 
Justice Marshall ought to settle the question of the 
powers vested in Congress to pass all needful laws for 
the Territories, and as the Congress alone can be the 
judge of what is needful^ their power seems almost un- 
limited, whilst their legislation is within the sphere of 
the Constitution. 

Mr. Justice Curtis, dissenting from the Dred Scott 
decision, says: 

*' To determine whether any free persons descended from 
Africans held in Slavery were citizens of the United States 
under the Confederation, and consequently, at the time of the 
adoption of the Constitution of the United States, it is only 
necessary to know whether any such persons were citizens of 
either of the States under the Confederation at the time of the 
adoption of the Constitution. Of this there can be no doubt. 
At the time of the ratification of the Articles of Confederation, 
all free native born inhabitants of the States of New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, and North Carolina, 
though descended from African slaves, were not only citizens of 
those States, but such of them as had the other necessary quali- 
fications, possessed the franchise of electors on equal terms with 
the other electors. 

" The Suj)reme Court of North Carolina, in the case of the 
Slave V. Manuel (4 Dev. and Bat. 20), has declared the law of 
that State on this subject in terms which I believe to be as 
sound law in the other States I have enumerated, as it was 
in North Carolina." 

'' According to the laws of this State," says Judge 
Gaston, in delivering the opinion of the Court i 

" All human beings within it who are not slaves, fall within 
one of two classes. Whatever distinctions may have existed in 
the Roman laws, between citizens and free inhabitants, they are 
unknown to our institutions. 



XI r.] DRED SCOTT DECISION. 153 

" Before our Revolution, all free persons born within the 
dominions of the King of Great Britain, whatever their color or 
complexions, were native-born British subjects; those born out 
of his allej^-iance were aliens. Slavery did not exist in England, 
but did iu the British Colonies. Slaves were not in legal par- 
lance persons, and were then either British subjects, or not 
British subjects, according as they were or were not born, 
within the allegiance of the British King. 

" Ul)on the Revolution no other change took place in the laws 
of North Carolina than were consequent on the transition from 
a Colony dej)endent on a European King, to a free and sovereign 
State. Slaves remained Slaves. British subjects in North 
Carolina became North Carolina free men. Foreigners, until 
made members of the State, remained aliens. Slaves manu- 
mitted here became free men, and, therefore, if born within 
North Carolina are citizens of North Carolina, and all free per- 
sons born within the State are born citizens of the State. 

" The Constitution extended the election franchise to every 
free man who had arrived at the age of twenty-one, and paid a 
public tax; and it is a matter of universal notoriety, that under 
it, free persons, without regard to color, claimed and exercised 
the franchise until it was taken from free men of color a few 
years since by our amended Constitution." 

The reader is respectfully referred to the dissenting 
opinions of Justices McLean and Curtis, in the Dred 
Scott case, reported in 19 Howard's United States 
Supreme Court Reports, page 393. 

The friends of Slavery on the Pacific Coast, not con- 
tent with the veto of the people upon the institution, 
and still inclined towards fostering an establishment of 
barbarism upon the free soil of California, passed 
an Act in the Legislature, approved April 15th, 1852, 
with the modest (?) title of: ^^ An Act respecting fugi- 
tives from labor, and slaves brought into this State prior 
to her admission into the Unions The reader having 
already had abundant evidence that by no possible 
construction, either of the laws of any State in the 



154 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

Union, or by any Territorial or United States law, the 
laws of Mexico, Spain, or the laws of Nations, could 
it be shown that Slavery existed in the Territory of 
California before the adoption of her Constitution, 
and as it could not exist after the adoption of the 
Constitution, because of its prohibition, it may be 
difficult to understand where the able legislators found 
legal powers to establish Slavery in California in 1852, 
and as this monument of Democratic legislation and 
wisdom may be handed down to posterity, it is given 
here in full, as it stands upon the statute book to this 
day. It expired by limitation April 15th, 1855, but 
the Act still continues to be published in connection 
with the other statutes of California. 

" Fugitives from Labor." 

" An Act respecting fugitives from labor, and slaves brought to 
this Slate prior to her admission into the Union. Approved April 
15^/t, 1852. 

" Section 1. When a person held to labor in any State or Ter- 
ritory of the United States under the laws thereof, shall escape 
into this State, the person to whom such labor or service xany be 
due, hi^ agent or attorney is hereby empowered to seize or arrest 
such fugitive from labor, or shall have the right to obtain a 
warrant of arrest for such fugitive, granted by any judge, 
justice, or magistrate of this State, and directed to any sheriff 
or constable of this State; and when seized or arrested, to take 
him or her before any judge or justice of this State, or before 
any magistrate of a county, city, or town corporate, and upon 
proof to the satisfaction of such judge or magistrate, either by 
oral testimony or affidavit, taken before and certified by any 
judge or magistrate in this State, or of any other State or Ter- 
ritory, that the person so seized or arrested doth, under the 
laws of the State or Territory from which he or she fled, owe 
service or labor to the person claiming him or her, it shall 
be the duty of such judge or magistrate to give a certificate 
thereof to such claimant, his agent, or attorney, which shall be 
sufficient warrant for removing the said fugitive from labor, 



XII.] SLAVERY IN CALIFORNIA. 155 

to the State or Territory from wliicli lie or slie fled; and for 
using such force and restraint as may be necessary, under the 
circumstances of the case, to take and remove such fugitive per- 
son back to the State or Territory whence he or she may have 
escaped as aforesaid. In no trial or hearing, under this Act, 
shall the testimony of such alleged fugitive be admitted in evi- 
dence, and the certificate herein before mentioned shall be 
conclusive of the right of the person or persons in whose favor 
granted, to remove such fugitive to the State or Territory from 
which he escaped, and shall prevent all molestation of such per- 
son or j)ersons by any process issued by any Court, judge, jus- 
tice, or magistrate, or other person whomsoever. 

" Sec. 2. Any person who shall knowingly and willingly ob- 
struct, hinder, or prevent such claimant, his agent, or attorney, 
or any person or persons lawfully assisting him, her, or them, 
from arresting such fugitive from service or labor, either with or 
without process as aforesaid, or shall rescue or attempt to rescue 
such fugitive from the custody of such claimant, his or her agent 
or attorney, or other person or persons lawfully assisting as 
aforesaid, when so arrested pursuant to the authority herein 
given and declared, or shall aid, abet, or assist such fugitive, 
directly or indirectly to escape from such claimant, his agent, or 
attorney, or other person or persons legally authorized as afore- 
said, or shall harbor or conceal such fugitive so as to j)revent 
the discovery and arrest of such fugitive, shall, for either of 
said offenses be subject to a fine of not less than five hundred 
dollars, and imprisonment not less than two months, by indict- 
ment and conviction before any Court of Sessions of this State, 
or before any Court having criminal jurisdiction within this 
State; and shall, moreover, forfeit and par, by way of civil 
damages to the claimant of said fugitive, the sum of one thou- 
sand dollars for each and either of said offenses, to be recovered 
by action in any District Court of this State. 

" Sec. 3. It shall be the duty of all sheriffs, deputy sheriffs, 
and constables to obey and execute all warrants and precepts 
issued under the provisions of this Act, when to them directed; 
and should any sheriff, deputy sheriff, or constiible refuse to re- 
ceive such warrant or other process when tendered, or to use all 
proper means, diligently to execute the same, he shall on con- 
viction thereof, by indictment, be fined in the sum of not less 
than five hundred dollars and not more than two thousand 



156 REPUBLICANISM IN A3IERICA. [Chap. 

dollars, to the use of the countj' in -which conviction is had, and 
removed from office, and shall be liable to the claimant in such 
damages as the claimant shall sustain by reason of said miscon- 
duct; and after the arrest of such fugitive by such sheriff, or his 
deputy, or constable, or whilst at any time within his custody, 
should such fugitive escape by the assent, neglect, or contrivance 
of such officer, such officer shall be liable, on his official bond to 
such claimant, for the full value of said fugitive in the State or 
Territory from whence he or she came. 

" Sec. 4. Any person or persons held to labor or service in 
any State or Territory of the United States, by the laws of such 
State or Territory, and who were brought or introduced within 
the limits of this State, previous to the admission of this State 
as one of the United States of America, and Avho shall refuse to 
return to the State or Territory where he, she, or they owed 
such labor or service, upon the demand of the person or per- 
sons, his, or their agent, or attorney, to whom such labor or serv- 
ice was due, such person or persons so refusing to return shall 
be held and deemed fugitives from labor Avithin the meaning of 
this Act; and all the remedies, rights, and provisions herein 
given to claimants of fugitives who escajie from any other State 
into this State, are hereby given and conferred upon claimants 
of fugitives from labor, within the meaning of this section, 
provided the provisions of this section shall have force and 
effect until the 15th day of April, 1855, but not beyond that 
period. 

" Sec. 5. Nothing contained in this Act shall be so construed 
as to allow the claimant of any slave to hold such slave in servi- 
tude in this State after his reclamation under the j)rovisions of 
this Act, except for the purpose of removing such slave from the 
State." 

The general features of the bill are, to say the least, 
interesthig; full powers are guaranteed, and provision 
made for the arrest and return of '' he or she," and 
" in no trial or hearing under the Act shall the tes- 
timony of such alleged fugitive be admitted in evi- 
dence." That is possession of life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness (?). Also, persons " held to serv- 
ice or labor in any State or Territory ♦ * * 



XIL] SLAVERY IN CALIFORNIA. 157 

and who were brought or introduced within the limits 
of this State previous to the admission of this State 
as one of the United States of America," and who 
" refuse to return," shall be delivered up. The Con- 
stitution of the United States speaks of joersons " es- 
caping," but the California legislators say, " brought 
or introduced." And the Supreme Court of the State, 
in the matter of C. Perkins and R. Perkins, reported 
in 2d California Reports, page 424, (the case being 
brought before Judge Wells, on habeas corims^) Chief 
Justice Murray, and Justice Anderson, each delivered 
opinions. Hear the learned Court: 

" By virtue of their police power, the States possess jurisdic- 
tion to arrest and restrain fugitive slaves, and to remove them 
from their borders, but not so as to ohstrLLct the owner in 
reclaiming his slaves under the Constitution of the United 
States." 

But the Act does not speak of fugitives. 

" The owner of slaves in Mississippi brought them voluntarily 
into California before the adoption of the Constitution by the 
State. These slaves asserted their freedom, and for some months 
were engaged in business for themselves. Afterwards the Act 
of 1852 was passed. * * * * n enacts that 

slaves who had been voluntarily introduced into the States 
before the adoption of the Constitution should be deemed fugi- 
tives from labor and be returned to their masters." 

The Judge quoted the clause of the United States 
Constitution for the rendition of persons charged 
" with treason, felony, or other crime." I cannot 
see that those persons brought into a territory where 
Slavery was abolished by the laws of Mexico (the 
country from which the territory was obtained), and 
where the laws of the United States did not introduce 
Slavery, could become slaves; much less, how the 



158 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

clause applicable to persons fleeing from justice in con- 
sequence of the commission of crimes, could appl}'- to 
those persons brought to California by their masters. 
The Court concluding, says: 

" The judgment of the Court is, that the writ be dismissed, 
and that the slaves Eobert Perkins, Carter Perkins, and Sandy- 
Jones, be remanded to jail, into the custody of the Sheriff of 
the County of San Francisco, and by the said Sheriff delivered 
to his master or his agent without delay or cost." 

Justice Anderson, concurring in his written opinion, 
has exhibited much research and ability; but his de- 
cision is burdened with the shallow display of that 
love of compromise which has characterized the friends 
of Slavery in all sections of the Republic. A single 
extract from his opinion is here given: 

" It would be a poor evidence of our fidelity to the spirit of 
compromise to resort to a very strained and technical construc- 
tion, by a surprise and strategy to deprive our American 
brethren of their properly, because they came here in good 
faith, trusting to the protection of the National Constitution. 
This would not be the favorite mode that a wise Statesman or a 
just and patriotic Judge should elect to allay a long, deep, and 
sorely irritated feeling, or to consign to oblivion the unkind 
remembrances of the past; but a j)lain and truthful administra- 
tion of the laws will do this. It will mark, too, the justice of 
our noble State; and if any other word was needed, I would say, 
our wisdom. No comj)laint can then go up against us to our far 
off brethren for the want of the first, and the latter will stand 
out in illuminated letters, declaring the truth of the law as it is, 
the purity of our motives, and our devotion to our whole 
Union." 

It will be seen how anxious the learned Judge was 
not to surprise his distant brethren^ and how sincerely he 
desired to avoid a show of want of "fidelity to the 
spirit of compromise." The reader must judge how 



XIL] SLAVERY IN CALIFORNIA. 159 

''illuminated" are "the letters declaring the truth of 
the law" in these decisions. 

The next California case of importance was the case 
of Ex-parte Arcliy, on habeas corpus before the Su- 
preme Corrt, January term, 1858. Reported in 9th 
California, page 147. The statute relating to "fugi- 
tives from labor" expired by limitation on the 15th of 
April, 1855, as will be seen by referring to it, and this 
case came under the Constitution of the United States 
and the ^^ comity'^ of States. 

Charles A. Stovall, a citizen of Mississippi, who 
came across the plains in 1857, brought with him his 
slave, making California liis home, entering into busi- 
ness, advertising his business as permanent, and hiring 
out Archy on a river boat — Archy receiving part of 
the wages and Stovall the balance. Archy became a 
resident of the State by the free will of his master — 
not as an escaped slave — for he came in company with 
his master, and was employed by him in the State for 
almost a year, and was unquestionably entitled to his 
freedom. 

The decision of Justice Burnett is neither dignified 
with a pretension to impartial research nor legal 
knowledge; and judging by his own language, he de- 
cided the case upon the score of policy. He says : 

" This is the first case, and under these circumstances we are 
not disposed to rigidly enforce the rule for the first time; but in 
reference to all future cases it is our purpose to enforce the rules 
laid down strictly, according to their true intent and spirit. It 
is therefore ordered that Archy be forthwith released from the 
custody of the Chief of Police and given into the custody of the 
X^etiHoner, Charles A. Stovall." 

As this was the "first case," the learned Judge 
would consign Archj back to Slavery, but in the "fu- 



160 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tare" lie would do letter and ^^ enforce the rules laid down^ 
strictly^ These rules were, that where a person took 
his slaves into a Free State and held them there until 
they gained a residence, he should hold that they were 
free. See Chief Justice Terry's concurring opinion in 
confirmation of this. He says: 

" I concur in the judgment and in the principles announced 
in the opinion of my associate, while I do not entirely agree 
with his conclusions. From the facts of the case, I think the 
delay of the j^etitioner was unavoidable, and that the fact of his 
engaging in labor in order to support himself during his neces- 
sary detention, did not divest his rights under the law of comity 
as laid down in the opinion." 

The language of the Chief Justice is, that because 
Stovall found it necessary to rely upon the earnings of 
Archy for his su})port, that there was an implied legal 
dominion in the former over the latter,' and, that so long 
as the iit^cessity of support existed with Mr. Stovall, he 
must ooiitinue to collect and appropriate the earnings of 
his " slaves." And notwithstanding that California was 
a free State, Archy could be removed beyond its limits, 
at the will of his " master." Stovall's counsel said : 

" But I cannot consent to stultify the members of the Conven- 
tion who framed, or m}^ fellow citizens who ratified the Consti- 
tution, by the indulgence of the thought that the section in viow 
owed its place in the Constitution to so blind an infatuation as 
sympathy for a few hundred negro slaves. * * * * 
Slavery derives its force and dignity from the same principles of 
right and reason, the same views of the nature and constitution 
of man, and the same sanction of Divine revelation as those from 
which the science of morality is deduced. Its effect is the moral 
and physical improvement of the slave himself." 




V C /„ 



r 



CHAPTER Xllt. 

REPTJBLICAN PARTY.— ITS FIEST ORGANIZATION.— DEMOCRATIC PARI Y 1840 TO 
1831.— ABOLITIONISTS.— JAMES G. BIRNEY ABOLITION CANDIDATE.— SUC- 
CE=;S OF THE PARTY.— PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS OF 1840, 1844, 1848, 1852, 
AND 1S5G.— NOMINATION OP HARRISON, SCOTT AND POLK.— WHIGS NOMI- 
NATE CLAY.— BIRNEY RE-NOMINATED.— SETTLEMENT OF THE OREGON 
CLAIMS.— TREAT? RESPECTING OREGON.— THOMAS H. BENTON'S VIEWS 
ON THE OREGON BOUNDARY.— GEN. TAYLOR ELECTED.— " HUNKERS " AND 
"BARNBURNERS."— LEWIS CASS NOMINATED.— FRANKLIN PIERCE NOIVn- 
NATED.— ELECTION OF PIERCE.— NOMINATION OF BUCHANAN AND FRE- 
MONT.— BUCHANAN'S CABINET.— FLOYD MOVES ARMS SOUTH.— HIS RESIG- 
NATION.— SPEECHES OF SOUTHERN LEADERS.— SOUTHERN JOURNALS.— 
SLA^VERY IS DIVINE.— WOULD "EXTEND IT EVEN TO YANKEES." 

Of all the political organizations in America, none 
has had so hard a struggle for national existence as 
had the party known as the Republican Union party 
of to-day; nor has any political party in any country 
or age achieved so much as has this party for the ad- 
vancement of human liberty and the elevation upon a 
common platform of the religious and civil equality of 
all men before the law. 

The first appearance of the party under its present 
name, as a national organization, was in the year 1831 • 
but this was not the first appearance of the sjmit of 
that party, for the impulses that animated and inspired 
the leaders of this progressive band had first taken 
hold of American affairs when the Pilgrims planted 
their feet on Plymouth rock, and had followed the 
conquering hosts of New England throughout the rev- 
olutionary struggle to a glorious conquest, and again 
perched upon their banners in the formation of civil 
government, wherein they established for themselves 
and their children that political and religious freedom 



162 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

which has placed America far in advance of all the 
nations of the earth. 

The different political parties that had from time to 
time appeared before the people, had at this period 
resolved themselves into the two great national parties 
of Whigs and Democrats. The Democratic part}^ at 
this time was in the zenith of its glory. It had stood 
firm to the doctrines of its founders. They were in- 
spired with the spirit of those men, who in the Con- 
vention that framed the National Constitution over- 
powered Washington, Franklin, and others in their 
efforts to extirpate human Slavery, and had in opposi- 
tion to their will, fastened upon the nation the odium 
of -property in man, and the unjust representation of 
the South in the National Congress based upon negro 
influence. Their rule in State and National legisla- 
tion was almost a continuous and unlimited chain of 
wrongs and usurpations, arrogating to themselves all 
places of profit and interest; indeed, they had com- 
pletely turned the whole country into a kind of South- 
ern hospital for the comfort and support of the 
slave-breeder. 

At this time the Democracy had nominated for the 
Presidency, by their Convention at Baltimore, on May 
5tli, 1840, Martin Van Buren; but they were defeated 
in the election. The Whig party, the only other or- 
ganized National party at this time, had met at Ilarris- 
burg on the 4th of December, 1839, and nominated 
William H. Harrison, over Henry Clay and Winfield 
Scott, for the Presidency, and John Tyler for the Yice- 
Presidency, both of whom were elected. Harrison 
died just one month after his inauguratipn, and was 
succeeded by John Tyler, who was elected Vice-Presi- 
dent with him. 



XIII.] POLITICAL PARTIES. 163 

At this period a third party had developed itself. 
Its members were composed of the progressive wing of 
the Whig party, and those who had cast their votes for 
years without any real tie to any party. They were 
few in numbers, but they were a resolute hand. They 
came from all quarters of the Republic. Their ranks 
could boast not only of patriotism and love of freedom, 
but also of possessing more refinement, education, and 
sobriety than ever characterized a political party since 
the formation of civil government. Many of its mem- 
bers were men of years, who had received their convic- 
tions of the equality of men before the law from the 
teachings of patriotic ancestors, who had raised their 
voices against the sin of the Democratic institution of 
Slavery as early as the year 1621. 

They were calm and philosophical observers of the 
progressive spirit of Freedom in the new world — they 
were the sentinels upon the outposts of Liberty, who 
were to sound the first notes that called up from the 
doomed night of Democratic barbarism into the pure 
light of Republican liberty, the bondmen of America 
— they were the medium between God and man, to 
break the cruel fetters of barbarism and touch the 
magic spark that should light up in the breast of the 
slave that fire of Liberty and Hope implanted by the 
Deity, and which when once illuminated by the light 
of Freedom and intelligence, never can be dimmed by 
the hand of man. 

They were called AhoUtionists, the very name of which, 
in those times, was odious, and consigned its bearer to 
insult, and often to physical outrage by the Democrats. 
Indeed, in many parts of the country, and particularly 
at the South, a true Democrat hunted with savage fe- 
rocity, akin to the African tiger on the scent of a Hot- 



164 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tentot, an Abolitionist, and considered him his prey ; and 
if found within the Slave States, would serve as a 
manikin upon which to practice with his bowie-knife, 
or bedeck with tar and feathers, or under Southern 
statutes, consign to a prison or the gallows. Their 
treatment at the North, in many instances, had been 
little better. For years no meetings of the party could 
be held; violent attacks from Democratic ruffians 
drove them from every point. Laws were passed at 
the South denying the use of the United States mails 
to any books, papers, or any other matter of an aboli- 
tion tendency. 

An Anti- Slavery meeting was held at "Warsaw, in 
Western New York, in November, 1839, at which the 
subject of organizing into a national political party, 
and placing a candidate in the field for the Presidency, 
was discussed. Here was the first practical move 
toward the organization of the National Union Re- 
publican party. 

The National Union Republican party which crushed 
out Slavery, subdued the fiery temper and brutal pas- 
sions of the dealers in men, lifted the American Re- 
public from the slough of despond into which it was 
cast by Democratic infidelity, and made her the freest 
and most powerful of nations on the earth. 

The Convention nominated for the Presidency, 
James G. Birney, of New York, formerly of Alabama, 
and for the Vice-Presidency, Francis J. Lemoync, of 
Pennsylvania, The new party came before the public 
as a mere experiment j for, of course, they could not 
hope to carry the election, but they achieved a victory, 
the rich fruits of which will be gathered" by the gen- 
erations of men, so long as human freedom finds an 
advocate. They forged the thunderbolt that rent the 



XIII.] THE ABOLITION PARTY 1C5 

black cloud which obscured the light of freedom in 
the Southern sky; they directed the hand that on the 
1st day of January, 1863, wrote the proclamation that 
made America free, and sounded the bugle notes which 
led the conquering armies of 1864-'65 to a triumphal 
victory; they blew the trumpet blast that called the 
doctrines of peaceable secession and '' Southern rights" 
to that sleep that knows no waking. 

The Abolition party, as it was called, retired from the 
election contest of 1840 with a vote of 7,000 for their 
candidates. The Democrats were defeated by the 
Whigs, who elected Harrison. Tyler, who succeeded 
Harrison, soon abandoned the principles upon which 
he was elected, and found himself in close league with 
the interests of the leading slaveholders of the South. 
At no period of the nation was the contest between 
political parties so great as in the years from this first 
Republican (abolition) national organization to the 
election of Mr. Lincoln, their first President, in 1860. 
The Secession Laws of South Carolina of 1832, and 
the cruel codes passed by the South against the Abo- 
litionists, aroused the sympathies of a large portion of 
the people of the North in favor of the new party. 
The strife between North and South was now bitter 
and well defined. State elections brought to the Na- 
tional Capital representatives imbued with the spirit of 
the Republican party, whose philosophy and argu- 
ments in favor of human liberty, coming in contact 
with the barbarous instincts and debasing practices of 
the representatives of the slave power, converted the 
halls of national legislation into a battle field be- 
tween Liberty and Slavery. 

Within this period were the agitating questions of 
the annexation of Texas, and in 1850 the admission 



16G REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

of California, '' Squatter Soyercignty," Kansas and 
Nebraska difficulties, under all of which agitations the 
new Republican party grew into strength and influ- 
ence. Soon they began to absorb the advance linos of 
the Whig party, and to gain victories at State elec- 
tions. 

From the year 1840 up to 1844, dissensions were 
creeping into the Democratic ranks; and as the Presi- 
dential election of 1844 drew nigh, the breach began 
to widen. The annexation of Texas to enlarge the 
field of slave labor, was an all-absorbing subject. 
Martin Van Buren had been their choice for the Presi- 
dency until within a few months before the election. 
The Democratic Convention which met May 29th, 
1844, found it difficult to nominate Van Buren, and 
the delegates of Virginia and New York abandoning 
him, the scale was turned in favor of James K. Polk, 
who received the nomination, but left an ugly gap in 
the Democratic ranks. 

The Whig National Convention assembled at Balti- 
more on May 1st, 1844. Henry Clay was declared the 
unanimous choice of the Convention for the Presidency. 
The disaffection caused b}' the rejection of Van Buren 
by the Democratic Convention, and the feeling amongst 
many of the Whig leaders that Clay was leaning too 
strong toward slave interests, afforded many of them 
an opportunity to affiliate with the ncAV party, the Re- 
publicans, who now held the balance of power. Mr. 
Clay's Whig friends felt keenly the loss of their votes; 
for with the abolition vote added to the Whig vote, the 
ambition of Clay's life would have been consummated, 
and Polk would have been defeated. But the new Re- 
publican party were not to be bought nor swerved from 
their purpose. They iiad held their National Conven- 



XIIL] BIRNEY AND HIS PARTY. 167 

tion, and came the second time before the public with 
their tried friend Mr. Birney, for the Presidency, 
This time the Democrats were successful; Polk was 
elected President; Clay was defeated, so was Birney; 
but Birney and his party had gained on both parties. 
The 7,000 votes of four years before were now swelled 
to 62,140, an increase of almost tenfold in four years. 
Abolitionism was beginning to be respectable, and 
Democratic hate and opposition to it to increase. The 
wheels of Polk's administration were put in motion on 
March 4th, 1845, with James Buchanan as Secretary of 
State. The administration was highly favorable to 
" compromise" and domestic Slavery. 

The new administration had upon its hands, besides 
local issues, two important foreign affairs — the dispute 
with Great Britain respecting the claims of title to 
Oregon, and the Mexican question, as to the boundary 
of Texas, out of which grew the war with Mexico, 
which was commenced April 25th, 1846. Polk was 
inaugurated President only a few days before-March 
4th, 1846. 

The Democrats had gained temporary prestige by 
Polk's administration, and the prosecution of the 
Mexican war; but on the question of enforcing the 
claims of the United States to the Oregon Territory, 
including all that country between the parallels of 42 
degrees, and 54 degrees and 40 minutes north latitude, 
they weakened ; the region was not suitable to slave 
labor and " Southern interests," so Calhoun, Rhett and 
other Democratic leaders, became luke-wrrm, and 
finally opposed a vigorous prosecution of the claims of 
the United States to Oregon, whilst Mr. Adams, of 
Massachusetts, the leader of the Whig party, together 
with other prominent Whigs, proclaimed for immediate 



168 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

action, as did also Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, the leader 
of the Abolition party. This reaction and cooling 
down of the fighting spirit of the Democrats as they ap- 
proached the frigid zone, wore off a little of the Mexi- 
can tinsel, and placed the Whig and Abolition parties 
upon a healthier footing in the estimation of the party 
of freedom, who now advocated the issuing of a no- 
tice by the Executive to the British Government, that 
steps be taken to abrogate the Convention of 1827. A 
declaration of this nature would decide one of two 
things — the peaceable possession of Oregon by the 
Americans as claimed, or a war with England. On the 
vote on this proposition, it passed by 142 to 46 against 
it; all those voting against it being Democrats. So 
now the Whigs and Abolitionists were in harmony for 
Oregon, while the leaders of the Democracy opposed it. 
Polk, on the 27th of April, 1846, approved the resolu- 
tions, authorizing the notice to England, which notice 
was in duo time handed to Queen Victoria in person. 
The great suspense of the country, and the dread of 
war entertained by the Democracy, was soon dispelled. 
A conference between Mr. Parkenham on behalf of her 
Britannic Majesty, and James Buchanan on behalf of 
the United States, concluded a treaty on the 15th of 
June, 1846, confirming the title to Oregon, as now 
possessed by the United States, making the division 
line "the 49th degree of latitude, from the Stony 
Mountains west to the middle of the channel which 
separates Vancouver Island from the Continent, thence 
southerly through the middle of the channel and to 
Fuca Straits, to the Pacific Ocean." The treaty was 
sent to England for the ratification of that Government, 
which was done, and ratifications exchanged, which 
were proclaimed by the President, August 5th, 1846. 



XII.I.] THE PACIFIC TERRITORY. 169 

Thomas II. Benton, one of America's clearest headed 
Statesmen, at this period in the United States Sen- 
ate, had not gone to the extreme of '54, as had many 
leading spirits of all parties; and to his able speech 
delivered upon this subject, in which he had con- 
tended for 49 as the north boundary, more than to 
any other one cause, may be attributed the peaceful 
adjustment of what threatened a long and disastrous 
war. 

The follownig extract from a speech made by him in 
the United States Senate, January 12th, 1843, will at 
once show the origin of our title to this vast Pacific 
Territory, forming Oregon, Washington, and Idaho 
Territories : 

" Mr. Benton said he would not restate the American title to 
that country; it had been well done by others who had preceded 
him in debate. He would only give a little more development 
to two points — the treaties of 1803 and 1819; the former with 
France, by which we acquired Louisiana, the latter with Spain, 
by which we acquired all her rights on the northwest coast of 
America, north of 42 degrees. By the first of these treaties, we 
became a party to the tenth Article of the Treaty of Utrecht be- 
tween France and England; the treaty of peace of 1714, which 
terminated the wars of Queen Anne and Louis XIV, and settled 
all their differences of every kind in Europe and America, and 
undertook to prevent the recurrence of future differences be- 
tween them. The tenth Article of this treaty applied to their 
settletnents and territories in North America, and directed Com- 
missioners to be appointed to mark and define their possessions. 
These Commissioners did their work. They drew a line from ocean 
to ocean to separate the French and B.ntish dominions, and to 
prevent further encroachments and collisions. This line be"-an 
on the coast of Labrador, and followed a course slightly south- 
west to the centre of North America, leaving the British settle- 
ments of Hudson Bay to the north, and the French Canadian 
possessions to the south. This line took for a landmark the 
Lake of the Woods, which was then believed to he due east 



170 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

from the head of the Mississippi, and from that point took the 
forly-ninth jMrallel of laiiiude indefinitely to the west. The lan- 
guage is 'indefinitely;' and tliis established the northern 
boundary of Louisiana, and erected a wall, bej'ond which 
future French settlements could not cross to the North, nor 
British to the South. 

" As purchasers of Louisiana, the treaty of 1803 made us a party 
to the tenth Article of the Treaty of Ulrecht, and made ihe forty - 
ninth parallel the same to us and ihe British which it had been to the 
French and the British ; it became a wall which neither j^arty 
could pass, so far as it depended upon that line." 

The settlement of the Oregon question and the 
shameful backing down of the Democracy in the 
matter began to lead the Whig and Abolition parties 
into favor. 

The Presidential campaign of 1848 was opened 
early in 1847. The name of General Taylor was prom- 
inent among Democrats and Whigs; his war record 
was 01 influence. Manj^ of the latter party felt loth to 
abandon Henry Clay, but he had been so often before 
the people in the Presidential line that they began 
to think of looking for fresh material. They did not 
like Taylor; he was a slaveholder, and doubtless would 
favor the extension of the institution into the Ter- 
ritories, to all of which the Whigs were opposed. 
Taylor was a Democrat, and when interrogated by 
Whigs and Democrats as to his position in relation to 
the subjects dividing these parties, he declined to 
define his position, or state his views. He had been 
for the past forty years in the active service of the 
Army; had not thought of politics or part}^ issues, in- 
deed, had not cast a vote in all his life ; all he could 
say was, that if elected, he would serve the people 
honestly and faithfully. He also declared, that he 
would not receive a nomination from any partj — Demo- 



XIII.] CANDIDATES FOR TUE PRESIDENCY 1848. iTl 

cratic, Whig, or National; but if nominated and 
elected, it must be by the people, regardless of parties; 
still, if nominated by the Whig party, he should not 
decline the nomination, provided he was left free of 
all pledges — if pledges were demanded, he should de- 
cline the nomination. Whigs objected to this, and 
declared that no man was fit to represent that party 
who was ashamed or afraid to proclaim for its doc- 
trines. 

The Democratic National Convention met at Balti- 
more, May 22d, 1848. The composure of the Conven- 
tion was disturbed by double s-As of delegates from 
New York — the "Hunkers" and " Barnburners" — each 
claiming to be the regular party. Neither of these par- 
ties, however, took any part in the Convention. 
Greneral Lewis Cass received the nomination for the 
Presidency. 

The Whig National Convention met at Philadelphia, 
June 7th, 1848. General Zachary Taylor was nom- 
inated for the Presidency over Henry Clay, Daniel 
Webster, General Scott, and John McLean. Great con- 
fusion and excitement followed the announcement of 
the nomination. The leading Whigs of the Free 
States who had favored Webster, Scott, or Clay, in 
preference to Taylor, felt that the nominee was not the 
rej^resentative of the progressive ideas of the great 
Whig party; indeed, one of them, Mr. Allen, of Mas- 
sachusetts, proclaimed in the Convention after the 
nomination, that the Whig p)arty had that day been dis- 
solved. Millard Fillmore v/as nominated for the Vice- 
Presidency. Resolutions were introduced amidst great 
confusion, to the effect that Congress possessed the 
legal power to prohibit Slavery in the Territories. 
This caused a storm most violent from the Southern 



172 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

wing of Taylor's supporters. Right here was the 
element of destruction preying upon the Whig party. 
No more than oil and water can be united could the 
sentiments of the Pro-Slavery and Anti-Slavery ele- 
ments of this body be harmonized. At every step 
new converts were being made for the new party — the 
Abolition or Republican party. ''Barnburners" and 
'' Hunkers" were calling mass meetings, and proclaim- 
ing against the Democratic nominee, General Cass. 
While this was going on, disaffected Whigs were hold- 
ing meetings, and looking to some new combination 
through which they might have a fair exponent and a 
representative of their principles. 

The "Barnburners," now a powerful organization, 
particularly throughout New York State, had held a 
Convention at Utica, New York, June 23d, 1848. 
They favored Van Buren for their nominee for the 
Presidency, but he declined, at the same time pro- 
claiming in favor of Free Territory, and avowing that 
he could not support either the Democratic or Whig 
nominees for the Presidency. The Convention, not- 
withstanding his declination, nominated him for the 
Presidency by acclamation. 

A mass Convention of the friends of Free Territory 
was held at Buffalo, New York, August 9th, 1848. 
Nearly all the Free States and the States of Virginia, 
Mar3dand, and Delaware were represented. The Con- 
vention was composed of many of the purest and best 
men of the country, attracting to it those persons of 
all previous parties who were opposed to human 
Slavery. The three following resolutions were unani- 
mously passed: 

" First, That it is the duty of tibe Federal Government to abol- 
ish Slava?j wherever it has the constitutional power to do so, 



I 



XIIL] THE FREE-SOIL PARTY. 173 

and that the Government is responsible for its existence in such 
places. Second, That the States within which Slavery exists, are 
alone responsible for the continuance or existence of it within 
those States, and that the General Government has no authority 
over Slavery within the States. Third, That the true and safe 
means of preventing the existence of Slavery in territory now 
free is by Congressional action." 

Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, was chosen 
President of the Convention, and a Vice-President 
from each of the States was also chosen. Martin Van 
Buren was nominated for the Presidency, and John P. 
Hale for Vice-President, the former receiving 244 
votes, and the latter 181. Mr. Hale was at the time 
a Democratic Congressman from New Hampshire, but 
his "free-soil" doctrines had placed him outside the 
ring of his part3^ Hale, who had been previously 
nominated for the Presidency by the Anti-Slaveiy 
party, at his request had his name withdrawn, and 
Charles Francis Adams was nominated for Vice-Presi- 
dent by acclamation. 

The Anti-Slavery party, which had run Birney twice 
for the Presidency, now centered their forces upon 
Van Buren, who went into the field with great reluc- 
tance, he having publicly announced some years pre- 
viously that he should not again be a candidate for the 
Presidency. In the meantime Taylor, the Whig can- 
didate, was gaining strength from the Democratic ranks. 
Many of the Southern people, tiring of that party, 
feared that Lewis Cass, being a Northern man, would 
not prove sound on the Slavery question. During this 
time, those who were more progressive in both the 
Democratic and Whig parties, and the disaffected 
"Barnburners," "Hunkers," and Abolitionists rallied 
to Van Buren's support, and swelled his vote in the 
fall election to 291,455. Here was an increase oi jive" 



174 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

fold in the last four years for the Free-Soil party. 
Taylor, the Whig candidate for President, with Mil- 
lard Fillmore for Vice-President, were elected, they 
receiving 1,362,031, and Cass and Butler 1,222,445 
popular votes. Taylor was inaugurated President on 
the 6th of March, (the 4th being Sunday,) 1849, and 
Mr. Fillmore as Vice-President. 

The leading topics engaging his first attention were 
the Acts of Congress in relation to the formation of 
govermnents for the Territories of Oregon and Utah 
and the admission of California. (See California.) 

President Taylor died July 10th, 1850, and was suc- 
ceeded on the same day by his Vice-President, Mr. 
Fillmore. The violent struggle maintained by the 
Democracy during Taylor's and Fillmore's administra- 
tions to perpetuate Slavery in all the Free Territory, 
and their opposition to the admission of California, 
will be found treated upon under the head of that 
State, in other chapters of this book. 

The National Democratic Convention met at Balti- 
more, June 1st, 1852. Lewis Cass was a prominent 
member before it for the Presidency. James Bu- 
chanan, Stephen A. Douglas, and "W. L. Marcy were also 
before the Convention. Several days were spent with- 
out effecting a nomination. On the fifth day of the 
Convention, Cass had run as high as 123 votes; still 
there was no nomination. It was now apparent that 
a ''compromise" must be effected. Franklin Pierce, 
of New Hampshire, whose name had not before been 
mentioned, was presented by the Virginia delegation. 
Pierce, on the 49th ballot, received the nomination. 
"W. R. King, of Alabama, was nominated for the Vice- 
Presidency. 

The Whig National Convention met at Baltimore, on 



XIII.] DEMOCRATIC RESOLUTIONS OF 1852. 175 

the IGth of June, 1852. The prominent candidates 
before it were Fillmore, Gen. Scott, and Daniel Web- 
ster. Scott received the nomination on the fifty-third 
ballot, as follows: Scott 159, Fillmore 112, Webster 
21. W. A. Graham, of North Carolina, was nominated 
for Vice-President. The issue upon the subject of 
Slavery was still a leading subject of discord. 

The following extracts from the platforms of these 
two parties will clearly present their positions upon 
the subject of Slavery, at this time the one agitating 
the public more than all others: 

Democeatic Resolutions or 1852. 

*' Resolved, That Congress lias no power under the Constitu- 
tion to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the 
several States, and that such States are the sole and j^roper 
judges of everything appertaining to their C'n affairs and not 
prohibited by the Constitution ; that all efforts of Abolitionists or 
others made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of 
Slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calcu- 
lated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, 
and that, all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish 
the happiness of the people, and to endanger the stability and 
permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by 
any friend of our political institutions. 

' ' Resolved, That the foregoing proposition covers and is in- 
tended to embrace the whole subject of Slavery agitation in Con- 
gress; and, therefore, the Democratic party of the Union, stand- 
ing on this national platform, will abide by and adhere to a 
faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise meas- 
ures, settled by the last Congress — the act for reclaiming fugi- 
tives from service or labor included — which act, being designed 
to cai-ry out an express provision of the Constitution, cannot, 
with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so changed as to destroy 
or impair its efficiency. 

" Resolved, That the Democratic party will resist all attempts 
at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the Slavery 
question, under whatever shape or color the attemi^t may be 
made." 



170 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Whig Eesolutioxs of 1852, 

" Eighth. That the series of acts of the XXXIst Congress, 
known as the Compromise measures of 1850 — the act known as 
the Fugitive Slave Law included — are received and acquiesced 
in by the Whig party of the United States as a settlement, in 
principle and substance, of the dangerous and exciting questions 
which they embrace; and so far as they are concerned, we will 
maintain them, and insist on their strict enforcement, until time 
and experience shall d'^monstrate the necessity of further legis- 
lation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand 
and the abuse of their powers on the other — -not impairing their 
present efficiency; and we deprecate all further agitation of the 
question thus settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will dis- 
countenance aJl efforts to continue or renew such agitation when- 
ever, wherever, or however the attempt may be made; and we 
will maintain this sj'stem as essential to the nationality of the 
Whig party and the integrity of the Union.'' 

The "Free-Soil Democracy," or Abolition parly, still 
in the lead of the old Whig party on the subject of 
prohibiting Slavery in the Free Territories, composed 
now of all the leading Abolitionists in the country, 
held their National Convention at Pittsburg, Pennsyl- 
vania, on August 11th, 1852. John P. Hale, of New 
Hampshire, was nominated for the Presidency, and 
George W. Julian, of Indiana, for the Vice-Presidency. 
Franklin Pierce and W. R. King, the Democratic nom- 
inees, were elected. Gen. Scott, the Whig candidate, 
carried but four States — Massachusetts, Kentucky, 
Tennessee, and Vermont — casting 42 electoral votes, 
while Pierce carried twenty-seven States, casting 254 
votes in the electoral college. The popular vote of 
the three parties was as follows: Pierce, 1,590,490; 
Scott, 1,378,589; J. P. Hale, Abolitionist, 157,296. 
The latter party did not carry a single State. Pierce 
was inaugurated March 4th, 1853. 

The pacific measures of Mr. Pierce, suggested to 



XIII.] GOVERNMENT OF THE TERRITORIES. 177 

Congress on December Gth, 1853, no doubt settled in 
his mind the once agitating subject of Slavery in the 
Territories; but the bills introduced early in the ses- 
sion for the government of the Territories -"f Kansas 
and Nebraska, opened the whole subject afresh, and 
brought the troubled subject of the Missouri Compro- 
mise to the surface. Bills were introduced to exempt 
this Territory from the application of the Compromise, 
and leading Democrats at once proclaimed themselves 
in favor of opening, without restraint, all the territory 
to Slavery. This announcement startled the people 
of the Free States, and soon the Slavery question be- 
gan to develop in gigantic proportions. 

Stephen A. Douglas, with his heresy of "Squatter 
Sovereignty," was widening the breach between the 
Pro-Slavery and Anti-Slavery parties of the country, 
to which his position as Chairman of the Committee 
on Territories at this time increased his influence. 
The able and patriotic stand taken by Salmon P. Chase 
of Ohio, at this time in the Senate, against the spread 
of Slavery, lent new hope to the friends of Freedom, 
and placed his name before the American people as an 
able champion of human freedom. 

Nebraska and Kansas were filling up with emigrants 
from Free and Slave States. The Pro-Slavery element, 
encouraged by the doctrines of Douglas and others, 
soon began to make their way in large numbers from 
Missouri to Kansas, taking their slaves with them, 
where they met with considerable opposition from the 
Anti-Slavery settlers. The former, amongst other 
things, early in Pierce's administration, passed the fol- 
lowing resolutions at a public meeting held by leading 
men of the party in Kansas: 

" Resolved, That we will afford protection to no Abolitionist 



178 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

as a settler of this Territory. That we recognize the institution 
of Slavery as already existing in this Territory, and advise slave- 
holders to introduce their property as early as possible." 

Durins: the whole of Pierce's administration a reisrn 
of terror prevailed throughout the Territory of Kansas. 
This was the last great battle field for the supremacy 
of human bondage in the Territory, and the Democracy 
made a desperate struggle against the party of Free- 
dom, in which they were aided by the Executive and 
Stephen A. Douglas. 

The political campaign of 1856, for the election of 
President and Yice-President of the United States, 
opened with unusual spirit. Three parties were in the 
field, one of which was the Democratic party, repre- 
senting all the elements and doctrines of the party 
since the formation of the Government, and which 
have been already dealt with in preceding chapters, 
and must continue to form a link in the present volume 
to its close. 

The Democratic National Convention met in Cin- 
cinnati on June 2d, 185G, and nominated Jamas 
Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, for President, and John 
C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for Vice-President. 
Stephen A. Douglas was a candidate before tlie Con- 
vention, but failed to obtain the nomination. Buchanan 
had a clear Democratic record. He had stood by his 
party, whilst they repealed the Act prohibiting Slavery 
from extending into the Western Territories, known as 
the " Missouri Compromise." He had years of ex- 
perience, and vv^as well skilled in the art of Democratic 
diplomacy, as will appear more fully toward the close 
of this chapter. The Convention, among other planks 
of its platform, adopted the following: 

•* 1st. Resolved, That, claiming- fellowship with, and desiring 



XIII. ] THE KEPUCLICAM PARTY. 179 

the cooperation of, all -who regard the preservation of the Union 
under the Constitution as the paramount issue, and repudiating 
all sectional parties and j^latforms concerning domestic Slavery, 
which seek to embroil tho States, and incite to treason and armed 
resistance to law in the Territories, and whose avowed purpose, 
if consummated, must end in civil war and disunion, the Amer- 
ican Democracy recognize and adoiot the principles contained in 
the organic laws establishing the Territories of Kansas and 
Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the 
Slavery question ujDon which the great national idea of the 
people of this whole country can repose in its determined con- 
servation of the Union, and non-interference of Congress with 
Slavery in the Territories or in the District of Columbia." 

A new and powerful organization, was now in the 
field, made up of the leaders of the old Whig party, 
who had stood in direct opposition to the Democratic 
party upon national and constitutional powers and 
principles. It also drew to its support all those who 
were opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 
and those of all parties and sections who believed 
in the constitutional powers of Congress to legislate 
upon the subject of Slavery in the Territories. It had 
been gathering strength and form since 1840, at which 
time it formed a national organization known as the 
AhoUtion -p^irty, headed by J. Gr. Birney, as Presidential 
candidate, who polled 7,000 votes. The party had 
through each successive step, from that period to 1856, 
drawn wdthin its circle the leading progressive men of 
the nation — those imbued with the spirit that inspired 
the Pilgrim Fathers, and such champions of human 
freedom as Washington, Warren, Mather, Franklin 
John Adams, John Quincy Adams, Jefferson, Lafayette 
and others. 

At this date, whatever was pure in the Democratic 
ranks was either attaching itself to the Whig or 
the new Republican party. The bloody crusades of 



180 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA, [Chap. 

the Democracy against the Anti-Slavery men in 
Kansas during the preceding few years, had fully 
demonstrated the fact that until Slavery was obliter- 
ated, the fiendish i;)ropensities of that reckless, in- 
human, illiterate, and vagrant band of ruffians, strug- 
gling for the enslavement of men upon the Free 
Territory, would not cease. Fully conscious of this, 
the Republican party came into the contest with 
increasing numbers, and inspired with the justness 
of their cause, manifested great determination. In 
1854 they had carried most of the State elections in 
the Free States. 

Their National Convention, under the name of the 
RepuUlcan party^ met at Pittsburg, Pennsjdvania, 
February 22d, 1856; but little more was done than to 
declare principles, and to give shape and vitality to the 
organization, which was destined to be the most 
powerful political party ever organized in America. 
Arrangements were made for the calling of a National 
Nominating Convention, which was called, and met at 
Philadelphia, June ITth, 1856. John C. Fremont, 
of California; Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; John 
McLean, of Ohio, and William L. Daj'-ton, of New 
Jersey, were before the Convention for nomination. 
Fremont received the nomination for President, and 
Dayton for Vice-President, and the Republican party 
entered upon tlieir first national campaign with great 
hope and activity. They took strong grounds in 
favor of the constitutional powers of Congress to legis- 
late in all things needful for the Territories, and in- 
corporated the following resolutions as a part of their 
principles • 

" Re.si )Iv('d, That witli our Republican fathers, we hold it to be 
a self-evident truth that all men are endowed with the inalien- 



XIII.] THE A3IERICAN PARTY. 181 

able rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and 
that the primary object and ulterior design of our Federal Gov- 
ernment was to secure these rights to all persons within its ex- 
clusive jurisdiction. That as our Republican fathers, when they 
had abolished Slavery in all our National Territory, ordained 
that no person should be deprr. ed of life, liberty, or property, 
without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this 
provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it 
for the purpose of establishing Slavery in any Territory of the 
United States, by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence 
and extension therein. That we deny the authority of Congress, 
of a Territorial Legislature, of any individual or association of 
individuals, to give legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of 
t!:o United States while the present Constitution shall be main- 
tained. 

" Resolved, That the Constitution confers uj)on Congress sover- 
eign power over the Territories of the United States for their 
Government; and that, in the exercise of this power, it is both 
the right and duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories 
those twin relics of barbarism — Polygamy and Slavery." 

In the campaign of 1856, a third party, known as 
the American party, was also in the fiekl. It differed 
essentially from each of the other two parties, still it 
held a close affinity with the Democratic party upon 
the subject of Slavery in the Territories. Their can- 
didate for the Presidency took strong grounds against 
the Republican party, denouncing it as a " sectional 
party." 

Their National Convention met at Philadelphia, 
February 22d, 1856. A cardinal principle of t]ie party 
was, that " Native born Americans must rule Amer- 
ica." Millard Fillmore, of New York, George Law, 
of New York, and Andrew Jackson Donelson, of Ten- 
nessee, were before the Convention for nomination. 
Fillmore was nominated for the Presidency, and 
Donelson for the Vice-Presidency. The following reso- 
lution, as a part of their principles, adopted in the 
Convention, is a kind of political homeopathic dose: 



182 KEPUBLICANISil IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

" The recognition of the riglit of native born and naturalized 
citizeL-.s of the United States, permanently residing in any Ter- 
ritory thereof, to frame their Constitution and laws, and to 
regulate their domestic and social affairs in their own mode, 
subject only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with 
the privilege of admission into the Union, whenever they have 
the requisite population for one representative in Congress: 
Provided, always, that none but those who are citizens of the 
United States, under the Constitution and laws thereof, and who 
have a fixed residence in any such Territory ou^ht to participate 
in the formation of the Constitution, or in the enactment of laws 
for said Territory or State." 

The Whig party was not represented as an organized 
body in the Presidential campaign of 1856 ; disease had 
set in upon it on the adoption of its platform in 1852. 
The Southern wing of the Democracy, which had aCSli- 
ated itself with it at that time, (because Gen. Cass, the 
regular nominee of their own party, was a Northern 
man) soon dispersed the glorious old Whig party, not 
however to obscurity, bat to the ranks of the new 
party of Republican Liberty, where they have continued 
since to march, carrying the Nation's Constitution, flag, 
honor, and arms, high in the ranks of greatness and 
universal freedom. 

The Democratic candidates were successful. Bu- 
chanan received a popular vote of 1,803,029. Fremont 
received 1,342,164, and Fillmore 874,625. Buchanan 
was elected President, and Breckinridge Vice-President, 
still not by a ^najoritij of the popular vote. 

In the Electoral College, the vote stood as follows: 
Buchanan, 174; Fremont, 114; Fillmore, 8— total, 291 
— thirty-one States voting. The vote for Vice-Presi- 
dent was in each case as above. 

The Republicans carried the six New England States 
and Ohio, Iowa, Michigan, Wisconsin, and the State of 
New York by 80,000 majority. 



XIII.] Buchanan's cabinet. 183 

Buchanan carried Pennsylvania, Indiana, New Jersey, 
California, and Illinois — tiie three latter giving him a 
plurality vote. He also carried all the Slave States, 
except Maryland, which went for Fillmore. 

Buchanan being; installed at the head of the nation, 
proceeded to select his Cabinet, some of whom seem to 
have been chosen with an eye to their fitness for trea- 
son and villainy, as will more fully appear hereafter. 
His Cabinet w^as as follows: Lewis Cass, of Michigan, 
Secretary of State; Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secre- 
tary of the Treasury; Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, 
Secretary of the Interior ; Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, 
Secretar}'- of the Nav}^; John B. Floyd, of Virginia, 
Secretary of War; Jeremiah Black, of Pennsylvania, 
Attorney-General ; and Aaron Y. Brown, of Tennessee, 
Postmaster-General. 

The new Administration having in the first but little 
business of importance, turned its attention to the sub- 
ject of the purchase of Cuba. Increasing troubles in 
Kansas, and the raid of the eccentric old John Brown 
into Virginia gave it some exercise. The Governor of 
Missouri offered a reward of three thousand dollars for 
John Brown, on the charge of his running off slaves. 
James Buchanan came in with his mite, and added two 
liundred and fifty dollars to the reward. Congress was 
engaged in maturing schemes for the acquisition of 
Cuba. Fourteen out of the fifteen Slave States having 
supported Buchanan, the patronage of the Government 
was extended to them. 

The hostility of Southern leaders, both before and 
after the election of 1856, against Republicans and 
their doctrines^ was bitter in the extreme, and threats 
of open violence were made, that no Republican Presi- 
dent would be allowed to be inaugurated if elected. 



184 EEPUBLiCANis:i IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

Senator Butler, of South Carolina, said : 

" "When Fremont is elected we must rely upon what we have — 
good State Governments. Every Governor of the South should 
call the Legislature of his State together and have measures of the 
South decided upon; if they did not, and submit to the degrada- 
tion, they would deserve the fate of slaves. I shall advise my 
Legislature to go at the tap of the drum." 

In 1856, at Lynchburg, Virginia, Mr. Keitt, of South 
Carolina, in a speech, said: ''I tell you now, that if 
Fremont is elected, adherence to the Union is treason to lib- 
erty. I tell you now, that the Southern man who will 
submit to his election is a traitor and a coward." 

South Carolina Congressman, Preston S. Brooks, 
(who made the attack on Senator Sumner,) at a festi- 
val gotten up by his constituents for him, said: 

" We have the issue upon us now, and how are we to meet it ? 
I tell you, fellow citizens, from the bottom of my heart, that the 
only mode which I think available for meeting it is just to t^-^.r 
the Constitution of the United States, trample it under foot, and 
form a Southern Confederacy, every State of which will be a 
slaveholding State. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) I believe it, 
as I stand in the face of my Maker; I believe it on my responsi- 
bility to you as your representative, that the only hope of the 
South is ia the South, and that the only available means to make 
that hope effective is to cut asunder the bonds that tie us to- 
gether, and take our separate positions among the family of 
nations. These are my opinions; they have always been my 
opinions. I have been a Disunionist from the time I could think. 
If Fremont be elected President of the United States, I am for 
the people, in their majesty, rising above the law and the lead- 
ers, taking the power into their own hands, going by concert or 
not by concert, and laying the strong arm of Southern freemen 
upon the treasury and archives of the Government. (Apj)lause.)" 

Henry A. Wise, Governor of Virginia, in an address 
to the people in 1856, said: 

" The South cannot, "\vithout degradation, submit to the elec- 



XIII.] SOUTHERN SECESSION THREATS. 185 

tion of a Black Eepublicau President. To tell me that we should 
submit to a Black Republican, under circumstances like these, 
is to tell me that Virginia and the fifteen Slave States.are already 
subjugated and degraded. (Cheers.)" 

The Richmond Examiner^ an influential Democratic 
paper, speaking of Brooks' assault on Sumner, said: 

" Sumner and Sumner's friends must be punished and silenced. 
Either such wretches must be hung or put in the penitentiary, 
or the South should prepare at once to quit the Union. If Fremont 
is electe'-l, it will be the duty of the South to dissolve the Union 
and form a Southern Confederacy." 

The Charleston Mercury, an influential Democratic 

organ, said: 

" Upon the polic}'' of dissolving the Union, of separating the 
South from our Northern enemies, and establishing a Southern 
Confederacy, parties, press, politicians, and the people are a 
unit. There is not a public man in her limits, not one of her 
present representatives in Congress, who is not pledged to the 
lil)s in favor of Disunion." 

Senator Iveson, of Georgia, in 1860, addressing his 
constituents, said: 

" "lavery must be maintained in the Union if possible, out of 
it if necessary; ^^ertceaft/;/ if-wemaj, forcibly if we must." 

Senator Brown, of Mississippi, in an address to his 
State, said: 

" I want Cuba, I want Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or two 
other Mexican States. I want them all for the same reason — 
for the planting and spreading of Slavery — and a footing in Cen- 
tral America will powerfully aid us in acquiring those other 
States. Yes! I want these countries for the spread of Slavery, 
like the religion of our Divine Master, to the uttermost ends of 
the earth, and rebellious and wicked as the Yankees have been, 
I would even extend it to them." 

Toombs, of Georgia, in 1856, said 

" If Fremont is elected the Union would be dissolved and ought 
to be dissolved." 



186 REPUBLICANISM IN A3IERICA. [Cliap. 

William L. Yancey, (now deceased) a leading Demo- 
crat of x\labama, said in 1858: 

" We shall fire the Southern heart, instruct the Southern minJ, 
give courage to each other, and at the propermoment, by our or- 
ganized, concentrated action, we can precipitate the Cotton States into 
a rebellion. " 

Mr. Parks, in the Convention at Charleston, which 
passed the Secession Ordinance, said: 

*' It is no spasmodic efifort that has come suddenly \ipon us, 
hut it lias been gradaalhj ciclminating for a long series of years, un- 
til at last it has come to that point when we may say the matter 
is entirely right." 

Mr. Inglis said: 

"As my friend has said, most of us have had this matter under 
consideration for the last twenty years, and I presume we have 
by this time arrived at a decision on the subject." 

Mr. Keitt added : 

"I have been engaged in this movement ever since I entered j^olit- 
ical life. I am content with what we have done to-day, and 
content with what will take place to-morrow. "We have carried 
the body of this Union to its last resting place, and now we will 
drop the flag over its grave." 

Mr. Rhett said: 

"The secession of South Carolina is not an event of to-day. 
It is not anything pi'oduced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or b}' the 
non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law; it has been a matter 
which has been gathering head for thirty years." 

The extracts from the speeches of leading Democrats 
of the South and from the leading Democratic journals 
above, will sufficiently disabuse the minds of those 
who, (if any there be) entertain the idea that t]ie 
election of Lincoln to the Presidency in 18G0 and 
his hostility to Slavery was the immediate cause of 



XIII.] SECESSION LONG PREMEDITATED. 187 

the Senators and Congressmen from the Slave States 
taking their departure from the National Legislature 
and entering into hearty cooperation with the Gov- 
ernors of the Southern States in passing their ordi- 
nances of secession, and in levying war against the 
General Government. The people of the South them- 
selves never believed that any great danger awaited 
them from the election of Lincoln, nor did their 
feelings undergo any change upon the subject of 
their rights during the period from the nomination 
of Fremont in 1856 to the nomination of Lincoln in 
18C0. Neither the events of this period, nor the his- 
tory of the past, will warrant any such belief, and the 
pretext of "danger" and "encroachment upon the 
institutions of the South," are but the specious argu- 
ments of apologists, for those who for years secretly 
connived at the destruction of the American Union, 
and who, as is abundantly demonstrated by their own 
declarations, rejoiced at the opportunity of proclaiming 
the "Sovereignty" of the several States. 

The history of the country from the adoption of the 
Articles of Confederation and through each successive 
stage, both of State and National policy and legislation, 
fully demonstrates that, at what is called the North and 
South, (popularly designated the Free and Slave States) 
a wide diiference of opinion prevailed upon the subject 
of the relation of the States to the Union, and the 
power of the National Legislature to govern in certain 
matters of vital National interest. The popular opinion 
that the institution of Slavery at the South had arrayed 
its people against extended National legislation, and 
that a hatred of Slavery by the people of the Free States 
stimulated them in upholding and advocating National 
authority over the public domain, and upon other 
points, is not entirely correct. 



188 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Whilst it must be conceded that the interest of 
these opposite conditions of SUxvery in one section and 
no Slavery in the other, were not without their due 
share of influence, and tended much to embitter the 
political relations of the two sections, yet impartial his- 
tory teaches us that these conditions were not the o/i/y, 
nor can we concede them to be the j^rime, moving cause 
of their divided action upon questions of National le- 
gislation; for when all the States in the Union, North 
and South, were possessed of the element (Slavery) that 
is said to have brought about these opposite views of 
National authority, almost the same opinions were en- 
tertained by the two sections, as were in 1860. 

Numerous extracts of speeches, debates, and letters 
already given in this volume, will full}^ establish this 
position ; and the State legislation of the several States, 
which is a fair reflex of the views of the people, 
will at once show, that while in one section a steady 
march of progressive freedom and acquiescence in the 
supremacy of the National Government existed, in the 
other section a constant proscription of the religious 
and political freedom of the people, with a persistent 
opposition to National legislative authority, were prac- 
ticed. That the tendencies of both sections were di- 
rectly opposite upon the general principles of State 
policy and Republican government, is apparent. This 
subject will be found fully discussed in the treatise 
upon the several State Constitutions in this volume. 

From the earliest period of the Government, the 
people of the New England and other Northern States 
seemed to comprehend and realize the necessity of a 
Nationality. "In Union there is strength" seemed 
to be their inspiring theme. Early in the seventeenth 
century they had torn themselves from the parent 



XIII.] UNITED ACTION. 189 

country, seeking religious liberty. With the search of 
this came the necessity of comhination, discipline r'ld 
government. Before they had left the shores of Britain 
ihQyfaU this; and as their ship approached the Ameri- 
can Continent, they found that for the government 
of the country, and the future government of their 
little band, Union must be established, and to that end 
they formed themselves into a body politic, framed a 
Constitution (already set forth in this work), elected a 
Governor, and entered upon the discharge of the duties 
of the government of the country. The subsequent 
Government of the New England Colonies and their 
Confederation, the Articles of Association, Declaration 
and Constitution of the United States were the off- 
spring and echo of these principles and practices; and 
at each step of the struggle against British oppression, 
these people felt keenly the necessity of a reliance in a 
well organized and concentrated system of action, by 
which they could throw their whole force and strength 
against the enemy, and thus gradually and almost im- 
perceptibly what are luw known as the Northern States, 
and particularly the New England States, grew into a 
National Republic; and by each assault from the ag- 
gressor, the riots in Boston, the opposition to the Stamp 
and Duty Acts, and when they, single-handed, engaged 
the British troops at Lexington, and followed them to 
Bunker Hill and declared war against them — the most 
powerful nation of the earth — without any knowledge 
that they would be joined by any of the other Colonies, 
they felt the necessity of Union, nor indeed had they 
much reason to hope for assistance from their Southern 
sister Colonies. 

When Warren, Putman, Franklin, and Hancock, 
rallied their men at Bunker Hill and the siego of Bos- 



190 REPUBLICANISM IN AilERICA. [Chap. 

ton, tJien wr.s Union determined upon; and when after 
seven years of bloody war, wherein Massachusetts 
alone sent into the field 13,825 more men than all the 
South (notvv'ithstanding that the population of Virginia 
at that time "was double as much as that of Massachu- 
setts) ; then, when the green grass shrouded the bravest 
of her sons, and the nation draped in mourning wept 
for her heroic dead — when Inchpendence vv^as demon- 
strated, and the flag of the new Repubkc took its 
proud position among the family of nations' symbols, 
then, more than ever, did they feel the glory and the 
majesty of Union. 

From 1620 to the day of the Independence of Amer- 
ica, the New England Colonies had passed through 
the probationary stages of National Republicanism, 
and their people became well versed in the science and 
practice of organized government. Their whole cir- 
cumstances, the objects of their leaving England, their 
separation and aspirations toward a complete religious 
and political freedom, taught them that, for the per- 
petuity of those objects and blessings, a ''perfect 
Union ' of the States Avas their only safety; and as a 
consequence and incident of the Union, the su- 
premacy of the Government as the head of the nation 
must be recognized ; and as each branch of the Gov- 
ernment — Legislative, Judicial, and Executive — per- 
formed their varied functions, an acquiescence and co- 
operation with them characterized their actions, and 
at each sound of alarm from without or within, tend- 
ing to impair or thwart the action or the usefulness of 
any of its branches, new jealousies were aroused and 
new safeguards were established for its perpetuity, 
until the Northern States became the National Hejnib- 
lican Government of America, acting as the great safety- 



XIII.] COLONIAL GOVERm^ENT OF THE SOUTH. 191 

valve of the nation, holding in its hand the key to 
national existence, and the perpetuity of American 
liberty. 

The people of the Southern States, from the earliest 
period of their settlement, presented directly opposite 
characteristics, opinions and practices. Their coloni- 
zation was not the result of search after freedom, either 
religious or political. The leaders were men of learn- 
ing, high ambition, and exalted ideas — of hereditary 
fame and descent. They were fully imbued with the 
doctrine of the ^'"divine right of kings;'' and as they held 
the lower class, or what the slaves called "poor white 
trash," in a species of vassalage, they soon learned to 
believe that they, too, "the first families," were kingly 
(in their way), viewed the status of man, in proportion 
to his possessions, and in each Colony and State, set up 
a species of Royal Government, which was super- 
intended by a few wealthy families, to the exclusion 
of those not possessed of the legal property qualifica- 
tions. 

On the breaking out of the Revolutionary War, in 
1T7G, the South fell in with the Northern States, al- 
though not without strong opposition from the wealthy 
class and those generally in authority. As the war 
progressed, a hearty cooperation was tendered by the 
great majority of the South; still, the altered political 
condition of the country had but little changed the 
views of those in authority, and it is fair to conclude 
that not until the surrender of the armies of the Con- 
federate Government in the late Rebellion [1865] did 
the people of the Slave States realize that their State 
Governments could be divested of their "'' sovereignty y 
Settled down in their own States, surrounded by com- 
forts, and educated in the school of domination, thev 



192 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

fully believed in the nationality of the States, and re- 
garded each State as an independent nation. 

No better evidence upon this is necessary than the 
proceedings and debates in the Convention that framed 
the Constitution of the United States, which will be 
found in a preceding chapter of this volume, and the 
history of the constant opposition on the part of South- 
ern Senators and Representatives to the powers of the 
National Legislature. Indeed, the very idea and name 
oi National 6'^over>27ne?2Hiave been repugnant to them; and 
their statesmen, in National and State legislation, have 
carefully avoided the use of the term, either in debate 
or the framing of laws, and have, in more than one 
important national act, caused the word "Notional" to 
be stricken out, declaring tliat the use of the term was 
inconsistent with the nature of the Government, and 
repugnant to the dignity of the "Sovereign States." 
They held that the Constitution did not consolidate 
the States into a National Union, but into a Confeder- 
ation of Sovereign States; and to this idea all legisla- 
tion, whether of State or General Government, was 
conformed, at least so far as the influence of Southern 
statesmen could control it. 

As the Northern States began to loose the bonf'.s of 
the slave, and to extend the elective franchise and 
abolish religious proscriptions, and assimilate tl em- 
selves to the requirements of the Federal Constitution, 
their representatives went to the National Capital Kith 
enlarged ideas of liberal legislation, and a sincere be- 
lief in the necessity of a National legislative depart- 
ment to adjust and redress public grievances. But 
the Southern representatives were imbued with entirely 
opposite views. The delegates from the South in the 
lower house of the National Congress went there upon 



a 



XIII.] NATIONAL LEGISLATION. 193 

a three-fifth representation of "men held to service," 
who in law were merchandise — not by the laws of na- 
tions, the civil or common law, bnt by the local laws 
of the individual States. Their views of liberal legis- 
lation did not, therefore, keep pace with the views of 
men from the Free States, who had a representation in 
Congress based not upon the inanimate commodity 
of "chattels," but upon the basis of freemen — think- 
ing, active, resolute men. 

The North did not dread liberal National legisla- 
tion, but rather courted it. Her State Governments 
were in harmony with the spirit of liberal laws. Her 
statesmen began to take strong grounds for an ac- 
knowledgment of the constitutional authority of the 
National Legislature to govern the public domain ; and 
in proportion as they advocated this view, it met 
with violent opposition from the Southern Statesmen, 
who, fearing that the " sovereignty" of their States 
would be merged into the General Government, de- 
clared that any attempt to legislate upon such matters 
by the General Government would be subversive of 
"State Rights;" and as at each step of legislative 
progress at the North, the people advocated and 
upheld enlarged Federal legislation, the representatives 
. from the South made determined opposition, until the 
two sections stood in direct antagonism, which was 
occasionally relaxed by one or the other to hold the 
balance of power, or forward party interests. 

But the balance of power could not have been ex- 
pected long to remain with the people of the South. 
The tendencies of their doctrines were in conflict with 
the letter and spirit of the Constitution and Declaration 
of Independence ; and each year carried them further 
from the philosophy of Republican Government, until 



194 EEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the year 18G0 found them with weapons in their hands 
protesting against and defying the authority of the 
legally constituted authorities of the General Govern- 
ment. Under this state of affairs their opposition was 
more formidable than at any former stage of the Gov- 
ernment, but not more oi^posed to its principles; for 
at no time since the Union of the States had the 
Southern States acknowledged the National Govern- 
ment. At no time had they been ^'Republican in 
form." At no time had they formed a part of the 
American Nation (save in name), nor affiliated with 
the spirit of Republican Government. They were as 
foreign to the interests and progress of America as was 
Spain or Russia; and, indeed, were the greatest obstruc- 
tion to the carrying out of the system of government, 
designed by the patriots and statesmen of the revolu- 
tionary period — not passive and inactive, non-partici- 
pants in the affairs of the Government, but active and 
persistent obstructionists^ who, at every progressive step 
made by the party in harmony with the principles of 
the Constitution, entered with renewed vigor upon bold 
and defiant opposition to the laws and measures of the 
Federal Government. 

The struggle between the Democratic and Republi- 
can party during the period of President Buchanan's 
administration, from March 4th, 1857, to March 4th, 
18G1, was one of the most momentous and fierce con- 
tests for liberty or despotism ever fought within the 
arena of political combat. The National Union Re- 
publican party was on the outside of the ring ; the 
Anti-National party on the inside, and securely en- 
trenched at the Capital of the Nation. Buchanan, as 
their chief, had, in compensation for the undivided 
vote of the Slave States, extended the whole Federal 



XIII.] FEDERAL PATRONAGE. 195 

patronage to the supporters of the party. Old line 
Whigs and disaffected Democrats, with modern school 
Republicans, were expelled from official positions in 
every State and Territory, with a recklessness and 
ferocity unparalleled in the history of the Grovernment ; 
and although the labor thus to be performed was not 
grent, yet it was thoroughly done. Indeed, almost the 
entire patronage and emoluments of the Government 
of the Nation had been in the hands of the Democratic 
party since the formation of the Government. The 
Army, the Navy, and the great civil list of appointees 
and employes were made up of persons from the Slave 
States, or those in sympathy witli their views at the 
North, interspersed with an occasional appointment 
from the Free States, as policy might require. 

Slave labor and the emoluments of the Federal Gov- 
ernment supported in luxury the "first families" of 
the South, and now for the first time in the history of 
t]ie Government that there was danger of the Federal 
supply being cut off by the encroachments of the new 
party (Republican), a double incentive was ajoparent 
that the}'", at all sacrifices, hold the "balance of power,-" 
and never did General entrench himself with more 
caution, or throw out his pickets with more watch- 
fulness against an invading enemy, than did the slave 
power within the entire lines of the Federal Govern- 
ment. 

Tlie majority of Buchanan's Cabinet were "picked 
men," well versed in the diplomacy of villainy. Prom- 
inent among the most efficient was his Secretary of 
■War, John B. Floyd. Subtle as a serpent, employed 
for the especial purpose of supplying the Democracy 
with'the necessary amount of military stores, and a 
proper distribution of the army within the slavehold- 



196 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

ing States. How well and how faithfully he discharged 
his duties can be ascertained by an examination of the 
history of his stripping and dismantling armories and 
arsenals throughout the Free States and concentrating 
the military stores and equipments of the Nation within 
and about the forts and harbors of the South. 

From January 1st, ] 360, to January 1st, 18G1, Floyd 
had sent South from the Springfield Armory, Massa- 
chusetts, 105,000 percussion muskets; from Water- 
town, NjW York, G,000 percussi.on rifles ; and from 
Watervlit, New York, 4,000 percussion rifles. 

The Secession Ordinance of South Carolina, of De- 
cember 20th, 1860, and the belligerent attitude of the 
South, caused the gallant Major Anderson, on the 
26th, to concentrate his forces at Fort Sumter. Floyd 
made a peremptory order for the transfer of all the 
heavy guns at Alleghany Arsenal, Pennsylvania. He 
said: 

" Send immediately to Ship Island, near Balize, (mouth of 
the Mississippi) 46 cannon — 21 ten-inch columbiads, 21 eight- 
inch columbiads, 4 thirty-two pounders, (iron); and to Galves- 
ton, 78 cannon — 23 ten-inch columbiads, 48 eight-inch colum- 
biads, 7 thirty-two pounders, (iron.)" 

Floyd resigned his office on December 29th, 1861, 
and joined his Southern brethren. Honorable Joseph 
Holt, of Kentucky, (who has since proven himself one 
of America's truest patriots) was appointed his suc- 
cessor, and stopped further shipment of arms South. 
The whole North was rendered defenseless, and the 
South placed upon a strong military basis for either 
offensive or defensive operations, as circumstances 
might demand. 

Another picked man was the Attorney-General of 
Buchanan; and for an appreciation of judgment made 



XIIL] NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PARTY. 197 

in his selection, and the Democratic-like manner in 
wiiich he discharged the duties devolving upon liim, 
the reader is referred to his written opinion to the 
President upon the subject of the seceding States, 
where he, like Buchanan, held that there was "no con- 
stitutional power in the General Government to coerce a 
State that had seceded^ or was about to seceded 

The Senate and House of Representatives were well 
stocked with some of the " best blood" of the South, 
who seemed by some presentiment to be aware that 
their days in the National Legislature were drawing to 
a close forever; and as the days of Buchanan's Admin- 
istration were counted otF — like the prisoner in his cell 
tells through the weary night the hours that hasten him 
on to execution — they numbered theirs; and although 
the uninitiated could not see danger in the defeat of 
Fremont and the Republican party in 1856, yet, in this 
defeat and this party, the sagacious politician saw a 
victory; the "handwriting" was "on the wall." 

The new Republican party was full of vigor. It 
came up from the direction of the rising sun, where the 
monuments erected to the Nation's heroes have never 
been gazed unon by a slave. Came with a platform 
upon which Liberty stood; equal justice before the law 
was inscribed upon its banners; freedom, industry, 
virtue and patriotism marched in its ranks, and high 
upon its banners was " Union now, and forever," from 
which the party in power shrank like a guilty thing 
under a terrible summons. 

Through the four years of the administration 
(Buchanan's) the Democratic party was in the sweat 
and gall of bitterness. The new National Republican 
party was daily gaining strength. Local elections 
were watched by the party in power, only to extract 
groans from them as they witnessed their defeat. 



198 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

HcpuUicanism made heavy draughts from the ranks of 
the Democracy in the Free States. The power of the 
press, that mighty engine, shed its illuminatin": rays 
upon the new party. . The 23ulpit came to the rescue, 
and a "political sermon by special request," was rel- 
ishc-d l3y the village "church-goers" throughout the 
lantl. New clubs and organizations were formed, and 
old familiar faces from the Democratic ranks joined 
them, which cast radiant smiles upon the faces of Re- 
publicans, while the once cheery countenance of the 
Demo'cratic official was quite chop-fallen and woe- 
begone. 

The spring of 1860 had opened with in<]freased polit- 
ical activity. The immense Federal patronage in the 
hands of the Democrats, would almost aeem to warrant 
their success in the coming election in November, and 
a death struggle was inaugurated to keep afloat the old 
Democratic craft; but she was top-heavy, sails torn, 
helm unsteady and leaking badl}^, and the roar of 
breakers could be heard in the distance. As time wore 
on, it was evident that dissensions were rife among the 
Democrats of the "Border States" and at the North; 
iind that a third party, if not a fourth, would be in the 
field; and sure enough there was. The time for nomi- 
nations for the Presidency was at hand, and despite all 
influences brought to the rescue, four political parties 
were before the people. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1800. — NOMINATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.— 
STEPHEN A. rOUGLAS.— JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE.— JOHN BELL.— LINCOLN 
ELECTED. — SECESSION OP SLAVE STATES. — LAST DAYS OF BUCHANAN'S 
ADMINISTRATION. — THE LONDON TIMES ON BUCHiVNAN'S OFFICIAL CON- 
DUCT.— PLATFORMS OF THE PARTIES.— OFFICERS OF THE SOUTHERN CON- 
FEDERACY. 

The history of civilized nation^ presents no chapter 
so black with official corruption as that of the period 
from Buchanan's election, in 1856, to the close of his 
term, March 4th, 18G1 ; and upon this subject the most 
conclusive documentary evidence abounds. 

A period had evidently arrived in the history of the 
American Government, when chicanery, deception, 
robbery of the Federal Treasury, and even the prosti- 
tution of the Executive office to subserve partisan 
ends, and carry State and National elections,were re- 
garded as virtues. [The reader is referred to the 
proceedings of Congress during the month of March, 
18G0, upon the investigation of frauds; also, to the 
"American Statesman," page 1035, edition of 18GG.] 
Contracts were let by the Government to extreme Dem- 
ocrats, at rates thousands of dollars higher than ''Con- 
ser'vative " men had bid. The days of Democratic power 
were drawing to a close, and they came into jhe fall 
campaign of 1860, with a keen sense of the power of 
the Republican party, and with a determination to 
make a death struggle to retain that place and power 
30 long usurped by them. 

The National Democratic Convention met at Charles- 



200 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

ton, South Carolina, April 23d; but although all 
seemed well upon the surface, they were doomed to 
trouljle, and right in this Convention Secession began — 
secession and demoralization in their own ]-anks — for 
it was ascertained that double sets of delegates were 
present from some States, entertaining and advocating 
views that could not be hoped to be harmonized. 
After days of debate, a committee was appointed lo 
draft and present a platform for the party, and after 
great delay, contention, and excitement, two sets of 
platforms and resolutions were j^resented; one by the 
majority of the Convention, and one by the miuority. 
The report of the majority was in harmony with the 
political sentiments of the delegates from the Slave 
States. The minority report was more in harmony 
with the Northern Democrats, and received the support 
of the Douglas wing of the Convention. Upon the 
propositions for the adoption of the reports and reso- 
lutions, the friends of each took strong and decided 
grounds to maintain their respective positions; and a 
scene of Democratic discord ensued^ such as never had 
been witnessed amoug civilized men before. 

The Douglas Democrats in the Convention were in 
the majority; they favored the 7ninorit)j report, and on 
a vote taken, it was adopted as the platform of the 
''National Democratic Party." Upon the announce- 
ment of the result, the Southern wing of the hall began 
to disgorge, and a Secession ''ordinance" was mutually 
and speedily entered into by the delegates from South 
Carolina, Texas, Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi, Lou- 
isiana, Florida, and Georgia, who beating a hasty re- 
treat, entrenched themselves in another hall, hoisted 
their flag, and set up a new *' Confederacy." This 
spread demoralization through tlie ranks of the Dem- 




V *t 



)^^^^,.p^ /^a^'*^^^^ 



ifiwAii*} IC 



XIV.] NOMINATION OF LINCOLN. 201 

ocracy over the entire country; Lut the Seceders de- 
clared their determination to ''die in the last ditch" 
before they would succumb to the "softs" of the 
Northern Democracy. 

The National Democratic party, after several inef- 
fectual ballots, adjourned May 31st, to meet again at 
Baltimore on the 18th of June, 18G0. At last the 
Seceders had adopted a platform and started business; 
and after four days' session adjourned to meet at Rich- 
mond, June 11th, 1860. 

The Republican National Convention met at Chi- 
cago, on Wednesday, May 16th, 1860. On calling the 
roll it was found that all the Free States were repre- 
sented by delegates; and that of the Slave States, Mis- 
souri, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, also the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, were the only ones present; the 
others having refused to elect delegates. 

This was the first time in the history of the Grovern- 
ment that so decided a sectional hostility existed, that 
a National Convention for Presidential nominations, be 
there ever so many parties, did not receive delegates 
from all sections of the IJnion. The country was di- 
vided. On Friday, May 18th, the Convention pro- 
ceeded to nominate for President mid Vice-President 
of the United States. Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, 
was nominated for President, and Hannibal Hamlin, 
of Maine, for Vice-President. The announcement of 
these nominations caused great commotion among the 
Democrats. Threats loud and violent came from the 
Slave States, that they never would submit, to " Lin- 
coln rule;" that if he was elected, he should "never 
lake his seat." 

A fourth organization, known as the " Constitution?! 
Union" party, made up of those once known as the 



202 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

" American" party; differing from all the other parties, 
they might properly be called Conservative Republic- 
ans. Their political doctrines were not very fully de- 
fined, but they were for the *' Union," upholding Fed- 
eral authority and the supremacy of the laws. They 
were a '^ split" from or a mixture of Union Democrats 
and Conservative Republicans. They met at Baltimore, 
May 19th, 1860, and nominated .^ohn Bell, of Tennes- 
see, for President of the United States, and Edward 
Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. The 
better to understand their position their platform is 
here inserted: 

" Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms, 
adopted by the partisan Conventions of the country, have had the 
effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to 
"widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation and 
encouragement of geographical and sectional parties, therefore, 

"Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to 
recognize no political principle other than the Gonstltaiion of (lie 
country, the Union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws; 
and that, as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of 
the country in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge 
ourselves to maintain, protect and defend, separately and unit- 
edly, these great principles of public libert}^ and national safety 
against all enemies, at home or a?:)road; believing that thereby 
peace may once more be restored to the countrj^ the rights of 
the people and of the States re-established, and the Government 
again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity and equality 
which, under the example and Constitution of our Fathers, has 
solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain 
a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
quility, provide for the common defense, promote the general 
welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our 
posterity." 

Next in order, were the Seceders or extreme Southern 
party. They, pursuant to adjournment, met at Ilich- 
mond, on June 11th, 1860, and after a day's consulta- 



XIV.] POSITION OF PAETIES. 203 

tion, adjourned to the 21st, and met again on the 28th, 
(twenty-one States were represented) when they nomi- 
nated John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for Presi- 
dent of the United States, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, 
for Vice-President. 

Pursuant to adjournment at Charleston, the Na- 
tional Democratic Convention met at Baltimore, on 
Monday, June 18th, 1860, On calling the roll, discord 
again presented itself. Delegates fromthe Slave States, 
claiming to be in the place of those who seceded at 
Charleston, presented themselves, and great confusion 
followed. Delegates from other States withdrew, and 
it was now apparent that demoralization, if not chronic 
decay, had seized upon the Democratic body politic. 
The Convention assumed order; Stephen A. Douglas, 
of Illinois, was nominated for President of the United 
States, and Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was 
nominated for Vice-President, but the latter declined 
the nomination, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, 
was substituted. 

That the position of the three remaining parties may 
be understood, the following extracts from their plat- 
form are here given: 

"1. Lincoln. — Slavery can only exist by virtue of municipal 
law, and there is no law for it in the Territories, and no j)Ower 
to enact one. Congress can establish ouJegalize Slavery nowhere, 
but is bound to prohibit it in, or exclude it from, any and every 
Federal Territory, whenever and wherever there shall be neces- 
sity for such exclusion or prohibition." 

" 2. Douglas. — Slavery, or no Slavery, in any Territory is en- 
tirely the affair of the white inhabitants of said Territory. If they 
choose to have it, it is their right; if they choose not to have it, 
they have a right to exclude or prohibit it. Neither Congress nor 
the people of the Union, or of any part of it outside of said Ter- 
ritory, have any right to meddle with or trouble themselves about 
the matter." 



204 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

"3. Breckinridge. — The citizen of any State has a right to 
migrate to any Territory, taking with him anything which is prop- 
erty by the law of his own State, and hold, enjoy, and be pro- 
tected in the use of such property in said Territory; and Congress 
is bound to render such protection wherever necessary, whether 
with or without the cooperation of the Territorial Legislature." 

The secession of the extreme Southerners from the 
Charleston Convention, is now well known to have been 
a premeditated arrangement, to divide the party and 
cause the election of a Northern President, as a pretext 
for discontent and apparent cause of grievances when 
they would secede ; and this belief is well supported by 
the ample preparation made by Floyd and Buchanan, 
and the whole Democratic party of the South, to arm 
and discipline the people and prepare them for the 
conflict. 

The campaign opened immediately after the nomina- 
tions, and the champions of the respective parties took 
the field in person. Lincoln and Douglas were the 
great centre of attraction. Popular opinion had cast 
the impression, that the abilities of Douglas, as a 
debater, would give him a great advantage over Mr. 
Lincoln ; but this delusion soon vanished, for not only 
was Douglas matched but completely mastered by Mr. 
Lincoln, who, during that memorable canvass, estab- 
lished himself as the leading debater upon National 
questions in the whole country, and made himself a 
great favorite, even among his political opponents, for 
his calm, dignified and honest manner of debate. 

The "split" in the Democratic ranks, and the fact that 
their vote would be divided among three parties, while 
the real Republican party would rally to its standard 
the strength of the whole party, presented a formidable 
and serious aspect to t-lie Democracy. The Republic- 
ans began to be sanguine of success, and the leaders, 



XIY.] CAMPAIGN OF 1860. 20o 

from Oregon to Maine, plunged into the combat with 
the spirit of desperation, determined to win. 

The summer elections for State officers began to de- 
velop signs of Republican strength. New Hampshire, 
Connecticut, Maine, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and Indi- 
ana had given decided Republican majorities. Lincoln 
and his friends had made a thorough canvass of the 
Free States, while Douglas and his party, and the other 
two parties, canvassed both North and South, Douglas 
making a thorough tour of the Slave States in person ; 
but his "Squatter Sovereignty" was too tame within 
the regions of the cotton-fields of the South, and they 
spewed the " Little Giant "and his doctrines out of 
their mouths for the more agreeable theory that the 
people of the Territories should not legislate Slavery out 
of them, and that Slavery, like any other property, had 
a right to be protected in any State or Territory, and 
" must be protected." 

Monday, November 6th, 1860, was the day for hold- 
ing the Presidential election throughout the whole 
Union; that of all days, since the accomplishment of 
the American Independence, was the most eventful. 
The whole nation had been wrought up to a fever by 
the interests of the issues, and the excitement of the 
campaign carried on by four rival parties upon a scale 
and with a determination never before known in the 
country. Daily and nightly meetings in every city, 
town and village ; long lines of nightly torchlight pro- 
cessions; banners of every size; devices and mottoes, 
new, novel and exciting. Fire and militia companies, 
bonfires, and the roar of cannon, had for months given 
the whole country the aspect of a great military encttmp- 
mcnt preparing to march upon the enemy at a moment's 
warning. The combatants came into the ring eager for 



>; 



206 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the fray; and if any doubt rested in the minds of the 
Republican party respecting their victory, it was dis- 
pelled before the sun reached the meridian on that day, 
and the Republican hosts marched to their quarters at 
the close of the day with victory perched upon their 
banners. 

Every Free State in the Nation had been carried by 
the Republicans, except New Jersey. And now, for 
the first time in the history of the country, a party de- 
claring that 'Hhe nation could not live half slave and 
half free," and who proclaimed their belief that Con- 
gress had the constitutional power to legislate upon 
Slavery in the Territories, had taken the lead in the 
affairs of the Government. 

The regular Democratic, the "Constitutional Union," 
and the extreme Southern parties, were all defeated 
and sorely demoralized, and the announcement of the 
result was the signal for the Slave States to carry out 
their long cherished plans of seceding from the Union. 
Congress was not in session, and the Senators, Con- 
gressmen, Cabinet, and other Government officials 
were with the people of their respective States. 

On the summing up of the vote of the country, a 
most remarkable sectional feeling at the South was 
manifest. Lincoln had not carried a single State of 
the Slave States in the Electoral College. In only 
three of them, and they bordering on the Free States, 
did he receive a single vote of the people. Delaware, 
Kentucky, and Maryland had given him a few scatter- 
ing votes, while in all the other Slave States his 
name was not before the people. 

The vote of the Electoral College was 303, of which 
Lincoln received 180; Breckinridge, 72; Bell, 39, and 
Douglas, 12. Lincoln received 57 more than all the 



XIV.] THE SLAVE STATES FOR SECESSION. 207 

others, and 38 over the necessary majority to elect 
him. The whole popular vote cast, at large, was 
4,680,193, of which Lincoln received 1,800,452; all 
others, 2,813,741. (See Appendix.) Douglas, in the 
Electoral College, received only three votes from New 
Jersey, and the nine votes of Missouri — twelve in all. 

On the news of the result of the election, South Car- 
olina w^as ripe for action. The Secession Ordinance 
of 1832, relinquished through the dread of General 
Jackson dealing summary punishment, was again 
revived. The Governor of the State had advised 
the people, November 5th, 1800, the day before the 
election, that if Lincoln should be elected, the people 
should seek redress^ and added that the "secession of 
South Carolina from the Federal Union" alone would 
satisfy the people. 

On the day after the election^ November 7th, 1800, 
the leaders in the Slave States were wild with joy. 
Mass meetings filled every hall, where separation and 
"no compromise" was the theme. The North must 
be rebuked for the election of a President. It was a 
"sectional" election, and South Carolina at once pro- 
ceeded to organize her "sovereign powers" into an 
independent nation. At this time it was not certain 
that any of the "Sovereign States" would form them- 
selves into a National Government; indeed, the con- 
trary opinion prevailed. ' ' National " and ' ' Union" Gov- 
ernment had been repugnant to them ; still, the general 
belief was that those "Sovereign Nations" should each 
retain their position among the family of governments, 
but for purposes offensive and defensive they should 
"Confederate." 

Steps were at once taken for the independence of 
South Carolina. November 7th, the day after the 



208 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Gliap. 

election, the Federal officers at Charleston resigned. 
(It will be remembered that Lincoln's term of office 
would not commence until March 4th, 18G1, just five 
months from the date of these proceedings.) 

At the meeting of the South Carolina Legislature, 
called by Governor Gist, and which met at Columbia, 
November 5th, the day before the election, James 
Chestnut, Jr., United States Senator from South 
Carolina, being called upon for a speech, said : 

" Before the setting of to-morrow's sun, in all human proba- 
bility,, the destiny of this Confederated Republic will be decided. 
He solemnly thought, in all human probability, that the Repub- 
lican party would trimnph in the election of Lincoln as Presi- 
dent. In that event, the lines of our enemies seem to be closing 
around us; but they must be broken. They might see in the 
hurried paths of these starched men of livery the funeral cortege 
of the Constitution of the country. Peace, hope, independence, 
liberty, power, and the prosperity of Sovereign States ma}' be 
draped as chief mourners; still, in the rear of this procession 
there is the light of the glorious past, from which they might re- 
kindle the dying blaze of their own altars. We see it all, know 
it all, feel it all, and, with heaven's help, we will meet it all. 

"But the question now was, would the South submit to a 
Black Republican President, and a Black Republican Congress, 
which will claim the right to construe the Constitution of the 
country and administer the Government in their own hands, not 
by the law of the instrument itself, nor by that of the fathers of 
the country, nor by the j)ractices of those who administered sev- 
enty years ago, but by rules drawn from their own blind con- 
sciences and crazy brains? They call \is inferior, semi-civilized 
barbarians, and claim the right to possess our lands, and give 
them to the destitute of the Old World and the profligates of 
this. They claim the dogmas of the Declaration of Inde^Dend- 
ence as part of the Constitution, and that it is their right and 
duty to so administer the Government as to give full efi'ect to 
them. The people now must choose whether they will be gov- 
erned by enemies, or govern themselves. 

"For himself, he would unfurl the Palmetto flag, fling it to 
the breeze, and with the sjDirit of a brave man, determine to live 



XIV.] THE SLAVE STATES FOR SECESSION. 209 

and die as became our glorious ancestors, and ring- tlie clarion 
notes of defiance in the ears of an insolent foe. He then spoke 
of the undoubted right to withdraw their delegated powers, and 
it was their duty, in the event contemplated, to withdraw them 
— it was their only safety." 

A leading Congressman of South Carolina, W. TV. 
I'oyce, in a speech on November 5th, spoke as follows: 

" The question then is, what are we to do? In my opinion, 
the South ought not to submit. If you intend to resist, the way 
to resist in earnest is to act. The way to enact revolution is to 
stare it in the face. I think the only policy for us is to arm as 
soon as we receive authentic intelligence of the election of Lin- 
coln. It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by 
the most direct means, to withdraw from the Union; then we 
will not submit, whether the other Southern States will act with 
us or with our enemies." 

On the confirmation of the election of Lincoln, the 
Cotton States were in a blaze of excitement. Such re- 
joicings and congratulations had never before been seen; 
every male citizen was improvised into a military chief- 
tain; lazy and sluggish gaits of corpulent ''Chivs" 
were hastened into blustering swagger, and the slave- 
driver cracked his whip until aged " chattels' " eyeballs 
stood out in alarm, thinking that the judgment day 
was at hand. 

The secession of the Slave States, in the order in 
which they passed their ordinances, is here given. 

South Carolina. — November 7th, 1860, the Federal 
officers at Charleston resigned. November 10th, bill 
introduced into the Legislature for the enrollment of 
10,000 volunteers. James Chestnut, Jr., and James 
H. Hammond, IJnited States Senators, resigned their 
seats. A Convention was called to meet December 
17th, delegates to be elected December Gth. Decern- 



210 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

ber 13thj a bill passed in the Legislature staying the 
collection of all debts due citizens of non-slaveholding 
States; Francis W. Pickens elected Governor. De- 
cember 20th, Ordinances of Secession adopted unan- 
imously, as follows: 

" We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in Conven- 
tion assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared 
and ordained, that the Ordinance adopted by us in Convention, 
on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord, 1788, whereby 
the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, 
and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General Assembly of 
this State, ratifying the amendments of the said Constitution are 
hereby repealed; and that the Union now subsisting between 
South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United 
States of America, is hereby dissolved." 

December 21st, Commissioners were appointed to 
proceed to Washington to treat with the United States 
Government for all its property within the limits of 
South Carolina; a Southern Congress proposed, and 
Commissioners were appointed to the other Slavehold- 
ing States. December 24th, Representatives in Con- 
gress withdrew. January 3d, 1861, Commissioners 
from South Carolina left AYashington. January 4th, 
18C1, Delegates to a Southern Congress appointed. 
January 5th, Convention adjourned, subject to the call 
of the Governor. January 14th, Legislature declared 
that any attempt on the part of the United States to 
reinforce Fort Sumter, will be considered as a declara- 
tion of war. Accepted the services of Catawba In- 
dians, and approved the Governor's action in firing on 
the Star of the West. January 27th, Commissioners 
from Virginia received, but declined to cooperate with 
them. The following resolution was passed: 

*' Resolved, unanimoushj, That the separation of South Caro- 
lina from the Federal Union is final, and she has no further intei'- 



XIT.] SECESSION OF SLAVE STATES. 211 

est in (he Comtifufion of the United States, and that the only apprj- 
priate negotiation between her and the Federal Government is, 
as to their mutual relations as foreign States." 

March 2Gtli, Convention met at Charleston. April 
3d, 1861, "Confederate" Constitution ratified. April 
8th, forts and all other United States property in South 
Carolina transferred by the Legislature of the State to 
the Confederate Government. 

Georgia. — November 8th, 1860, Legislature met 
pursuant to adjournment. No^^^ember 18th, Convention 
called; $1,000,000 appropriated to arm the State. De- 
cember 3d, Legislature adopts resolutions, proposing a 
conference of the Southern States to meet at Atlanta, 
February 20th, 1861. January I7tli, Convention met; 
Commissioners from Alabama and South Carolina re- 
ceived. January 18th, resolutions declaring it the duty 
and the right of Georgia to secede adopted; vote — yeas 
165, nays 130. January 19th, Secession Ordinance 
passed. January 21st, Senators and Representatives in 
Congress withdrew. January 24th, Delegates to South- 
ern Congress elected to meet at Montgomery, Alabama. 
January 28th, Commissioners to other Slaveholding 
States elected. January 29th, Address 'Ho the South 
and the world" adopted. March 7th, Convention re- 
assembled. March 10th, ratified Confederate Con- 
stitution. March 20th, passed ordinance authorizing 
the "Confederate" Government to occupy, use and 
possess the Arsenals, Forts, Navy Yards and Custom 
Houses within the State of Georgia. April 26th, 
Governor Brown issued a proclamation repudiating all 
debts due by citizens of Georgia to Northern men. 

Mississippi. — November 26th, 1860, Legislature met, 

and adjourned November 30th; fixed time for election 
u 



212 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Cliap. 

to Convention for December 20th; Convention to meet 
January 7th ; Sece"sion bills passed unaiiimouslj^ ; ap- 
pointed Commissioners to other Slaveholding States. 
January Tth, 1861, Convention met. Januar}^ 9th, 
Ordinance of Secession passed; the people declared in 
their ordinance their desire to join in a Southern Con- 
federacy. January 10th, Commissioners I'rom otlier 
States received ; South Carolina, by resolution, recog- 
nized as a "Sovereign and Independent State." Janu- 
ary 12th, Representatives in United States Congress 
withdrew. January 19th, resolutions to provide for 
Southern Confederacy adopted. January 21st, Sena- 
tors in Congress withdrew. March 30th, Confederate 
Constitution ratified. 

Florida. — November 26th, 1860, Legislature met; 
immediate secession recommended by Governor Perry. 
December 1st, bill for Convention passed. January Sd, 
1861, Convention met. January Tth, Commissioners 
from Alabama and South Carolina received. January 
10th, Secession Ordinance passed. January 18th, Del- 
egates to Southern Congress at jMontgomery appointed. 
January 21st, Senators and Representatives in Con- 
gress withdrew. February 14th, Legislature passed an 
Act, declaring that it shall be treason, punishable with 
death, for any citizen of Florida to hold any office in 
the Federal Government, after a collision between the 
troops of Florida and those of the United States; also, 
transferring all Government property over to the Con- 
federate Government. 

Louisiana. — December 10th, 1860, Legislature met. 
December 11th, called Convention for January. De- 
cember 23d, passed military bill. December 12th, 
Mississippi Commissioners received instructions from 



XIV.] SECESSION OF SLAVE STATES. 213 

the Crovernur to communicate with Governors of the 
other Slave States. January 23d, 18G1, Convention 
met and organized; received Commissioners from Ala- 
bama and South Carolina. January 25th, Secession 
Ordinance passed. February 5th, Senators and Repre- 
sentatives withdrew from Congress ; adopted State flag. 
March 7th, $536,000 gold in the United States Mint 
and Customs turned over to the Confederate Gov- 
ernment by Convention. March 14th, Confederate 
Congress accepted the above sum with resolutions of 
/'a li'igli sense of the patriotic Uhertij of the old State of 
Zouisianar March 21st, "Confederate" Constitution 
ratified; all arms and property in Louisiana "cap- 
tured" from the United States turned over to the 
Confederate Government. March 27th, Convention 
adjourned slue die. 

Alabama.— January 7th, 1861, Convention met. On 
the 8th, South Carolina Commissioners arrived. Janu- 
ary 11th, adopted Secession Ordinance; in secret ses- 
sion refused to dubmit Ordinance to the people. Jan- 
uary 14th, Legislature met. January 19th, Delegates 
to Southern Congress elected. January 20th, Senators 
and Representatives in Congress withdrew. January 
26th, appointed Commissioners to treat with United 
States relative to United States Arsenals, Forts, and 
other property within the State; Convention invited 
tlio people of the States of Alabama, Missouri, Tennes- 
see, Kentucky, Texas, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi 
Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Vir- 
ginia, Delaware, and Maryland, to meet the Delegates 
m Convention, at Montgomery, on February 4th, 1861 ; 
passed military bill; appointed Commissioners to' Slave- 
holding States. March 4th, Convention re-assembled. 



214 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

March 13th, Confederate Constitution ratified; Forts, 
Arsenals, etc., in the State, transferred to the control 
of Confederate Government. 

Arkansas. — January 16th, 1861, bill passed by Leg- 
islature calling Convention. February 18th, Delegates 
elected. March 4th, Convention met. March 18th, 
Ordinance of Secession defeated in Convention; a com- 
promise being effected by the Convention agreeing to 
submit the question to the people on the first Monday 
in August. May 6th, Secession Ordinance passed ; Del- 
egates to Provisional Congress instructed to transfer 
the Arsenal at Little Rock, and the United States prop- 
erty in the State, to the Confederate Government. 

Texas. — January 21st, 1861, Legislature met. Jan- 
nary 28th, State Convention met. January 29th, Leg- 
islature passed resolutions declaring that the Federal 
Government has no power to coerce a Sovereign State 
after she has separated from the Federal Union. Feb- 
ruary 1st, Secession Ordinance passed in Convention; 
passed military bill. February 7th, Ordinance for the 
forming of a Southern Confederacy passed; Delegates 
to Southern Congress elected; Ordinance of Secession 
was voted on by the people. February 23d, Ordinance 
of Secession voted on b}'' the people adopted. March 
4th, Convention declared the State out of the Union; 
a proclamation to that effect was issued by Governor 
Houston. March 16th, Convention deposed General 
Houston; Houston protested against this, and appealed 
to the people. March 20th, action of the Convention 
was confirmed by the Legislature; transferred all 
United States property in the State to the Confeder- 
ate Government. March 23d, Confederate Constitu- 
tion ratified. 



XIY.] SECESSION OF SLAVE STATES. 215 

North Carolina. — November 20tli, 18G0, Legisla- 
ture met; Governor Ellis recommended a Congress of 
Southern States, a thorough organization of the miHtia, 
and an enrollment of all unenrolled persons between 
18 and 45 years of age; the organization of a corps 
of ten thousand men. December 9tli, Committee on 
Federal Relations reported Convention bill. December 
l7th, $300,000 appropriated to arm the State. Dec. 
18th, Senate passed the above bill. December 20th, 
Commissioners from Mississippi and Alabama received. 
December 22d, Senate bill above, to arm the State, 
failed to pass the House; adjourned till Tth of Janu- 
ary, 1861. January 8th, Senate bill to arm the State 
passed the House. January 30th, no Ordinance of 
Secession was to be valid unless it was ratified by a 
majority of the legal voters of the State. January 
31st, elected Thomas L. Clingman United States Sen- 
ator. February 13th, Georgia Commissioners publicly 
received. February 20th, military bill passed. Feb- 
ruary 28th, the people voted against a Convention by 
661 majority. May 1st, extra session of Legislature 
met by call of the Governor; same day the Legisla- 
ture passed a bill calling a Convention — delegates to 
be elected on the 15th of May, 1861. May 2d, Legis- 
lature adjourned. May 13th, delegates elected to 
Convention. May 20th, Convention met at Raleigh. 
May 21st, passed Ordinance of Secession; also ratified 
Confederate Constitution. June 5th, Ordinance passed 
transferring all the property belonging to the United 
States, within the State, to the Confederate Govern- 
ment. 

Tennessee. — January 6th, 1861, Legislature met. 
January 12th, Convention bill passed. January 30th, 



21G REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

appointed Commissioners to Washington. February 
8th, people voted in favor of a Convention. May 1st, 
Legishiture passed resolutions authorizing the entering 
in"io a military league with the Confederate States. 
JMay Ttli, the Legislature, in secret session, declared 
that until Tennessee became one of the members 
of the Confederate States she would place her whole 
military force at the disposal of the President of 
the Confederate States, and turn over to the Confed- 
erate Grovernment all the military stores, public and 
private property of the United States in the State ; 
passed, also, an Ordinance of Secession, and an Ordi- 
nance ratifying and adopting the Confederate Con- 
stitution. The two latter were to be voted on June 
8th. On June 14th, the Governor declared the vote 
of the people to be for Secession, 104,019 ; against it, 
47,238. Tennessee was declared out of the Union. 

Virginia. — January 7th, 1861, Legislature met. Jan> 
uary 8th, anti-coercion resolutions passed. January 
10th, Governor sends to the Legislature a dispatch 
from tlie Mississippi Convention announcing the un- 
conditional secession of that State. January 16th, 
Commissioners from Alabama received. January 17th, 
passed resolutions requesting the United States Gov- 
ernment to avoid a collision with the Southern States. 
January 18th, $1,000,000 appropriated for the defense 
of the State. January 19th, passed resolutions advi- 
sory of Virginia uniting her destinies with her sister 
Slaveholding States. April 9th, Convention recognized 
the independence of the Southern Confederacy. April 
17th, in secret session, passed Ordinance of Secession. 

On tl^e 4th of February, 1861, the delegates from 
the seceded States assembled at Montgomery, Ala- 
bama, to form a "New Nation." 



XIV.] ORGANIZATION OF SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. 217 

The organization of the Confederacy was effected 
February 8th, 1861. On that day the Congress 
adopted the Constitution of the United States, with 
such alterations as suited their views. This Constitu- 
tion was to last one year. The word "Confederacy" 
was substituted for the word "Union." The President 
was to hold his office for one year. The Congress 
could, by a two-third vote, alter or amend the Consti- 
tution. All legislative powers were delegated to Con- 
gress. On the following day, after the adoption of the 
Provisional Constitution, P. W. Walker was sworn in 
as President of Congress. He, in turn, swore in the 
members to support the Constitution and the Confed 
eracy. The members went into a secret session, after 
which the doors were thrown open, when the member3 
proceeded to elect, by ballot, a President and Vice- 
President for the Confederacy for one year. The vote 
was taken by States, each State having one vote. On 
the first ballot Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, received 
six votes, the wdiole number cast. Alexander H. 
Stephens, of Georgia, received the same vote for Vice- 
President. Davis was declared President, and Stephens 
Vice-President, of the Confederacy. The announcement 
of the election was the cause of unbounded joy, and 
the President and Vice-President of the " Confederated 
States of North America" received the homage of their 
subjects from that time forward until the unlucky day, 
to them, of the 2d of April, 18G5, when Ulysses S. 
Grant put an extinguisher upon the "Government at 
Riclnnond." 

On February 18th, 1861, Davis was inaugurated 
President, and Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President 
of the Southern Confederacy. The Cabinet of the 
Provisional Government was as follows: Robert 



218 REPUBLIC ANISM IN AilERICA. [Chap. 

Toombs, Secretary of State; C. G. Memminger, Secre- 
tary of the Treasury; L. P. Walker, Secretary of War; 
Stephen R. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy; Judah P. 
Benjamin, Attorney-General; John H. Reagan, Post- 
master-General. 

An election for President and Yice-President of the 
Confederacy was held November 6th, 18C1, under the 
^'■permanent Constitution J ^ Jefferson Davis was elected 
President, and Alexander H. Stephens Yice-President, 
each for the term of six years. There were no oppos- 
ing candidates at this election. The States participat- 
ing in it were as follows, with the following votes in 
the Electoral College : Alabama, 1 1 ; Arkansas, 6 ; 
Florida, 4; Georgia, 12; Louisiana, 8; Mississippi, 9; 
North Carolina, 12; South Carolina, 8; Tennessee, 13; 
Texas, 8; Virginia, 18 — total, 109. They were inaugu- 
rated February 22d, 18G2. 

The following was the ''permanent" Administration 
from February 22d, 1862, to April 2d, 1865: Presi- 
dent, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi; Vice-President, 
Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia. 

The Cabinet, confirmed March 23d, 1862, was as 
follows: Secretary of State, Judah P. Benjamin, of 
Louisiana; Secretary of the Treasury, Charles G. Mem- 
minger, of South Carolina — resigned in June, 1864, 
and was succeeded by George A. Trenholm, of South 
Carolina; Secretary of War, Geo. W. Randolph, of Vir- 
ginia — resigned, and was succeeded by James A. Seddon, 
of Virginia; Secretary of the Navy, Stejyhen H. Mal- 
lory, of Florida; Attorney-General, Thomas H. Watts, 
of Alabama — resigned on election as Governor of Ala- 
bama, in November, 1863, and was succeeded by 
George Davis, of North Carolina; Postmaster-General, 
John II. Reagan, of Texas. (Those mimes italicized 



XI Y.] SECE3GI0X LONG rKE.MCDITATED . 219 

were formerly members of the Congress of the United 
States. For Confederate Constitution, see Appendix.) 

At the date of the commencement of the Secession 
movements, there were four other Slave States — Mis- 
souri, Maryland, Delaware and Kentucky — fifteen 
Slave States in all. Cut these four, through a strong 
attachment for the old Union, and the fact that they 
were all bordering on the Free States, did not pass 
any Ordinance of Secession. Their people were much 
divided, and they supplied each army. Union and 
Rebel, with soldiers. ' 

It will be borne in mind that proceedings were taken 
by every one of the eleven seceded States to place 
themselves out of the Union many months before Mr. 
Lincoln's term of office began. In the first stage of 
the Secession Ordinance the National Congress was not 
in session. 

The second session of the 3Gth Congress convened 
at Washington, December 3d, 18G0. John C. Breck- 
inridge, Vice-President, and the defeated candidate of 
one wing of the Democracy for the Presidency in the 
preceding month, was President of the Senate, and Mr. 
Jefferson Davis, ex-President of the late Southern 
Confederacy, was in the Senate from Mississippi. 

The Democratic members of the Senate and Con- 
gress came to the Capital sadly depressed. They 
seemed to be conscious of their impending doom. 
There were yet four months for them to hold possession 
of the reins of Government ; for at the end of that time, 
Lincoln, at the head of the new party in power, would 
take charge of the Executive Department, and with 
the withdrawal of the Senators and Cono;ressmen of 
the eleven seceded States, the Republicans would have 
complete control of the legislative branch — in fact of 



220 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

every department of the Government. Democracy was 
at a sad discount in Northern latitudes, and those of 
the Cotton States sighed to join their brethren down 
in the ''New Nation." They were in a strange land — 
upon foreign soil. They were in the United States of 
America, while they (many of them) had declared 
themselves citizens of the Confederacy, and owing no 
alle2:iance to the United States Government. 

Buchanan came into the Executive chair with the tre- 
mor of palsy upon him. Seventy winters had bleached 
him white for the sepulchre; imbecility and duplicity 
had adorned him, and chosen him as a fit instrument 
to consign to the tomb the gaunt spectre of the slave 
power that still haunted the Capitol. His message 
(the last he issued) was looked for Avith deep interest 
by the people North and South, and by the whole 
civilized world ; for upon its tone and the position 
taken by the Executive, at this critical juncture of 
National affairs, seemed to rest the future destiny of 
the American Republic. It came, and it did ample 
justice to its author, and his friends and advisers of 
the Slave States. It was the reflex of the sentiments 
of the political leaders of the seceded States, and it vv\as 
the crowning act of his life, to consign him to eternal 
oblivion and desecration by the free millions of the 
nation, who now saw this old man, with the political 
sins and heresies of three-quarters of a century fresh 
blown upon him, struggling to drag into the grave 
with him the constitutional liberty of a nation. 

The statesmen and patriots of the whole land were 
shocked at the doctrines set forth in this monument of 
Democratic statesmanship. The whole of Europe was 
astounded, and English statesmen, jurists, and writers, 
condemned in severe terms the outrage he had com- 



XIY.] Buchanan's views on secession. 221 

mittecl upon the American people. Some extracts 
from the message aro given here. It was delivered at 
the Capitol, at Washington, on Tuesday, December 4th, 
1860. Mr. Buchanan alluded to the distracted condi- 
tion of the country, and appealed to the American 
people. He declared that the election of any one of 
our fellow citizens to the office of President does not 
of itself afford just cause for dissolving the Union. 
In his message he said : 

"The question, fairly stated, is: Has the Constitution dele- 
gated to Congress the i:)Ower to coerce a State into submission 
which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from 
the Confederacy ? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on 
the principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress 
to declare and to make war against a State. After much serious 
reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power 
has been delegated to Congress, nor to any other dei^artraent of. 
the Federal Government. It is manifest, upon an inspection of 
the Constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumer- 
ated powers granted to Congress ; and it is equally apparent 
that its exercise is not necessary and proper for eari-ying into 
execution any one of these powers. * * * * But, if we 
possessed this power, would it be wise to exercise it under exist- 
ing circumstances ? The object would doubtless be to preserve 
the Union. War would not only present the most effectual 
means of destroying it, but would banish all hope of its peaceable 
reconstruction. Besides, in the fraternal conflict a vast amount 
of blood and treasure would be expended, rendering future 
reconciliation between the States impossible. In the meantime, 
who can foretell what would be the sufferings and privations of 
the people during its existence ? 

" The fact is, that our Union rests upon public opinion, and 
can never be cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil 
war. If it cannot live in the affections of the people, it must 
one day perish. Congress possesses rqany means of preserving 
it by conciliation, but the sword was not placed in their hand to 
preserve it by force." 

In this message, President Buchanan announced to 



222 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the world that in the American Union no element of 
self-preservation existed; that what was known at 
home, and regarded abroad, as the American Nation^ 
was but a confederate body of States or separate Gov- 
ernments, each distinct in its political organization, 
practices and interests; that the tenure of their Union 
depended upon the pleasure, interest or caprice of the 
several sections, and that no power existed in the Gen- 
eral Government to hold together by coercive means 
any portion of the Nation that had seceded, or was 
attempting to withdraw from the Union. In this proc- 
lamation, if his position be true, he had, with one dash 
of his pen, struck from the map of Nations a Republic 
composed of thirty millions of the most enlightened, 
prosperous and industrious people on the globe. 

The Constitution that the people claimed to hold 
them together, was but a political delusion, possessing 
none of the elements of self-preservation; and all the 
laws, treaties and jproclamations passed and adopted 
in pursuance of it, were delusive and void; and the 
tenure of the period of the existence of the American 
Republic was the capricious political views of the 
several sections of the nation. 

This had been the favorite doctrine of the leaders 
of the Slave States, from the adoption of the Consti- 
tution^ and although leaders and even States of that 
section had attempted to carry these doctrines into 
effect, yet the National Government had always dis- 
owned and checked such doctrines. But now, with the 
Slave States passing their Ordinances of Secession, 
possessing themselves of the Forts, Arsenals, and 
dustom Houses, Mints, Post Offices, Treasury and all 
property of the United States Government within their 
limits — raising armies, and declaring themselves sepa- 



XIV.] EFFECTS OF SECESSION. 223 

rate and foreign nation? — one fact seemed to assure the 
people that even if Buchanan was wrong as to the 
constitutional power to coerce, that theprac^Jim/ part 
of coercion would be difficult under the circumstances. 
But the promulgation, of this doctrine was not suffi- 
cient to induce American patriots to abandon the Na- 
tion that had afforded them liberty and protection; 
and on its announcement the people of the Free States 
proclaimed against it. The minds of the people were 
set to thinking: How long will the American Nation 
last ? How many States must leave the Union to dis- 
solve the Nation ? If several States confederate into 
separate foreign Nations, may they not soon be superior 
to the remnant of the remaining States, proscribe and 
overpower them ? Or if the States drop off one after 
another until but two or three remain, and finally 
every State forming the Union separate itself from 
the Union, and but one 8tate remain, will that be the 
United States of America ? — and even the Government 
of the last one become monarchical, where will the 
United States be ? Where will the old flag hang ? 
Where will the laws of the United States be? Where 
the Constitutions and treaties with Foreign Nations ? 
''Who will I be?" asked the American citizen-patriot. 
" To whom will I owe allegiance? Where will be my 
protection ? Where the history of my country, the 
traditions of my forefathers, the monuments erected to 
the memory of the heroes of my country; where, oh! 
where are all these things to be ? I no longer an Amer- 
ican f The patriot heart swelled ; tears, whose fount- 
ains had been dried for years, coursed down the 
cheeks of brave young men, and lingered in the fur- 
rows, made by time, upon the pale face of aged patriots 
as they contemplated the dissolution of their country. 



224 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA [CliaiD. 

On the 20th of N'ovember, 18G0, Jeremiah S. Black, 
Buchanan's Attorney-General, in response to the re- 
quest of the President, submitted a written opinion 
upon the subject of the powers of the General Govern- 
ment to "coerce Sovereign States." 

The following extracts will give an idea of the legal 
knowledge and patriotism of the last of the Democratic 
Attorney-Generals : 

"Attorney-General's Office, November 20tli, 18G0. 

" Sir: I have had the honor to receive your note of the 17th, 
and I now reply to the grave questions therein propounded, as 
fully as the time allowed me will permit. * * Military force 
can suppress only such combinations as are found directly oppos- 
ing the laws and obstructing the execution thereof. It can do 
no more than what might and ought to be done by a civil posse, if 
a civil posse could be raised large enough to meet the same op- 
position. On such occasions especially the military power must 
be kept in strict subordination to the civil authority, since it is 
only in aid of the latter that the former can work at all. 

"But what if the feeling in any State against the United 
States should become so universal that the Federal officers them- 
selves, (including Judges, District Attorneys, and Marshals,) 
would be reached by the same influences, and resign their 
places ? Of course the first step would be to appoint others in 
their stead, if others could be got to serve. But, in such an 
event, it is more than probable that great difficulty would be 
found in falling the offices. We can easily conceive how it might 
become altogether impossible. We are therefore obliged to con- 
sider what can be dbne in case we have no- Courts to issue judi- 
cial process, and no ministerial officers to execute it. In that 
event troops would certainly be out of place, and their use 
wholly illegal. If they are sent to aid the Courts and Marshals, 
there must be Courts and Marshals to be aided. Without the 
exercise of those functions, which belong exclusively to the civil 
service, the laws cannot be executed in any event, no matter 
what may be the physical strength which the Government has at 
its command. Under such circumstances, to send a military 
force into any State, with orders to act against the people, would 
be simply making war upon them. 



XIV.] JEREMIAH S. BLACK ON SECESSION, 225 

" Tlio existiiif^ laws piit and keep tbe Federal Government 
strictly on the defensive. You can use force only to repel an 
assault on the public property, and aid the Courts in the per- 
formance of their duty. If the means given you to collect the 
revenue and execute the other laws be insufficient for that pur- 
pose, Congress may extend and make them more effectual to that 
end. 

*' If one of the States should declare her independence, your 
action cannot depend upon the rightfulness of the cause upon 
which such declaration is based. Whether the retirement of a 
State from the Union be the exercise of a right reserved in the 
Constitution or a revolutionary movement, it is certain that you 
have not in either case the authority to recognize her independ- 
ence or to absolve her from her Federal obligations. Congress, 
or the other States in Convention assembled, must take such 
measures as may be necessary and proper. In such an event, I 
see no course for you but to go straight onward in the path you 
have hitherto trodden — that is, execute the laws to the extent of 
the defensive means placed in your hands, and act generally 
upon the assumption that the present constitutional relations 
between the States and the Fedei-al Government continue to 
exist until a new order of things shall be established, either by 
law or force. 

"Whether Congress has the constitutional power to make 
war against one or more States, and require the Executive of the 
Federal Government to carry it on by means of force to be 
drawn from other States, is a question for Congress itself to con- 
sider. It must be admitted that no such power is expressly 
given; nor are there any words in the Constitution which imply 
it. Among the powers enumerated in Article I, section 8, is that 
* to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and to 
make rules concerning captures on land and water.' This cer- 
tainly means nothing more than the power to commence and 
carry on hostilities against the foreign enemies of the Nation. 
Another clause in the same section gives Congress the power ' to 
provide for calling forth the militia,' and to use them within the 
limits of the State. But this power is so restricted by the words 
which imjriediately follow, that it can be exercised only for one 
of the following purposes: 1. To execute the laws of the Union 
— that is, 10 aid the Federal officers in the performance of their 
regular duties. 2. To suj^press insurrections against the St?tes. 



226 KEPUBLICANISM IN AxMERICA. [Chap. 

But tMs power is confined by Articlo IV, section 4, to cases in 
which the State herself shall apply for assistance against her 
own people. 3. To repel the invasion of a State by enemies who 
come from abroad to assail her in her own territor3^ All these 
provisions are made to protect the States, not to authorize an 
attack by one part of the country upon another; to preserve 
their peace, and not to plunge them into civil war. Our fore- 
fathers do not seem to have thought that war Avas calculated ' to 
form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic 
tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the gen- 
eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
our posterity. ' There was undoubtedly a strong and universal 
conviction among the men who framed and ratified the Consti- 
tution, that military force woidd not only be useless but perni- 
cious as a means of holding the States together. 

"If it be true that war cannot be declared, nor a system of 
general hostilities carried on by the Central Government against 
a State, then it seems to follow that an attempt to do so would 
be ipHO facto an expulsion of such State from the Union. Being 
treated as an alien and an enemy, she would be compelled to 
act accordingly. And if Congress shall break up the present 
Union by unconstitutionally putting strife and enmity, and 
armed hostility, between different sections of the country, in- 
stead of the ' domestic tranquillity ' which the Constitution was 
meant to insure, will not all the States be absolved from their 
Federal obligations? Is any portion of the people bound to 
contribute their money or their blood to carry on a contest like 
that? 

The right of the General Government to preserve itself in its 
whole constitutional vigor by repelling a direct and positive 
aggression upon its property or its officers, cannot be denied. 
But this is a totally different thing from an offensive war to 
punish the people for the political misdeeds of their State Gov- 
ernmonts, or to prevent a threatened violation of the Constitu- 
tion, or to enforce an acknowledgment that the Government of 
the United States is supreme. The States are colleagues of one 
another, and if some of them shall conquer the rest and hold 
them as subjugated provinces, it would totally destroy the whole 
theory upon which they are now connected. 

" If this view of the subject be as correct as I think it is, then 
the Union must utterly' perish at the moment Avhen Congress 



XIV.] EFFECTS OF BUGHANAN's 3IESSAGE. 227 

shall arm one part of the peoj^le against another for any purpose 
beyond that of merely protecting the General Government in 
the exercise of its proper constitutional functions. 
" I am, very respectfully, yours, etc., 

"J. S. Black. 
'' To the President of the United States." 

On the aiiDOuncement of this doctrine, the Nations 
of Europe began to speculate upon the subject of 
American nationality and diplomacy. What is the 
United States of America? If one-half of the Na- 
tion has separated since we entered into treaties, 
which half is to be responsible to us ? Are the min- 
isters, consuls, and other agents who came to our 
Courts from the American Republic one year ago, 
still the representatives of America ? Is the so- 
called great Nation of the United States of America 
but a myth ? If the elements of disintegration be a 
constituent part of her very existence, and dissolution 
of her parts follow the proclamation of her President, 
that there is no power in the Union to preserve its 
nationality; and if this be the theory and philosophy 
of Republicanism, then the doctrine of Republicanism 
is exploded, and the American Nation has no perma- 
nent abiding place in the family of nations. 

The light in which the calm judgment of British 
statesmen viewed tiie proclamation of Buchanan, may 
be somewhat understood from the tone of the leading 
English newspapers. The "London Times," the ablest 
political journal in Europe, commenting upon the 
proclamation, on January 9th, 1861, makes the follow- 
ing able comments: 

" Never for many years can the United States be to the world what 
•they have been. Mr. Buchanan's message has been a greater blow 
to the American people than all the rants of the Georgian Gov- 
ernor or the ordijiauces of the Charleston Convention. The 

15 



228 REPUBLICANISM IN AilEMCA. [Chap. 

President- has dissipated tlie idea that the States which elected 
him constitute one people. We had thought that the Federation 
was of the nature of a nationality; we find it nothing more than 
a partnership. If any State may, on grounds satisfactory to a 
local convention, dissolve the union between itself and its fel- 
lows ; if discontent with the election of a President, or the 
passing of an obnoxious law by another State; or, it may be, a 
restrictive tariff, gives a State the ' right of revolution,' and per- 
mits it to withdraw itself from the community, then the poaillon 
of the American people loith respect to foreign jwwers is coinjdetely 
altered. It is strange that a race whose patriotic captiousness 
when in the society of Europeans is so remarkable, should be so 
ready to divide and to give up the ties of fellow citizenship for a 
cause which strangers are unable to appreciate. Still stranger 
is it that a chief magistrate, who would have plunged the world 
in war rather than a suspicious craft should be boarded by Eng- 
lish officers after it had displayed the Stars and Stripes, or would 
have done battle against despots for any naturalized refugee from 
Continental Europe, should, without scruple, and against the 
advice of his own Secretary of State, declare the Federal Union 
dissolved whenever a refractory State chooses to secede. 

' ' It may well be imagined that the American jDeople have 
been taken by surprise, both by the suddenness and violence of 
the outcry for secession, and by the ready concessions of the 
President. From the day the message appeared, it was evident 
that South Carolina no longer formed j)art of the Union. The 
State had, by every organ which it possessed — by its Senators, 
its Representatives, by the voice of the Press, of the great slave- 
owners, and of the multitude — declared its resolution to secede. 
Only courage like that of General Jackson, could have quelled 
the " Gamecock State," as we perceive some of its admirers call 
it. But there was a middle path between civil war and such an 
instant recognition as Mr. Buchanan thought advisable. As one 
charged with the duty of upholding Federal jDOwer, he might 
have easily used the authority vested in him to delay the move- 
ment, and give th-j Union and South Carolina itself time for 
reflection. Mr. Cass would, probably, deprecate holding a State 
by force; but he still declined to remain in the Cabinet of the 
Statesman who would not reinforce Fort Sumter, and assert, dur- 
ing the short remainder of his term of office, the supremacy of 
the Constitution. But as things went, the action of South Car- 
olina was predetermined. 



XIV.] THE LONDON TBIES ON SECESSION. 229 

"On tlie 20tli of December, tliat State seceded from the Union 
by a unanimous vote, and by this time has probably gained 
possession of all the Federal property within its borders, and 
established a Post Office and Custom House of its own. The 
instruments which the Carolinians drew up on this occasion are 
singialar and almost amusing. The philosophy and phraseology 
of the Declaration of Independence of 1776 are imitated. "Whole 
paragraphs are copied from that famous document. The thoughts 
and style of Jefferson were evidently influenced by the great 
writers of his age, and we may trace Montesquieu and Eousseau 
in every .line of his composition. It is rather interesting to see 
his language, which denounced King George's violation of the 
social compact, used by a conclave of frantic negro-drivers to 
stigmatize the conduct of those who will not allow a Southern 
gentleman to bring his ' body servant ' into their territory. 
South Carolina, however, has shown wisdom in thus taking high 
ground. People are generally taken at the value which they set 
on themselves, and Carolina does right to play the part of out- 
raged patience and indignant virtue. She has declared, in the 
language of the Fathers of the Kepublic, that the Federal Union 
no longer answers the ends of its foundation by insuring the 
happiness and prosperity of South Carolina, and that the con- 
duct of several States having been a violation of the compact 
made by all. South Carolina resumes her rights as a sovereign 
community, and will make war or peace, conclude treaties, or 
establish commerce, independently of the Government at Wash- 
ington. 

" This bold course has its natural effect on the excitable 
slave-owners. The secession of South Carolina has been re- 
ceived everywhere with enthusiasm. It may, perhaps, be said 
that the other States have feigned an approbation which they do 
not feel, in order to bring the North to terms by the menace of 
a Southern Republic. But, whether from feeling or policy, the 
Secession cry was just at its loudest at the close of the year. It 
was looked upon as certain that six or seven States would sepa- 
rate from the Union in the first days of 1861. Georgia leads the 
van. The Ordinance of Secession was looked upon as already 
passed. The North Carolina Legislature had read a second 
time the bill for arming the State. Alabama had voted, by a 
large majority, in favor of Secession. In Virginia — the oldest, 
the most conservative, and the most cautious of the Slave States 



2 GO REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

— we are told that the Secession feeling was gaining ground. 
State Conventions are to meet in Florida on the 3d of January, 
in Alabama on the 7th, in Texas on the 8th, in Georgia on the 
6th, and in Louisiana on the 23d; and our correspondent believes 
that ' there will be a majority in each of them in favor of imme- 
diate and separate Secession.' Hence, in a few days more, the 
United States of America, as the world has hitherto known 
them, will cease to exist. 

" But now comes the most singular part of this history. Till 
within a few weeks hardly anybody in this country believed in 
the dissolution of the Union. People thought that instincts of 
patriotism and private interest would prevail, and that the 
Yankees and the Southerners would quarrel harmoniously for 
many years to come. The event seems to be against these an- 
ticipations, and Englishmen are content to look on in silence 
and wonder. Not so the Americans. While every mail is bring- 
ing news of fiery speeches and the planting of palmetto trees, 
the almost universal tone of private letters is that there is noth- 
ing in it at all. South Carolina cannot secede, or if she does 
she must come back again. The other States only want to make 
terms and to come back into the Union after having extorted 
new concessions as the price of reconciliation. The wish may 
be father to the thought, but that such is the thought is to be 
learned from the most cursory glance at the American news- 
papers. The course of proceeding is to be as follows: South 
Carolina, Alabama, Mississij)pi, Florida, Texas, perhaps Louis- 
iana, are to separate, form a federation of their own, and then 
treat on equal terms with those who remain faithful to Mr. Lin- 
coln. The Northern Slave States, with Virginia and North Car- 
olina at their head, are to act as mediators, and enforce conces- 
sions by the threat of joining the Southern league, which would 
then number fifteen Slave States, with a vast territory, and a 
prospect of conquering all the riches of Mexico. The President, 
it is whispered, is in favor of compromise; Governor Seward is 
in favor of compromise; in short, now that the loss of Southern 
wealth threatens them, great numbers of the staunchest Anti- 
Slavery men are in favor of compromise. What the terms of 
compromise shall be of course remains in doubt. The hope of 
the Democratic party in the North is that the slaveholders will 
not be too exacting, or insist on the repeal of the personal lib- 
erty acts, by which some of the Abolition States have nullified 



XIV.] THE LONDON TIMES ON SECESSION. 231 

the Fugitive Slave Act. Many of the Eepublicans are anxious 
to revive the Missouri Compromise, by which Slavery will be 
prohibited in any part of the United States territory north of 
36 degrees 30 minutes. But as the abolition of this Compromise 
and the assertion of the slave-owner's right to carry negroes into 
any part of the territory is a recent and very great victory, it is 
hardly likely that the South will concede this. 

"No one in this country can pretend to judge of the event; 
but this we may conclude from the tone of American discussion, 
that the North will not be too rigid, and that the slave-owners 
will receive what all but the most rabid of them will consider 
satisfaction. Gov. Seward, who first spoke of the ' irrepressible 
conflict' which was impending, now prophesies peace and har- 
mony at no distant day, while many of his most intimate friends 
have given their adhesion to the scheme of compromise brouo-ht 
forward by Mr. Crittenden. But whatever may be the final re- 
sult, we may expect to hear shortly that other States have fol- 
lowed the example set by South Carolina." 



CHAPTER XY. 

MEETING OF THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS.— SECOND SESSION. DECEMBER 3D, 18G0. 
—CLOSING SCENES OF BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION.— SOUTHERN SENA- 
TORS AND REPRESENTATIVES.— ORGANIZATION OF THE " SOUTHERN CON- 
FEDERACY. "—OFFICERS OF.— ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.— HIS POLITICS.— 
"CORNER-STONE" AND OTHER SPEECHES.— JEFFERSON DAVIS. — HE DE- 
SIRES MORE AltMS SENT SOUTH. 

The second session of the Thirty-sixth Congress 
having met at the Capitol on the 3cl day of December, 
1860, President Buchanan delivered his last message 
(already alluded to). Most of the Senators and Rep- 
resentatives from the several States were present. 
John C. Breckinridge, the lately defeated Democratic 
candidate for President of the United States, in his 
official capacity as Vice-President of the United States, 
presided as President of the Senate. Many of the Sen- 
ators and Representatives from the Slave States were 
at the Capital in a double capacity. Some of them 
had already acted as commissioners and agents in car- 
rying their States out of the Union. South Carolina, 
a,s early as the 17th of November, 1800, had passed 
her Ordinance of Secession, and others, during the 
month of November, had arranged for Conventions 
to declare their independence ; yet their representa- 
tives were at the National Capital, for their term of 
office had not yet expired, and they deemed it their 
duty, to themselves and their "Sovereign States," to 
make the most they could out of the "old concern" 
that they were deserting ; and the scenes of flagrant 
treason enacted upon the floor of the United States 
Senate and Congress, by the members from the Slave 



XV.] CLOSING SCENES OF DEMOCRATIC RULE. 233 

States, have never been equaled in the history of civ- 
ilized nations. But the Executive, deaf as an adder, 
sat in drowsy apathy, while the Vice-President, Attor- 
ney-General, and other Cabinet officers, smiled approv- 
ingly upon the scene. 

They were at the Capital to announce that their 
States had left the Union, and to ask the Government 
at Washington (as they called the United States Gov- 
ernment) to relinquish her right to all public property 
within their States; they were there to ask the United 
States Government to recognize the Independence of 
their Sovereign States; they were there to keep their 
brethren at the South informed, by letter and telegram, 
of their daily proceedings in destroying the Govern- 
ment they jyretended to be serving; they were there to 
combat and choke down every utterance of patriotism 
in behalf of saving the Union ; they were there to pos- 
sess themselves of the small remnant of arms and 
Federal munitions of war in the Free States ; they were 
there, as they said, to ''bury the old Union and the 
old flag." 

The Democracy were in working majority in both 
branches of the National Legislature. Jefferson Davis, 
ex-President of the late Southern Confederacy, was in 
the Senate from the State of Mississippi. He was a 
faithful worker for the ''cause;" his State wanted a 
few more rifles, and on the 21st of February, 1861, 
on presenting a bill to the Senate, so that his men 
might get possession of any Federal armc still in the 
Free States, he said: 

" I should like the Senate to take up a little bill, which I hope 
will excite no discussion. [?] It is the bill to authorize the States 
to purchase arms from the National Armories. There are a num- 
ber of volunteer companies wanting to purchase arms, but the 
States have not a sufficient supply. I move to take up the bill." 



234 EEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

On March 29th, the bill passed by a strict party- 
vote, all the Democrats voting in the affirmative; Re- 
publicans ageinst it. 

President Buchanan's Cabinet officers were true to 
their Democratic record. Almost four years of active 
labor in their high positions gave them ample facili- 
ties for carrying their schemes into practice; and one 
by one they deserted the old ship of State, leaving 
at the helm the imbecile, James Buchanan, whose 
feeble hands and drooping spirits utterly failed to 
control her ; and at the mercy of the winds and faith- 
less crew allowed her to drift well-nigh upon the 
rugged coast, from whose precipitous walls the faithful 
agents of the slave power had removed the beacon 
lights erected by the fathers of the countr3^ One, 
at least, was found faithful to the Republic. Lewis 
Cass, Buchanan's Secretary of State, on learning that 
the President refused to defend the National honor, 
resigned his office December 12th, 1860. On the 
lYth, Attorney-General Black was appointed his suc- 
cessor. December 10th, Howell Cobb, Secretary of 
the Treasury, resigned; his "duty to Georgia" was his 
reason. On December 12th, Philip F. Thomas was ap- 
pointed his successor; he held the office for one month, 
then abandoned the old ship to join his Democratic 
brethren at the South, as he "didn't believe in laws to 
enforce the collection of customs at the port of Charles- 
ton." January 29th, John B. Floyd, Secretary of War, 
became displeased because "the President declined to 
withdravj the garrison from the harbor of Charleston." 
His Secretary of the Interior, Jacob Thompson, also 
deserted his post, January 8th, 1861 ; he was " dis- 
pleased," because "additional troops, he had heard, 
had been ordered to Charleston." On the 17th of 



XV.] CLOSING SCENES OF DEMOCRATIC RULE. 235 

December, 1860, Jeremiah S. Black resigned as Attor- 
ney-General and made his way South to meet his 
''brethren." 

The period from the meeting of the Thirty-sixth 
Congress, on December 3d, 1860, to its adjournment, 
April 4th, 1861, was a period of triumph and political 
activity with the Democracy, both in the Slave States 
and the National Capital ; and scenes of flagrant trea- 
son were enacted upon the floor of the National Con- 
gress, that in any country of Enropo would have con- 
signed the actors to the gallows; but the Exi^outive 
Department, and, in fact, the Government itself — that is, 
those chosen by the people to administer the affairs of 
the Nation and see that its laws and Constitution were 
preserved and enforced, were of a piece with the lead- 
ers, and silently acquiesced in their treason. 

The hands of the victorious Republican party, who 
had carried the Presidential election in November, 
1860, were completely tied. They were a small minor- 
ity in the Congress, and were unrepresented in the 
various departments of the Government at Washing- 
ton; and although they had carried every one of the 
eighteen Free States in the Electoral College, except 
New Jersey (and Lincoln received four out of the seven 
of her votes), yet they could not stay the scenes of 
official corruption and perfidy that now desolated the 
country. 

That the reader may have a further knowledge of 
the manner in which Democratic United States Sena- 
tors of those times guarded the interests of the Nation, 
a brief record of the legislation of Robert Toombs, Sen- 
ator from Georgia, is here given : 

"Macon, November 14tli, 1860. 
*' To the Honorable L, M, Keitt. — I will sustain South Caro- 



2SG REPUBLIC AXIS? I IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

lina in Secession. I Lave announced to tlie Legislature that I 
will not serve under Lincoln. If 3'ou have the power to act, act 
at once. We have bright prospects here, B. Toombs." 

This note was written eight days after Mr. Lincoln's 
election. 

On the 13th of December a manifesto^ signed by all 
the leading Senators and Congressmen from the Slave 
States at Washington, was forwarded to their constitu- 
ents, that ''the solo and primary aim of each Slave- 
holding State ought to be its speedy and absolute sepa- 
ration from an unnatural and hostile Uniony 

Senator Toombs, on December 24th, telegi'aphed 
from his seat in the United States Senate a ■manifesto 
addressed to the people of Georgia, as follows: 

' ' Fellow citizens of Georgia : I am here to secure your consti- 
tutional rights. * * * ij}2e Committee is controlled 
by Black Bepublicans, your enemies. * * * Seces- 
sion, by the 4th of March next, should be thundered from the 
ballot-box by the unanimous voice of Georgia. On the second 
day of January next such a voice will be your best guarantee for 
liberty, security, Iranqaillity , and glory." 

Among the many individuals who have figured con- 
spicuously in the affairs of the late Rebellion, few 
have had a more prominent position than Alexander 
H. Stephens, ex- Vice-President of the late Southern 
Confederacy; and no man in the American Republic 
has risen to more public notoriety in the affairs of the 
Nation, who so little deserves to be ranked with states- 
men or philosophers, than this same man, whose doc- 
trines in all things pertaining to public affairs are 
highly seasoned with the hypocritical cant of the ^o/i- 
Hcifin, and entirely destitute of the essence of statesman- 
sMp. No man in the country, familiar with Mr. 
Stephens' long and active life in State and National 



XV.] CLOSING SCENES OF DEiiOCRATiC RULE. 237 

politics, will doubt his ilimiliiirity Vv'ith the political 
history of the Nation. Indeed, his whole life has been 
one of constant application upon political affairs; and 
his large knowledge upon these subjects is often con- 
strued by his partisan friends, and those who do not 
examine his political career critically, as a fountain of 
wisdom and statesmanship, when at best it is but a 
well stored mass of general knowledge, \vhose hlter is 
understood, but not its essence. Indeed, it is difficult to 
conceive of a mind so well informed upon the history 
of the events of the Nation and yet so totally ignorant 
oi the principles upon v/hich they are founded. Nor 
are these assertions influenced by any difference of 
opinion, but are stubborn facts, all of which will be 
verified from his own mouth. And as I take the lib- 
erty to thus comment upon the public record of this 
champion of Democracy, a place will be given here to 
some extracts from his speeches upon National ques- 
tions. 

For many years before the Democrats commenced 
the Rebellion, Alexander H. Stephens was a leading 
statesman [?] at the South, and had achieved a notoriety 
through the whole country ; and in his State (Georgia) 
he was looked upon as an oracle of wisdom in all 
things pertaining to the affairs of the Nation. When 
dissensions and dangers threatened the peace of the 
Republic, he was relied upon as the great expounder 
of the constitutional rights of the people of the Sov- 
ereign States (South), and in the discharge of these 
vast responsibilities, he came before the pu])lic with 
his statesmanship and philosophy which deluded the 
people into rebellion and caused them to hold fast to 
the negro. But his positions were hot always consist- 
ent, nor stable, but tlie reverse; and fonn a series of 



238 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

political somersaults as novel and spasmodic as they were 
inharmonious and ludicrous. 

The following is a speech of Alexander H. Stephens, 
delivered before the Georgia Legislature, November 
14th, 1860: 

" The first question that presents itself is, shall the people of 
the South secede from the Union in consequence of the election 
of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States'? My 
countrymen, I tell yon frankly, candidly and earnestly thai I do not 
think that they ourjht. In my judgment the election of no man, 
constitiitionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause for 
any State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and 
aid still in maintaining the Constitution and the country. To 
make a point of resistance to the Government, to withdraw from 
it because a man has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the 
wrong. "Wo are pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many 
of us have sworn to support it. Can we, therefore, for the mere 
election of a man to the Presidency, and that, too, in accordance 
with the prescribed forms of the Constitution, make a point of 
resistance to the Government without becoming the breakers of 
that sacred instrument ourselves — withdraw ourselves from it ? 
Would we not be in the wrong ? Whatever fate is to befall this 
country, tei it never be laid to the charge of the people cf the 
South, and especially to the people of Georgia, that vre were 
untrue to our national engagements. Let the fault and the 
wrong rest upon others. If all our hopes are to be blasted, if 
the Republic is to go down, let us be found to the last moment 
standing on the deck, with the Constitution of the United States 
waving over our heads. Let the fanatics of the North break the 
Constitution, if such is their fell purpose. Let the responsi- 
bility be upon them. I shall speak presently more of their acts; 
but let not the South — let us not be the ones to commit the ag- 
gression. We went into this election with this people. The 
result was different from what we wished; but the election has 
been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point cf resist- 
ance to the Government, and go out of the Union on that ac- 
count, the record xoould he made vp hereafter against us. 

" But it is said Mr, Lincoln's policy and principles are against 
the Constitution, and that if he carries them out it will bo de- 
structive to our rights. Let us not anticipate a threatened evil. 



XV.] ALEXANDSU II. STEPHENS ON SECESSION, 230 

If he violates the Constitution, then will come onr time to act. 
Do not let us break it because, forsooth, he inay. If he does, 
that is the time for us to strike. I think it ■would be injudicious 
and unwise to do this sooner. I do not anticipate that Mr. Lin- 
coln will do anything to jeopardize our safety or security, v/hat- 
ever may be his spirit to do it; for he ia bound by the constitu- 
tional 'checks which are thrown around him, which at this time 
render him powerless to do any great mischief. This shows the 
wisdom of our system. The President of the United States is 
no Emperor, no Dictator — he is clothed Yt^ith no absolute power. 
He can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. 
The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against 
him. 

" In the Senate he will also be powerless. There will be a 
majority of four a^jainst him. This, after the loss of Bigler, 
Fitch, and others, by the unfortunate dissensions of the National 
Democratic party in their States. Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint 
an oSicer v^ithout the consent of the Senate. He cannot form a 
Cabinet without the same consent. He will be in the condition 
of George III, (the embodyment of Toryism) who had to ask 
the Vv'higs to appoint his ministers, and was compelled to receive 
a Cabinet utterly opposed to his views; and so Mr, Lincoln will 
be compelled to ask of the Senate to choose for him a Cabinet, 
if the Democracy of that body choose to put him on such terms. 
He will be compelled to do this or let the Government stop, if 
the National Democratic men — for that is their name at the 
North — the conservative men in the Senate, should so determine. 
Then how can Mr, "Lincoln obtain a Cabinet which would aid 
him, or allow him to violate the Constitution? 

*' "Why, then, I say, should we disrupt the ties of this Union 
■when his hands are tied — when he can do nothing against us ? 
I have heard it mooted that no man in the State of Georgia, who 
is true to her interests, could hold ofEce under Mr. Lincoln. 
But, I ask, who appoints to ofnco ? Not the President alone — 
the Bonate has to concur. No man can be appointed without 
the consent of the Senate. Should any man then refuse to hold 
Oilice that was given to him by a Democratic Senate ? [jMr. 
Toomby interrupted, and said if the Senate was Democratic, it 
w^as for Mr. Breckinridge.] 

"Weil, then, continued Mr. Stephens, I apprehend no man 
could be justly considered untrue to the interests of Georgia, 



240 REPUBLICANISM IN A3IERICA. [Chap. 

or incur any disgrace, if the interests of Georgia required it, to 
hold an office which a Breckinridge Senate had given him, even 
though Mr. Lincoln should be President. * * * 

" I will never consent myself, as much as I admire this Union 
for the glories of the past, or the blessings of the present — as 
much as it has done for the people of all these States — as much 
as it has done for civilization — as much as the hopes of the world 
hang upon it, I would never submit to aggression upon my rights 
to maintain it longer; and if they cannot be maintained in the 
Union, standing on the Georgia platform, where I have stood 
from the time of its adoption, I would be in favor of disrupting 
every tie which binds the States together. * * * 

" The next evil which my friend complained of, was the tariff. 
"Well, let us look at that for a moment. About the time I com- 
menced noticing public matters, this question was agitating the 
country almost as fearfully as the slave question now is. In 
1832, when I was in college, South Carolina was ready to nullify 
or recede from the Union on this account. And what have we 
seen? The tariff no longer distracts the public counsels. Rea- 
son has triumphed ! The present tariff was voted for by Massa- 
chusetts and South Carolina. The lion and the lamb lay down 
together — every man in the Senate and House from Massachu- 
setts and South Ca.-.lina, I thiok, voted for it, as did my honor- 
able friend himself. And if it be true — to use the figure of 
speech of my honorable friend— that every man in the North 
that works in iron, and brass and wood, has his muscles strength- 
ened by the protection of the Government^ that stimulant was 
given by his vote, and I believe every other Southern man. So 
we ought not to complain of that." 

Mr. Toombs. — "The tariff assessed the duties." 
Mr. Stephens. — "Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity 
voted with the South to lessen them, and they were made just 
as low as Southern men asked them to be, and that is the rate 
they are now at. * * * * There were many among 
us in 1850 zealous to go at once out of the Union, to disrupt 
every tie that binds us together. Now, do j'ou believe, had that 
policy been carried out at that time, we would have been the 
same great people we are to-day? It may be that we would, but 
have you any assurance of that fact ? Would you have made the 
same advancement, improvement, and progress in all that con- 
stitutes material wealth and jirosperity that we have ? * * 



XV.] ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS ON SECESSION. 241 

" I look upon this country with our institutions as the Eden 
of the world, the paradise of the universe. It may be that out 
of it we may become greater and more prosperous, but I am 
candid and sincere in telling you that I fear if we rashly evince 
passion, and without sufficient cause shall take that step, that 
instead of becoming greater or more peaceful, prosperous, and 
happy — instead of becoming gods, we will become demons, and 
at no distant day commence cutting one another's throats. This 
is my apprehension. Let us, therefore, whatever we do, meet 
those difficulties, great as they are, like wise and sensible men, 
and consider them in the light of all the consequences which 
may attend our action. Let us see first clearly where the path 
of duty leads, and then we may not fear to tread therein. * * 
I say the same; I said it then; I say it now — if Mr. Liucoln's 
policy should be carried out. I have told you that I do not 
think his bare election sufficient cause ; but if his jjolicy should 
be carried out in violation of any of the principles set forth in 
the Georgia platform, that woiild be such an act of aggression 
which ought to be met as therein provided for. If his policy 
shall be carried out in repealing or modifying the Fugitive Slave 
Law, so as to weaken its efficacy, Georgia has declared that she 
will, in the last resort, disrupt the ties of the Union- — and I say 
so too. I stand upon the Georgia platform, and upon every 
plank, and say, if these aggressions therein provided for take 
place — I say to you and to the people of Georgia, keep your 
powder dry, and let your assailants then have lead, if need be. 
I would wait for an act of aggression. This is my position. 
* * * * Should Georgia determine to go out of the 
Union^ — I speak for one, though my views might not ag'ree v/itli 
them — whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the will of her 
people. Their cause is my cause, and their destiny is my destiny; 
and I trust this will be the ultimate course of all. The greatest 
curse that can befall a free people is civil war. * "'■' * 

Thus far it is a noble example, worthy of imitation. The gen- 
tleman, Mr. Cobb, said the other night it had proven a failure. 
A failure in what ? In growth ? Look at our expanse in national 
power. Look at our pojoulation and increase in all that makes a 
people great. A failure ? Why, we are the admiration of the 
civilized world, and present the brightest hopes of mankind. 

" Some of our public men have failed in their aspirations; that 
is true, and from that comes a great joart of our troubles. * * 



242 REPUBLICANISM IN a:>iekica. [Chap, 

" Now, Avhen this Convention assembles, if it shall be called, 
as I hope it ma}', I would say in my judgment, without dictation, 
— for I am conferring with you freely and frankly, and it is thus 
that I give my views — I should take into consideration all these 
questions wliich distract the public mind ; should view all the 
grounds of Secession so far as the election of Mr. Lincoln is 
concerned, and I have no doubt the^^ would say that the consti- 
tutional election of no man is a sufficient cau;'e to break up the 
Union, but that the State should wait until he at least does some 
unconstitutional act." 

Mr. Toombs. — " Commit some overt act." 

Mr. Stephens. — " No, I did not say that. The word overt is 
a sort of technical term connected Avith treason, which has come 
to us from the mother country, and it means an open act of 
rebellion. I do not see how Mr. Lincoln can do this, unless he 
should lev}' war upon us. I do not, therefore, use the word 
overt. I do not intend to wait for that. But I use the words 
unconstitutional act, which our people understand much better, 
and which expresses just what I mean. But as long as he con- 
forms to the Constitution, he should be left to exercise the duties 
of his office. * * « * jj^ j^j^^g way, our sister 

Southern States can bo induced to act with us; and I have but 
little doubt that the States of New York, and Pennsylvania, and 
Ohio, and the other Western States, will compel their Legisla- 
tures to recede from their hostile attitudes if the others do not. 
Then with these we would go on without New England if she 
chose to stay out." 

[A voice in the Assembly. — " We will kick them out."] 

Mr. Stephens. — "I would not kick them out. But if they 
chose to stay out, they might. I think, moreover, that these 
Northern States, being principally engaged in manufactures, 
would find that they had as much interest in the Union under 
the Constitution as we, and that they woiild return to their con- 
stitutional dut}' — this would be my hope. If they should not, 
and if the Middle States and Western States do not join us, we 
should at least have an undivided South. I am, as you clearly 
perceive, for maintaining the Union as it is, if possible. I will 
exhaust ever}' means thus to maintain it with an equality in it. 
My principles are these : 

" First, the maintenance of the honor, the rights, the equal- 
ity, the security, and the glory of my native State in the Union; 



XV.] ALEXANDE?. II. STEPHENS 02^ SECESSION. 243 

but if these cannot be maintained in the Union, then I am for 
their maintenance out of it at all hazards. Next to the honor 
and glory of Georgia, the land of raj birth, I hold the honor 
and glory of our common country. In Savannah I was made to 
say, by the reporters — who very often make me say things which 
I never did say — that I was first for the glory of the whole coun- 
try, and next for that of Georgia. 

" I said (he exact reverse of fhis. I am proud of her history, of 
her present standing. I am proud even of her motto, which I 
would have duly respected at the present time by all her sons — 
"Wisdom, Justice and Moderation. I would have her rights and 
that of the Southern States maintained now upon these jorinci- 
ples. Her position now is just what it was in 1850, with respect 
to the Southern States. Her platform then has been adopted by 
most, if not all, the Southern States. Now I would add but one 
additional plank to that platform, which I have stated, and one 
which time has shown to be necessary. 

"If all this fails, we shall at least have the satisfaction of 
knowing that we have done our duty and all that patriotism 
could require." 

This remarkable speech, a tissue of irreconcilable 
generalities^ forms a most singular phenomenon in the 
history of incongruity and sophistry, aided in the ut- 
terance by an apparent sincerity, that at first glance 
insures it attention and respect; but, when probed and 
viewed in its true light, exhibits the knave and sophist, 
for Mr. Stephens cannot claim the charity that we 
would like (for his own sake) to accord to him of not 
being informed upon the true issues involved in the 
subject which he was discussing. 

The election of no man, constitutionally elected, is 
cause for the South to secede; and he is pledged to 
support the Constitution of the United States. If the 
Republic is to go down, let him go down with it. He 
will be found to the last moment, holding aloft the old 
flag, and, with the Constitution in his hands, waving it 
over his head, he should go down with the old ship 

16 ^ 



244 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

of State. Let the fanatics of the North break the 
Constitution, he would not; let the responsibility be 
upon others. Was he to make a point of resistance 
against the Government and go out, "the record would 
be made up hereafter against us." 

The President of the United States is no Emperor 
or Dictator; and "until Mr. Lincoln will do some act 
to violate the Constitution, he will stand by the Union." 
He did not anticipate that Mr. Lincoln would do any 
act to violate the Constitution ; he will be powerless, 
for he cannot appoint an officer nor form his Cabinet 
without the consent of the Senate. He will be com- 
pelled to receive a Cabinet utterly opposed to his 
views; the Democracy in the Senate must choose his 
Cabinet. "Why then, I say, should we disrupt the 
ties of this Union, when his hands are tied ; when he 
can do nothing against us?" He would not disrupt 
the ties of the Union: he "admired the Union for its 
glorious past." The North had given the South all it 
asked for. Massachusetts had voted with unanimity 
to lessen the tariff. He looked upon the American 
Republic as the Eden of the world — "the paradise of 
the universe^ 

Further along, as will be seen, he says: "If Lincoln's 
policy shall be carried out in repealing or modifying 
the Fugitive Slave Law, so as to weaken its efficiency 
in Georgia, I shall go in to disrupt the ties of this Unions 
The breath, before giving utterance to this treason, was 
used in lavish praise of the Union. He would stand 
on the deck of the ship of State to the last. The Re- 
public is declared to be the Eden of the world; and 
he declares, in exact terms, that he will not disnipt the 
Union. Now how does it follow that io^w minutes later 
in his speech he "will disrupt?" Where is his love of 



XV.] TREASON OF ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 245 

the "EcIgii?" How high does he now hold aloft the old 
flag and the Constitution? 

"Should Georgia determine to go out of the Union^ 
I speak for one, though my views might not agree with 
them, whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the 
will of her people. Their cause is my cause; their 
destiny my destiny." How does this comport with his 
first remarks in this speech? Now he takes back all 
he has said about waiting for the ''fanatics of the North 
to break it." He now retracts all he has said about 
letting the North commit some act of aggression ; about 
the glory and liberty of the nation. Not as the Union 
goes will he go now, but as Georgia goes, right or wrong. 
If Georgia "determine" to go out of the Union, so he 
will go. He has lost sight of its being necessary for 
some "unconstitutional" act to be done; and he says, 
although his views might not agree with this act, yet he 
will go with his State. Then he will do an act with 
v.'hich his views may not agree ; how is this ? His con- 
victions and views tell him that he must support the 
Union to the last; and yet now he is ready to bow to 
the will of Georgia. "Their cause is my cause; their 
destin}^ is my destiny." 

Whatever cause Georgia espoused, that is his cause; 
he will follow her (as he did) to commit the most fla- 
grant treason against the Government he has sworn to 
protect. He will aid her and her people in applying 
the torch of incendiary rebellion to the magazine that 
is to explode as a fearful earthquake, and destroy mill- 
ions of the patriots of the Nation — bring on a cruel, 
and fratricidal v/ar. He w^ill deluge the whole land 
in a sea of blood ; conscript old and young into the 
army to destroy the happiness and liberty of the peo- 
ple. He will convert the swamps and fens of the 



246 REPUBLICANISM IN AilERICA. [Chap. 

South into prison pens, in which he will confine those 
who go forth to save the old flag and the glorious 
Union about which he has said so much. lie will hire 
and support cruel and hlood-thirsty rebels to shoot 
down these patriots if they cross the " death line." 
He will aid in starving them until they cry to heav^en 
for a drop of water which he refuses them. He will 
hold them in horrible pest pens, bare-headed, bare- 
footed and bare-backed, with a scorching sun beating 
upon their emaciated frames, until with hunger and 
disease they die by thousands, or are released when by 
famine they are emaciated skeletons, beyond the hope 
of recovery, or wandering maniacs. He will, if Georgia 
says so, man and equip pirates to prey upon the unof- 
fending commerce of the merchant marine. He will 
send spies to the Capitol and employ emissaries to 
poison the aqueducts of cities hundreds of miles from 
the seat of war. He will put the torch into the hand 
of the incendiary to fire Northern cities thousands of 
miles off, because her people are holding up the old 
flag. He will send scientific physicians to foreign 
lands to procure the virus of deadly and contagious 
disease, and infect the wounds of Northern patriots, 
who lie in hospitals, with the dew of death upon them, 
caused by wounds and ill-treatment received while 
fighting to preserve the Union. All this he will do if 
Georgia says so. Georgia did say so, and did do so; 
and Stephens went with her. Georgia buried the old 
flag, and raised a foreign and hostile one; her people 
rallied round it, and Alexander H. Stephens cheered 
them on ; and at their head, tore the Stars and Stripes 
down, trampled upon them, and raised in their stead 
the banner of the Confederacy. 

Georgia declared herself out of the Union, allied 



XV.] TREASON OF ALEXANDER 11. STEPHENS. 247 

herself with a Government declared foreign and hostile 
to the American Republic, in vvhich a new code of laws 
were enacted, a new Constitution framed, fleets and 
armies raised and maintained, ministers sent abroad, 
and all the functions of a ch facto Government and 
belligerent nation maintained. Alexander 11. Stephens 
went with her. He did all those tilings in the name 
of Georgia. 

He will secure the honor and the glory of his native 
State ; and if this cannot be done in the Vnion, then at 
allliazards they must be maintained ^^out of the Union." 
He flings back the idea that he loved the Union before 
and above his State ; it is just the reverse. He is em- 
phatically "a man without a country," unless he can 
call the State of Georgia a country. 

In this most inconsistent speech, he concludes that 
the first duty of the citizen is to his State ; that for his 
State, and as she may determine, right or wrong, it is 
the duty of the citizen, patriot or statesman, to go. 
What an exalted conception this patriot, statesman 
and philosopher (?) must have of the American Re- 
public. How truly he feels inspired with her history 
and development. Hovv fully he realizes the spirit 
that actuated the patriots of the Revolutionary War. 
How well does he comprehend the principles upon 
which were engrafted into the Constitution the words: 
" We the people of the United States^ in order to form a 
more perfect Unions How keenly he felt the glory 
of the great system of liberty and free institutions 
that have grown up and prospered under the National 
Government. With what pride did he look upon the 
record of the achievements of the National arms; and 
how his breast swelled with gratitude and pride as he 
beheld the symbol of the Nation's freedom floating 



248 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

from the monuments erected to the memory of the 
Nation's heroes. How he admired the wisdom of the 
national legislators, and the system of national and 
international policy established. How well he loved 
his country ; Ms country ? He has been but a wanderer, 
a sojourner in a strange land. The Republic of Amer- 
ica has been as much a foreign nation to him, as any 
of the Governments of Europe. He was not a citizen 
of the Republic, he was a citizen of Georgia. He owed 
allegiance to his State Jirstj and then to America. The 
laws and treaties of his Nation were co-extensive with 
the share that his State held in the Southern Confed- 
eracy. He never sa,w the flag of his country, unless 
he saw the flag of Georgia. He wanders, gazing upon 
the blue sky for a sign of the symbol of his country; 
the meteor banner of America is there, but his eyes 
sweep over it in vacancy. A rend from which the Pal- 
metto has been torn, shows a faint line that is fast 
closing, never to behold the shadow of its departed 
glory. But he looks, and in vain, for the flag of his 
country; but alas the ensign of the "Sovereign State 
of Georgia" has no place there. He is the man with- 
out a country. 

On the l7th of January, 1861, the Georgia Conven- 
tion met, at which they passed an Ordinance of Seces- 
sion. On the debate upon the resolutions declaring 
that State out of the Union, Alexander H. Stephens 
being present, opposed secession, principally upon the 
ground that there was no cause of complaint on the 
part of the South. He said: 

"This step (of Secession) once taken, can never be recalled; 
and all the baleful and withering consequences that must follow 
will rest on the Convention for all coming time. When we and 
our posterity shall see our lovely South desolated by the demon 



I 



XY.] ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS ON SECESSION. 249 

of war, ivliich this act of yours will inevitably invite and call forth; 
when our green fields of wavin^j harvest shall be trodden down 
by the murderous soldiery and fiery car of war sweepin^^ over 
our land; our temples of justice laid in ashes; all the horrors 
and desolations of war upon us; who hut the Convention will he 
held responsible for it? And who but him wlio shall have given 
his vote for this unwise and ill-timed moasuro, as I honestly 
think and believe, shall he held to strict account for this suicidal act 
hy the present generation, and probably cursed and execrated by pos- 
terity for all coming time, for the wide and desolating ruin that 
will inevitably follow this act you now propose to perpetrate ? 
Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what reasons 
you can give that will even satisfy j'ourselves in calmer moments 
— what reasons you can give to your fellow sufferers in the calam- 
ity it will bring upon us. What reasons can you give the nations 
of the earth to justify it? They will be the calm and deliberate 
judges in the case; and what cause, or one overt act, can you 
name or point, on which to rest the plea of justification? What 
right has the North assailed? What interest of the South has been 
invaded? What justice has been denied? and what claim, founded 
in justice and right, has been withheld? Can either of you 
to-day name one governmental act of wrong, deliberately and 
purposely done by the Government of Washington, of which 
the South has a right to complain? I challenge the answer. 
While, on the other hand, let me show the facts (and believe me, 
gentlemen, I am not here the advocate of the North, but I am 
here the friend, the firm friend, and lover of the South and her 
institutions, and for this reason I speak thus plainly and faith- 
fully for yours, mine and every other man's interest, the words 
of truth and soberness), of which I wish you to judge, and I 
will only state facts which are clear and undeniable, and which 
now stand as records authentic in the history of our country. 
When we of the South demanded the slave trade, or the impor- 
tation of Africans for the cultivation of our lands, did they not 
yield the right for twenty years ? When we asked a three-fifths 
representation in Congress for our slaves, was it not granted? 
When we asked and demanded the return of any fugitive from 
justice, or the recovery of those persons owing labor or alle- 
giance, was it not incorporated in the Constitution, and again 
ratified and strengthened by the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850? 
But do you reply, that in many instances they have violated this 



250 REPUBLICANISM IN AJIEEICA. [Chap. 

compact and have not been faithful to their engagements ? As 
individual and local communities, they may have clone so; but 
not by the sanction of Government, for that has always been 
true to Southern interests. Again, gentlemen, look at another 
act: When we have asked that more territory should be added, 
that we might spread the institution of Slavery, have they not 
yielded to our demands in giving us Louisiana, Florida and 
Texas, out of which four States have been carved, and amj)le 
territory for four more to be added in due time, if you by this 
unwise and impolitic act do not destroy this hope, and, perhaps, 
by it lose all, and have your last slave wrenched from you by 
stern miliiary rule, as South America and Mexico were, or by the 
vindictive decree of a universal emancipation, which may reasonably 
be expected to follow ? 

"But again, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this pro- 
posed change of our relation to the General Government ? "VVe 
have always had the control of it; and can yet, if we remain in 
it, and are as united as we have been. We have had a majority 
of the Presidents chosen from the South, as well as the control 
and management of most of those chosen from the North. We 
have had sixty years of Southern Presidents to their twenty-four, 
thus controlling the Executive Department. So of the Judges 
of the Suprem,e Court, we have had eighteen from the South 
and but eleven from the North; although nearly four-fifths of 
the judicial business has arisen in the Free States, yet a majority 
of the Court has always been from the South. This we have re- 
quired so as to guard against any interpretation of the Constitu- 
tion unfavorable to us. In like manner we have been equally 
watchful to gu'i.rd our interests in the legislative branch of 
Government. In chocking the presiding Presidents {ifiro tern.) 
of uhe C'liate, we have had twenty-four to tlicir eleven. Speakers 
of the House, we have had twenty-three and they twelve. While 
the majority of the Espresentatives, from their greater popula- 
tion, have always been from the Nux^h, yet we have so generally 
secu;': 1 the Speaker, because he, to a great extent, shapes and 
controls the legi'^la^ion of the country. Nor have we had less 
control in every other department of the General Government. 
Attorney-Generals, Ave have had fourteen, while the North have 
had bu^, five. Foreign Ministers, we have had eighty-six and 
they but fifty-four. While three-fourths of the business which 
demands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly from the Free States, 



XY.] ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS ON SECESSION 251 

from their greater commercial interests, yet we have had the 
principal embassies so as to secure the world-markets for our 
cotton, tobacco and sugar on the best possible terms. We have 
had a vast majority of the higher ofSces of both army and navy, 
while a larger proportion of the soldiers and sailors were draAvn 
from the North. Equally so of Clerks, Auditors and Con- 
trollers filling the Executive Department; the records show for 
the last fifty years that of the three thousand thus emploj^ed, we 
have had more than two-thirds of the same, while we have but 
one-third of the Avhite population of the Republic. 

" Again, look at another item, and one, be assured, in which 
we have had a great and vital interest. , It is that of revenue, or 
means of supporting Government. From official documents we 
learn that a fraction over three-fourths of the revenue collected 
for the support of the Government has uniformly been raised 
from the North. 

" Pause now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate care- 
fully and candidly these imiDortant items. Look at another nec- 
essary branch of Government, and learn from stern statistical 
facts how matters stand in that department. I mean the mail 
and Post Office privileges that we now enjoy under the General 
Government as it has been for years past. The esj)ense for the 
transportation of the mail in the Free States was, by the reporl 
of the Postmaster-General for the year 18G0, a little over $13,- 
000,000, while the income was $19,000,000. But in the Slave 
States the transportation of the mail was $14,716,000, while the 
revenvie from the same was $8,001,026, leaving a deficit of $6,- 
704,074 to be supplied by the North for our accommodation, and 
without it we must have been entirely cut off from this most es- 
sential branch of Government. 

' ' Leaving out of view, for the present, the countless millions of 
dollars you must expend in a war with the North, with tens of 
thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle, and offered 
up as sacrifices upon the altar of j-our ambition — and for what, 
we ask again ? Is it for the overthrow of the American Govern- 
ment, established by our common ancestry, cemented and built 
up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad princi- 
ples of rdcjht, Justice, and Hamanihj ? And, as such, I must 
declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been 
repeated by the greatest and wisest of statesmen and patriots iu 
this and other lands, that it is the best and freest Government — 



252 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tho most equal in its riylits, the most just in its decisions, the 
most lenient in its measures, and tho most aspiring in its princi- 
ples to elevate the race of men that the sun of heaven ever shone 
upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a Govern- 
ment as this, under which we have lived for more than three- 
quarters of a century — in which we have gained our wealth, our 
standing as a Nation, our domestic safety while tho elements of 
peril are around us, with peace and tranquillity, accompanied 
with unbounded prosperity and rights unassailed — is the height 
of iii(itlncst<,J'()llij, and wickedness, to which I can neither lend my 
sanction nor my vote." 

Iloro Mr. Stephens uivokes the people of Georgia 
not to take the fatal step. He sees their green fields 
trodden down b}^ the murderous soldiery that must 
follow this act of Secession. " Who hut this Convention 
will he held rei^j^ons'ihle for all these' evils, ^' he says to 'the 
Convention — ^^ shall he held to a strict account for this sui- 
cidal act hy the present generation., and jjrohahli/ cursed and 
execrated hi/ posterity for all coming time." The present 
generation arc now fulfilling this prophecy, and they 
do not forget the man who, while he said these things, 
told the world that as Georgia went so he should go, 
and who twenty days later accepted the office of Vice- 
President of the Southern Confederacy. No justifica- 
tion, either to themselves or to the nations of the 
earth, he says, can be offered for the act of Secession. 
lie " challenges the answer" tluit tlie Nortli lias ever 
assailed a single right of the South, and he enters into 
an elaborate array of historical and statistical facts to 
show that on the contrary tlie South lias had lier own 
way, and more than her own sliare of the public spoils 
and patronage of tho Nation. That the North, at great 
cost and inccmyenience, has defra3'ed the expenses of 
the South, and permitted them to till the public oflices 
of tlie Government far beyond their legal proi^ortion. 



.XV.] ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS ON SECESSION. 253 

The North had gracefully extended the traffic in the 
slare trade to accommodate tlie South. The North 
voted that the South should have a representation in 
Congress based upon the slave property, and voted to 
constitute the Federal power a national police for the 
arrest and return of fugitives from labor; and when the 
South asked more territory for the spread of Slavery, 
the North yielded and gave them Louisiana, Florida, 
and Texas, and territory ample for four more States. 
The support of the Government in revenue, he con- 
cludes, came mainly from the North. The North has 
supplied the funds to carry the mails to the South. 
There is no cause of complaint, unless the complaint 
comes from the North. Yet the man possessed of all 
this knowledge has assured the world that as the " Sov- 
ereign" State of Georgia goes, so will he go. It will 
cost countless millions of dollars, and the lives of 
thousands of brave men, offered up as a .sacrifice upon 
the altar of the ambition of the South; and it vv^ill 
overthrow a Government cemented by the sweat and 
blood of patriots, and founded on IiigJit, Justice^ and 
Humanity. To do this, he says, "is the height of mad- 
7iess,foUu, and wickedness^ to which I can neither lend 
my sanction nor my vote." Yet he has told them that 
if his State says he shall, against his judgment, do all 
that is proposed to be done by Secession, that he will 
do it. The State, by its Convention, said that they 
denied all of Mr. Stephens' positions, passed their Or- 
dinance of Secession, and entered into rebellion and 
cruel war; and Mr. Stephens joined with them, and is 
elected Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy 
on the 9th day of February following, (about twenty 
days after his speech above,) takes the oath of office, 
subscribed to a declaration of grievances on the part of 



25i REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the South, and enters upon active war against the 
United States, 

On the 21st day of March, 1861, about one month 
after Mr. Stephens was elected Yice-Presid«nt of the 
Southern Confederacy, being at Savannah, in his own 
State, he made a speech, from which the following ex- 
tract is here inserted: 

" The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitat- 
ing questions relating to our peculiar institutions — African Slav- 
ery as it exists among us — the jDroper status of the negro in our 
form of civilization. 

" This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present 
revolution. Jefferson, in his foy^ecast, had anticijMfed this as the 
'rock upon -wJiich the old Union ivould split.' He was right. 
What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But 
whether he fully comprehended the great truth iipon which that 
rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas 
entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the 
time of the formation of the old Constitution, were that the en- 
slavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature — 
that it was Avrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. 
It was an evil they knew not we 1 how to deal with, but the gen- 
eral opinion of the men of that day was, that somehow or other, 
in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent 
and pass away. This idea, though not incorj)orated in the Con- 
stitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitution, 
it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution 
while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used 
against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of 
the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were 
fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the 
equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy founda- 
tion, and the idea of a Government built upon it, when the 
' stoi'm came and the wind blew, it fell.' 

" Our new Government is founded upon exactly the ojDposite 
idea; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the 
great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man. That 
Slavery — subordination to the superior race — is his natural and 
normal condition. This, our new Government, is the first, in 



XV.] STEPHENS' "corner-stone" SPEECH. 255 

the histoiy of the world, based upon this great raoral and physi- 
cal truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its develop- 
ment like all other truths in the various depai'tments of science. 
It has been so even among us. Many who hear m ., i:)erhaps, 
can recollect well that this truth was not generally admitted even 
within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung 
to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who 
still cling to these errors, with a zeal above knowledge, we justly 
denominate fanatics. * * * 

" In the conflict thus far, success has been on our side com- 
plete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate 
States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our actual fabric is 
firmly planted; and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ulti- 
mate success of a full recognition of this principle throughout 
the civilized and enlightened world. 

*'As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow 
in development, as all truths are, and ever have been, in the 
various branches of science. It was so with the principles an- 
nounced by Galileo ; it was so with Adam Smith and his princi- 
ples of political economy; it was so with Harvey and his theory 
of the circulation of the blood. It is stated that not a single 
one of the medical profession, living at the time of the announce- 
ment of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now they are 
universally acknowledged. May we not, therefore, look with 
confidence to the ultimate universal acknowledgment of the 
truths upon which our system rests. It is the first Government 
ever instituted upon principles' of strict conformity to nature 
and the ordination of Providence in furnishing the materials of 
human society. Many Governments have been founded upon 
the principles of certain classes; but the classes thus enslaved 
were of the same race and in violation of the laws of nature. 
Our system commits no such violation of nature's laws. The 
negro, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for 
that condition which he occupies in our system. The architect, 
in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the 
proper materials — the granite; then comes the brick or the mar- 
ble. The substratum of our society is made of the material 
fitted by nature for it, and by experience we know that it is best, 
not only for the superior, but for the inferior race that it should 
be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the ordinance of the 
Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His ordi- 



256 REPUBLICANISM IN A31ERICA. [Chap. 

nances, or to question tliem. For His own purposes He has 
made one race to differ from another, as He has made ' one star 
to differ from another star in glory.' 

" The great objects of humanity are best attained when con- 
formed to His laws and decrees, in the formation of Govern- 
ments, as well as in all things else. Our Confederacy is founded 
upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone 
which was first rejected by the first builders, ' is become the 
chief stone of the corner' in our new edifice. 

' ' The progress of disintegration in the old Union ma}'' be 
expected to go on with almost absolute certainty. We are now 
the nucleus of a growing power, which, if we are true to our- 
selves, our destiny, and high mission, will become the control- 
ling power on this continent. To what extent accessions will go 
on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will 
determine." 

The reader will bear in mind that this last speech 
was made within one month after his speech in the 
Georgia Convention. This speech is the fairest reflex 
of the philosopJiy and prophecy of the ''greatest man of 
the South." He settles the status of the negro — " Slav- 
cry and subordination is his natural and normal condi- 
tionr Slavery, he saj^s, is of Divine origin^ and a Gov- 
ernment built upon an opposite theory will Ml. Their 
new Constitution has set the question at rest forever. 
The new Government is founded upon these great 
truths; its corner-stone is laid and rests upon the solid 
foundations that Slavery is the natural condition of the 
negro, and their new Government is the first in the 
history of the world, "based upon this great physical 
and moral truth." It is wise to condemn all as fanatics 
who hold opposite views from these; and there arc 
still, ho sa3'^s, some people at the North who entertain 
opposite views, and who cling to those errors. The 
development of these great truths may be slow, but it 
is so with all great truths. He saj^s that the new Gov- 



XV.] Stephens' philosophy of slavery. 257 

ernmeut is the first in the world based upon principles 
in conformity with Divine Providence. The negro, by 
the curse against Canaan, is fitted for Slavery. The 
Creator has ordained it. The stone so long rejected by 
the architects of Nations, says he, '' is become the 
chief stone of the corner in our new edifice." 

The American Government is only a thing in name j 
its foundations are laid upon quicksands ; it must fall 
because its ''corner-stone" is not laid upon a founda- 
tion in conformity with the laws of Divine Providence. 
He proclaims the philosophical truth that the curse 
placed on Canaan, or some other cause, makes the 
negro a slave by nature. Each State will drop off 
from this unnatural Union, until no trace of the old 
concern can be found. Hear the language of Stephens, 
the prophet: 

" The progress of disintegration in the old Union, may be 
expected to go on with almost absolute certainty. We are now 
the nucleus of a growing power, which if we are true to our- 
selves, our destiny, and high mission, will become the control- 
ling power of this Continent." 

Within the whole range of Democratic philosophy 
and statesmanship, there is no such happy exposition 
of the doctrines of that party as is contained in this 
speech of Mr. Stephens. Close observers of the ad- 
vocates of domination had divided the honors of the 
advocacy of the trafiic in men, to other names, that 
have stood prominent in the cause. But, looking over 
the- long line of illustrious champions, the Pinckneys, 
Calhoun, Hayne,Yancey, Davis, Brooks, Hunter, Rhett, 
Floyd, Toombs, Kiett, and others, their past prestige 
and glory vanish ■ — the master key-note of Democracy 
had slumbered, and under the dull manipulations of 
Southern leaders, had failed to emit the joyous sounds 



258 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. • 

of supreme perfection, until touched by the scientific 
finger of the " Vice-President." Other voices had 
been raised in support of these doctrines — protests, 
debates, and vindictive aspersion, had for three-quar- 
ters of a century distinguished many a Southern gen- 
tleman; rough attacks amounting to physical force, 
had decked the brow of the Southern statesman, and 
won for him the admiration of his fellow-countrymen. 
The impassioned eloquence of Calhoun, Hayne, Yan- 
cey, and others, had 'Tn-ed the Southern heart;" but 
the streams of light now cast upon the subject, the 
powerful' rays of unerring truth, flooded upon the head 
of the '' nigger," by the aid of science, philosophy, 
and religion, formed a new and luminous page in the 
great book of Southern truths. 

What lends such peculiar charms to the doctrines 
as set forth by this "great man," as enunciated in this 
speech, is the high office which he graced at the time 
of their utterance. He was not an itinerant politician 
seeking the support of his constituents ; he was seated in 
the second highest office of the first Nation established 
upon the philosophic basis of the subordination of 
inferior races. He had no incentive of ambition to 
gratify; already had he received numerous positions 
of political preferment, and the highest plaudits of 
every lover of Slavery; his veins were not fired with 
the untamed and impetuous blood of youtli, nor his 
judgment undisciplined in the school of political sci- 
ence, lie had already ascended the meridian of man- 
hood's allotted period, and he had his feet well down 
the shady declivity, upon whose sides he gathered the 
laurels of experience, and at whose base reposed the 
peaceful land of oblivion. 

The follies of youth he had lost in the great journey, 



XV.] Stephens' philosophy of slavery. 259 

whose weary clays and nights had left their imprint 
upon his phxeid brow; and now, witli cahn resignation 
to the decrees of ])ivinity, lie k)oked forward only to 
the fulfilhnent of its laws — the perpetuity of the Gov- 
ernment of the State of Georgia — the interests of the 
Southern people, and a Clnistian definition of Divine 
law, as applicable to the "nigger." 

Let this marvelous speech of the illustrious son of 
the South, find a place in every catechism and text- 
book within the limits of the late Confederacy, and 
be the caudal appendage of every Democratic platform 
while that party has a name. 

17 



CHAPTER XYI. 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN LEAVES SPKINGFIELD FOE WASHINGTON. — JAMES BU- 
CHANAN LEAVES THE EXECUTIVE CHAIR. — REPUBLICAN PARTY ENTEB 
UPON THJ3 ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS. — ATTACK ON SUMTER.— WAR 
BEGUN. —DEMOCRATS JOIN THE REBELS. — JEFFERSON DAVIS ISSUES A 
PROCLAMATION. — WAR SPIRIT OF THE FREE STATES. — MASSACnUSETTS 
SENDS THE FIRST SOLDIERS. — THEY ARE ATTACKED AT BALTIMORE. — 
THE PRESIDENT CALLS FOR TROOPS.— TERMS OF COMPROMISE.— HORATIO 
SEYMOUR.— HIS COMPLICITY WITH THE REBELS.— LETTER FROM GEORGE 
N. SANDERS.— SEEMING SUCCESS OF THE REBELS.— SOUTHERN SPEECHES, 
RESOLUTIONS AND THE PRESS AGAINST COMPROMISE.— FERNANDO WOOD, 
MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, RECOMMENDS ITS SECESSION.— HE PREDICTS 
A PACIFIC CONFEDERACY.— POLICY OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT DURING 
THE FIRST TWO YEARS OF THE WAR.— ANNOUNCEMENT OF EMANCIPATION 
PROCLAMATION.— EFFECT OP.— EXTRACTS FROM LINCOLN'S MESSAGE OF 
18G1.— HARMONY OF THE GOVERNMENT.— DEMOCB.\TS PLOT TO FIRE NORTH- 
ERN CITIES.— CONFESSION OP KENNEDY.— CONTAGIOUS DISEASE SPREAD 
AMONG UNION SOLDIERS. 

Abraham Lincoln, the newly elected President, left 
Ills home in Springfield, Illinois, on his way to the 
Capital at Washington, on the 11th of February, 1861. 
It had been reported that a certain conspiracy to as- 
sassinate him was organized (which afterwards proved 
to be true), and as he approached the Capital he took 
a different route from the one jDroposed, and entered 
the City of Washington in disguise, and before the 
time he was expected, thus thwarting the plans of his 
would-be assassins. The . greatest preparations ever 
made for a Presidential inauguration were arranged to 
welcome Mr. Lincoln ; militia companies, numbering 
several thousand, were in the city. 

A little after noon on the 4tli of March, 18G1, James 
Buchanan and Abraham Lincoln entered the Senate 
arm-in-arm, and shortly after Mr. Lincoln read his In- 
augural Address, took the necessary oath of office, and 





ABRAIlAM LINCOLN 

■;LSIDENT OF THE! UNITED STATES 
AssassinatedApril 14*" 1865. 



XYL] PRESIDENT LINCOLN INAUGURATED. 2G1 

was declared President of the United States, while 
Mr. Buchanan retired from the highest position in the 
American Government to be forgotten forever; or, if 
remembered, only to be execrated by an injured peo- 
ple. As he departed from the halls of the Nation, the 
past power, influence and corruption of the party he 
represented took its flight, never to return, unless in a 
form so helpless and corrupt that it could neither in- 
jure nor deceive. 

The Republican party, for the first time in the his- 
tory of the country, were in power, and the Democracy 
in all the Free States completely overthrown. 

The new party came into power surrounded with an 
ocean of unprecedented difliculties. The fifteen Slave 
States had not participated in the fall election, or 
rather had refused to vote for Lincoln, and already a 
number of them had confederated themselves together 
and established a hostile Government. They had, in 
January |)receding, levied war against the United 
States by firing upon the steamship Star of the West as 
she was entering Charleston harbor. 

The standard bearer of the new administration en- 
tered cheerfully upon his duties. He selected his Cab- 
inet from among the truest patriots and statesmen of 
the Republic. (See Appendix.) Neither in the plat- 
form upon which he was elected nor in his address was 
there anything that could, by any possibility, be con- 
strued to mean an infringement upon the rights of the 
people of any section. But the leaders of the Slave 
States had declared that they would not serve under 
Republican rule. 

The second act of aggression by the South was the 
attack on Fort Sumter. This was made by General 
Beauregard, on the order of the Secretary of War of the 



262 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Confederacy. The fort surrendered April 13th, 1861, 
after a gallant defense by Major Anderson and his little 
band. 

On the announcement of this wanton attack and fla- 
grant act of rebellion, the whole Free States were in a 
blaze of excitement; the insult to the Nation must be 
redressed ; the fort must be retaken ; the hostile flag 
must come down. These were the sentiments that ani- 
mated the people. 

Mr. Lincoln, two days after, (April 15th, 1861,) is- 
sued a proclamation, declaring that the "laws of the 
United States have been for some time past, and now 
are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed in 
the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Flor- 
ida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations 
too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course 
of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the 
Marshals by law, and to cause the laws to be duly exe- 
cuted," he therefore called out the militia to the num- 
ber of 75,000, and indicated their first service to be 
"to repossess the forts, places, and property seized 
from the Union." At the same time he summoned 
both houses of Congress to assemble on the 4th of July, 
1861. Of the fifteen Slave States, Delaware and Mary- 
land were the only ones that would supply troops — all 
the others refused ; but the whole of the Free States 
pledged all the men and all the money necessary to put 
down the Rebellion; and thousands of conservative 
Democrats rushed into the ranks of the army, and lent 
their money and influence in aid of the Union. Still 
a large part of the Democratic element throughout the 
entire country protested against "coercion." In all 
the large cities throughout the land soldiers were be- 
ing raised, public meetings held, and the most intense 
excitement prevailed. 



XVI.] WAR COMMENCED. 263 

JefFerson Davis had also issued his proclamation, 
which began with the following: " Whereas, Abraham 
Lincoln, President of the United States, has by procla- 
mation announced the intention of invading the Con- 
feder-icy with an armed force for the purpose of cap- 
turing its fortresses, and thereby subverting its 
independence, and subjecting the free people thereof 
to the domination of a foreign power; and whereas, it 
has become the duty of this Government to repel the 
threatened invasion and defend the rights and liberties 
of the people by all means which tlie laws of nations 
and usages of civilized warfare place at our disposal," 
etc. He followed this with a proclamation, calling 
upon the "good people of the Confederacy" to rally 
forth and drive back the "invader," and called down 
the blessing of Divine Providence upon their patriot- 
ism. This was dated April iTth, 18G1. 

The war was now fairly inaugurated, and appeals 
were made on both sides for volunteers, and each side 
responded with alacrity. N^ew England was in a blaze 
of excitement. No such enthusiasm had been known 
since the days of the battles of Lexington and Bunker 
Hill. On the same day that the President's proclama- 
tion was issued, companies of volunteers began to pour 
into Boston from adjoining towns and States. Money 
was freely offered for the support of the families of 
all those who desired to volunteer, until their return. 
How many patriots never did return! Civil war with 
all its horrors was preferable to anarchy. 

On April ITth, two days after the President's call, 
Massachusetts volunteers started for the seat of war — 
some to reinforce Fort Sumter, others to protect the 
Capital and President. The regiment destined for 
Washington, on its way through the City of Baltimore, 



264 REPUBLICANISM IN A3IERICA, [Cliap. 

on the 19th day of April, were attacked by a mob of 
anti-coercionists, and several of them massacred. This 
was the first blood shed in the Rebellion, for the firing 
on the Star of the West and Fort Sumter had ended 
without serious results. This was the anniversary of 
the battle of Lexington, for on the 19th of April, 1775, 
the volunteers of Massachusetts had suffered the first 
loss in blood in the great Revolution that gave us 
American freedom, and now thc}^ had shed the first 
blood to save the Union. 

On the news of this most foul and unnatural murder, 
the State of Massachusetts was thrown into intense 
excitement. The news spread from point to point with 
great rapidity ; men rushed into the streets from stores 
and offices in great exasperation ; mechanics and work- 
ing men left their shops, and bare-headed and in shirt 
sleeves, rushed to seek companions to join them, that 
they might avenge this outrage. 

The State was destitute of arms. Floyd and Bu- 
chanan had, during the past year, stripped the armo- 
ries and sent them to their "Southern brethren." 
The next day an agent was sent from Boston to Eng- 
land to purchase 25,000 stand of arms, supplied with 
$250,000. The State shortly after made an order to 
England for 5,000 English rifles. Troops continued to 
be raised in all parts of the Free States, not only in 
New England, but throughout the West. The State 
of New York came to the rescue of the old flag with 
an enthusiasm perhaps never witnessed in the history 
of nations. From the 19th of ]\Iay to the 12th of July 
the State had sent into the field 42 regiments of 3G,- 
000 men. It would be doing great injustice to make 
any comparisons between the patriots and soldiers of 
any section of our countr}'-; but it is but justice to say 



XYI.] WAR COJIMENCED. 265 

of the New York volunteers, that their daring exploits 
and valor have never been surpassed on any battle field. 
(For full list of soldiers furnished by each State see 
Appendix.) 

On the 3d of May, 18C1, the President made a 
further call for 42,000 men for three years, which was 
cheerfully responded to. The belligerents were in the 
field; ever}^ Free State in the Union was unanimous 
upon putting down the Rebellion. The South, mean- 
time, being well armed and prepared for the conflict, 
seemed to have the odds in her favor; varied success 
on the field had lent confidence to her leaders and en- 
courasrement to her Democratic allies in the North, 

The victory of the Confederates over the Union 
armies at Bull Run, on the 21st of July, 1861, lent new 
hope and vigor to the rebel armies. On the reception 
of the news at the South, vigorous preparations were 
made to push the war into the North. It was no lon- 
ger a defensive policy, but aggressive, and Washington 
must fall. New York City was to be sacked ; the Pal- 
metto flag to hang from the dome of the Capitol at 
Washington ; the cavalry horses of the gallant soldiers 
of the South were to graze on Boston Common while 
the master called the roll of his slaves at the foot of 
Bunker Hill. Such were the proclamations of South- 
ern leaders. 

The Peace Democrats, Conservatives and Anti-Co- 
ercionists (new names for a certain class of Northern 
Democrats, aiders and abettors of treason,) were now 
jubilant. Peace was their suit; "peace on any terms" 
they cried ; " stop this cruel war ;" "compromise ;" have 
respect for the "feelings" of our Southern brethren. 
Peace Commissioners and propositions of compromise 
found new voices to advocate their claims. The press 



266 REPUBLICANISM IN AMEPJCA. [Chap. 

and leaders of the South denounced all terms of peace; 
they did not want any further affiliation with the " base 
North ;" the " unholy Union" had been a curse to them. 
The following samples will illustrate this point. 

Jefferson Davis (President) at Montgomery, Ala- 
bama, on February 16th, 1861, said: 

" Tiie time for compromise lias now passed, and the South is 
determined to maintain her position and make all who oppose 
her smeH Southern powder and feel Southern steel, if coercion is 
persisted in. * * * * q^. separation from the 

Union is now complete. No compromise, no reconstruction, is 
now to be entertained." 

T. R. R. Cobb, of Georgia, a member of the South- 
ern Congress, speaking of reconstruction at Atlanta, 
said: 

"I am against it now and forever. What have we worked for? 
Simply a new Constitution ? No ! "We sought to be relieved of 
the North, because they were fleecing us — giving fishing bounties 
and otherwise squandering the public treasure and filling their 
pockets from our labors. 

" I would not unite with them if they were to bind themselves 
in amounts more than they are worth and give me a distress war- 
rant to sell them out. I wish the people of Georgia to say this 
shall be a Slaveholding Confederacy and nothing else." 

The speeches of Alexander H. Stephens, in another 
chapter, should be read in connection with this. 

March 5th, 1861, Mr. Walter Brooks, of Mississippi, 
quoting Davis and Stephens in the Confederate Con- 
gress, said: 

" I think I speak their sentiments on this floor; from the infor- 
mation I am daily receiving, I do not believe there is a man in 
Mississippi who desires a reconstruction of this Government, or 
who will not fully indorse the sentiments uttered by you, Mr. 
President, that the separation is perfect, complete and perpet- 
ual, and lilfewise the sentiments of our distinguished President 
of the Confederate States, when he declared that * a reconstruc- 
tiou is neither practicable nor desirable.' " 



XVL] SOUTHERN LEADERS ON RECONSTRUCTION. 2G7 

The Rebel Congress, on tL'j 3d of February, 18G2, 
passed the following resolutions: 

' ' Whereas, the United States are waging- war against the Con- 
federate States, with the avowed purpose of compelling the 
latter to re-unite with them under the same Constitution and 
Government ; and whereas, the waging of war with such an 
object is in direct opposition to the sound Republican maxim, 
that ' all Government rests upon the consent of the governed,' 
and can only tend to consolidation in the General Government, 
and the consequent destruction of the rights of the States; and 
whereas, this result being attained, the two sections can only 
exist together in the relation of the oppressor and the oppressed, 
because of the great preponderance of power in the Northern 
section, coupled with dissimilarity of interests; and whereas, 
we, the representatives of the people of the Confederate States, 
in Congress assembled, may be presumed to know the sentiments 
of said people, having just been elected by them: Therefore, be it 

Resolved, That this Congress do solemnly declare and publish 
to the world that it is the unalterable determination of the peo- 
ple of the Confederate States, in humble reliance upon Almighty 
God, to suffer all the calamities of the most protracted war, but 
that they will never, on any terms, politically affiliate with a 
people who are guilty of an invasion of their soil and the butch- 
ery of their citizens. " 

Alexander R. Boteler, of Virginia, in a speech about 
this time, said: 

" In regard to the canvass for Congress, I have been studi- 
ously silent, as I have a sjoecial repugnance to whatever may 
seem like thrusting myself on the jDublio; but you can say for 
me that I have consented to become a candidate, which I sup- 
pose will be sufficient. In doing so, however, it is but proper 
that I should say that, having done all that I could, consistent 
with self-respect, to preserve the Union upon its original basis 
of constitutional equality, I am equally resolute in my determina- 
tion to resist all attempts, should any be made, for its restora- 
tion; being unalterably opposed to reconstruction, at any time 
or on any terms. This much is due to the people that I should 
make known before the election, so that they may be aware of 
the course I shall pursue if elected." 



2G8 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Horatio Seymour, who was Governor of the State 
of New York in 1862, and was in hearty sympathy 
and cooperation with the leaders of the Rebel Democ- 
racy North and South; who opposed the law passed 
by Congress for the drafting of soldiers into the Union 
Army; who was the nominee for the Presidency of 
the Rebel Democrac}^ who met at New York on July 
4th, 1808; and who was defeated in the election of 
November 3d following — among other patriotic doc- 
uments written and received by him — received on 
December 24th, 18G2, from his confidential political 
agent and friend, George N. Sanders, of Kentucky, 
(also a good Democrat) the following letter: 

" Not only do you owe it to yourselves to repudiate every dol- 
lar of this unconstitutional debt, but you owe it equally to your 
posterity to pay the half, if not all the debt the people of the S&uth 
have had to incur to maintaim the rights of citizens and of States 
in the establishment of free trade. * * * Let heart 
and brain into the revolution; accelerate and direct the move- 
ment; get rid of the baboon, (or what is it?) Abraham Lincoln, 
pacifically if you can, but by the blood of his followers if neces- 
sary. Withdraw your support, material and moral, from the in- 
vading armies, and the South will make quick work with the 
Abolitionists that remain on her soil. Suffer no degenerate son 
of the South, upon however plausible a pretext, to idly embar- 
rass your action by throwing into your way rotten planks of 7-econ- 
structlon. Unify is no longer 2wssible. The very word Union, 
once so dear, has been made the cover of so many atrocious acts, 
that the mere mention of it is odious in the ears of Southern p)<^o~ 
pie. The State Legislatures will be called upon to obliterate the 
hated name from counties and towns." 

Seymour seemed not to have forgotten the contents 
of this letter when framing the clause in the National 
Democratic platform repudiating the National debt. 

The Democrats North and South were highly elated 
in the fall of 1862, upon the seeming success of their 



XV I. ] SOUTHERN LEADERS ON RECONSTRUCTION. 2C9 

cause, and in 1863 they were jubilant. They had stiil 
maintained their military power, and Richmond, their 
Capital. Civil affairs were undisturbed. The Demo- 
crats of the North hailed the proclamation of Abraham 
Lincoln, abolishing Slavery, as a favored omen in their 
cause. 

The following samples, from leading journals and 
leading Democrats, are given to show how much they 
were in favor, at that time, of "restoration." 

The Richmond DlsjMtch on the 18th of October, 
1862, contained the following: 

*' Nor, after the sacrifices which the South has suffered at 
Northern hands, could she ever consent, of her own free will, to 
live under the same Government Avith that people. 

"The blood of our murdered children would cry from the 
ground against their fathers if they could ever be guilty of such 
unnatural and monstrous ingratitude. If the South has given 
her blood without a murmur to this contest, it is not because 
she does not value that blood, but because she values freedom 
more than life or any earthly possession. Precious, more than 
aught else save her honor, are the jewels she has laid upon the 
altar of liberty; and never can she consent to shake hands again 
under one Government with men who have made so many vacant 
places in Southern households, and whose steel is dripiDing with 
the blood of our brethren and children. Henceforth we are two 
people." 

A series of resolutions, passed by the Legislature of 
ISTorth Carolina, on December 2d, 1862, contained the 
following : 

"Resolved, That the Confederate States have the means and 
the will to sustain and perpetuate the Government they have es- 
tablished, and to that end North Carolina is determined to con- 
tribute all of her power and resources. 

''Resolved, That the separation between the Confederate States 
and the United States is final, and that the people of North Car- 
olina will never conser.t to reunion at any time or ujoon any 
terms." 



270 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

On the 8tli of December, 1862, Governor Letcher, 
of Virginia, wrote as follows: 

" It cannot be that the people of the Confederate States can 
again entertain a feeling of affection and respect for the Govern- 
ment of the United States. "VVe have, therefore, separated from 
them; and now let it be understood that the sejoaration is and 
ought to be final and irrevocable; that Virginia 'will under no 
circumstances entertain any proposition from any quarter which 
may have for its object a restoration or reconstruction of the late 
Union on any terms or conditions whatever.' " 

President Davis, in addressing the Mississippi Leg- 
islature, on the 26th of December, 1862, as reported 
in the Jackson Mississippian, said : 

" He alluded to it, however, as a matter of regret that the 
best affections of his heart should have been bestowed \ij)on an 
object so unworthy; that he should have loved so long a Gov- 
ernment which was rotten to the core. He had predicted from 
the beginning a fierce war, though it had assumed more gigantic 
proj)ortions than he had calculated upon. He had predicted 
war, not because our right to secede was not an undoubted one 
and defined in the spirit of that declaration which rests the right 
to govern upon the consent of the governed, but the wickedness 
of the North would entail war upon the country. 

" The present war, waged against the rights of a free people, 
was unjust, and the fruit of the evil passions of the North. In 
the progress of the war those evil passions have been brought 
out and developed; and so far from reuniting with such a peo- 
ple — a j)eople whose ancestors Ci'nmwell had gathered from 
the bogs and fens of Ireland and Scotland — a people whose in- 
tolerance produced discord and trouble wherever they went; who 
persecuted Catholics, Episcopalians and every other sect that did 
not subscribe to their bigoted and contracted notions; who hung 
witches, and did a thousand other things calculated to make 
them forever infamous. 

" The President was emphatic in his declaration that under 
no circumstances would he consent to reunion. He drew a glow- 
ing picture of the horrors of war and the ravages of the enemy, 
and while his tears flowed for those who suffered, yet all these 
would be endured cheerfully before our manhood and our liber- 
ties would bo surrendered." 



XYL] SOUTHEJRN LEADERS ON RECONSTRUCTION. 271 

In liis speech, delivered at Richmond, and re^-^orted 
in the Richmond Enquirer of the Tth of January, 1863, 
Mr. Davis said: 

"You have shown yourselves in no respect to bo dagencrate 
sons of your fathers. You have fought mighty battles, and yor.r 
deeds of valor will live among the richest spoils of Time's ample 
page. It is true you have a cause which binds you together 
more firmly than your fathers were. They fought to be free 
from the usurpation of the British crown; but they fought 
against a manly foe. You fight the offscourings of the earth. 
[Applause.] * * * They have come to disturb your 
social organizations on the plea that it is a military necessity. 
For what are they waging war? They say to preserve the 
Union, Can they preserve the Union by destroying the social 
existence of a portion of the South ? Do they hope to recon- 
struct the Union by striking at everything which is dear to men? 
By showing themselves so utterly disgraced that if the question 
was proposed to you whether you would combine with hyenas 
or Yankees, I trust every Virginian would say, give me the 
hyenas. [Cries of ' good! good! ' and applause.] '* 

The following is from the Riclmiond Dispatch of 
January 11th, 1863: 

''Reconstruction! Can they reconstruct the family circles 
which they have broken? Can they reconstruct the fortunes 
which they have scattered ? Can they reconstruct the bodies of 
our dead kindred, which by tens of thousands they have de- 
stroyed ? When they can do this they can reconstruct the old 
Union. When they can do this — when they can breathe the 
breath of life into the pallid faces of our sons and brothers, and 
restore them once more, living and happy, to our desolate fire- 
sides, they may dream of bringing back that Union, whose only 
principle of cohesion was the mutual love and confidence of its 
people. * * * 

" We luarn the Democrats and conservatives of the North to dis- 
miss from their minds at once the miserable delusion that the South 
can ever consent to enter again, upon any terms, the old Union. Jf 
the Korlh xvi'd aliow us to write the conditions ourselves, and give us 
every guarantee ive would ask, we would sooner be under the Gov- 
ernment of England or France than under a Union with men who 



272 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

have sJioivn iliat they cannot Jceep good faith, and are the most bar- 
barous and inhuman, as xoell as treacherous of mankind. 

"If the reconstructionists want peace, they can easily have it 
upon the terms on which they could have always had it — letting 
us alone. We ask neither more nor less. We are making no 
war on them. We are not invading their territory, nor giving 
their homes to the flames, their populations to prison and the 
sword, their women to a fate worse than death. Let us alone! 
That is all we ask. Let us alone, and peace will return once 
more to bless a distracted land! Bui do not expect us to degrade 
ourselves and cast dishonor upon the graves of our kindred by ever 
returning to the embrace of those whose hands are dripping with the 
tears and blood of our people."' 

Alexander H. Stephons, as reported in the Rich- 
mond Dispatch of the 23d of July, 1863, said: 

" As for reconstruction, such a thing was impossible — such an 
idea must not be tolerated for an instant. Reconstruction would 
not end the war, but would produce a more horrible war than 
that in which we are now engaged. The only terms on which 
we can obtaiii permanent peace is final and complete separation 
from the North. Rather than submit to anything short of that, 
let us all resolve to die like men worthy of freedom." 

Robert Toombs, a leading Southern man, and mem- 
ber of the "Southern Confederate" Congress, wrote as 
follows : 

" Washington, Ga., August 17th, 1863. 

*' My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 15th instant, asking my 
authority to contradict the report that ' I am in favor of recon- 
struction,' was received this evening. I cq,n conceive of no ex- 
tremity to which my country could be reduced in which I would 
for a single moment entertain any proposition for any union with 
the North on any terms whatever. When all else is lost, I pre- 
fer to unite with the thousands of our own countrymen who have 
found honorable deaths, if not graves, on the battle field. Use 
this letter as you please. 

' ' Very truly, your friend, etc. , 

"R. Toombs. 

** Dr. A. Bees, Americus, Ga." 



XVI.] SOUTHERN LEADERS ON SECESSION. 273 

In 1864, Governor Zebulon B. Yance, of North Car- 
olina, in a speech delivered at Wilksboro, said: 

" It is a favorite idea -with a great many, that possibly the old 
order of things could be restored; that our rights under that 
Constitution could be guaranteed to us, and everything move on 
peacefully as before the war. My friends, there are a great 
many desirable things ; but the question, not what may be 
wished, but what may be obtained, is the one reasonable men 
may consider. It is desirable to have a lovely wife and plenty 
of pretty children; but every man can't have them. I tell you 
now, candidly, there is no more possibility of reconstructing the 
old Union and reinstating things as they were four years ago, 
than exists for you to gather ujd the scattered bones of your sons 
who have fallen in this struggle, from one end of the country to 
the other, re-clothe them with flesh, fill their veins with the 
blood they have so generously shed, and their lungs with the 
same breath with which they breathed out their last prayer for 
their country's triumph and independence." [Immense ap- 
plause.] 

Abraham Lincoln's Amnesty Proclamation being 
discussed by the Richmond Dispatch of March, 1864, 
that paper said: 

•' No one, however, knows better than Abraham Lincoln that 
any terms he might offer the Southern people, which contem- 
plate their restoration to his bloody and brutal Goverment, T.-ould 
be rejected with scorn and execration. If, instead of devoting to 
death our President and military and civil officers, he had proposed 
to make Jeff. Davis his successor, Lee Commander-in-Chief of the 
Yankee armies, and our domestic institutions, not only recognized at 
home, hut readopted in the Free States, provided the South ivould once 
more enter the Yankee Union, there is not a man, woman or child in 
the Confederacy who would not spit ujjon the proposition. We desire 
no companionship upon any terms with a Nation of robbers and mur- 
derers. The miscreants, whose atrocities in this war have caused 
the whole civilized world to shudder, must keep henceforth their 
distance. They shall not be our masters, and we would not have 
them for our slaves." 

The most remarkable feature in the Secession move- 



274 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

ment, during any period of the rebellion, was the'atti- 
tiido assumed, and the doctrines advocated, by the 
quasi-trsiitoY, Fernando Wood, the Mayor of New York 
City. It is undeniable that his official position in the 
great commercial city of New York gave him great 
power for either good or evil, and that his influence 
was exerted to the fullest extent to overthrow the 
Government, none can doubt; and it is but a want of 
a knowledge of his infamous record that shields his 
name from an association with those of James Bu- 
chanan, John B. Floyd, and Alexander H. Stephens, as 
the vilest enemy of human liberty. But the 7'ecord 
is made up against him; and that those who are not 
familiar with his treasonable history may have it before 
them, his written Address to the Common Council of 
New York City, in his official capacity, is here given. 
Hear the Apostle of Modern Democracy; he discourses 
with the logic and the prophecy of a Stephens. 

The following is Mayor Wood's recommendation of 
the Secession of New York City, January 6th, 1861: 

"To the Honorable, the Common Council: 

"Gentlemen — We are entering upon the public duties of the 
year under circumstances as unjDrecedented as they are gloomy 
and painful to contempla+e. * * * 

' ' It would seem that a dissolution of the Federal Union is in- 
evitable. Having been formed originally on a basis of general 
and mutual protection, but separate local independence — each 
State reserving the entire and absolute control of its own do- 
mestic affairs — it is evidently impossible to keep them together 
longer than they deem themselves fairly treated by each other, 
or longer than the interests, honor and fraternity of the people 
of the several States are satisfied. Being a Government created 
by opinion, its continuance is dej^endent upon the continuance 
of the sentiment which, formed it. It cannot be preserved by 
coercion or held together by force. A resort to this last dread- 
ful alternative would of itself not only destroy the Government, 
but the lives and property of the people. 



XVI.] FERNANDO WOOD ON SECESSION. 275 

"If these forebodings shall be realized, and a sei^aration of 
the States shall occur, momentous considerations will be pre- 
sented to the corporate authorities of this city. "We must pro- 
vide for the new relations which will necessarily grow out of the 
new condition of public affairs. 

" It will not only be necessary for us to settle the relations 
which we shall hold to other cities and States, but to establish, 
if we can, new ones with a portion of our own State. Being a 
child of the Union, having drawn our sustenance from its bosom, 
and arisen to our present power and strength through the vigor 
of our mother, when deprived of her maternal advantages, we 
must rel}' upon our own resources, and assume a position predi- 
cated upon the new phase which pubUc affairs will present, and 
upon the inherent strength which our geographical, commercial, 
political, and financial pre-eminence imparts to us. 

" With our aggrieved brethren of the Slave States we have 
friendl}'' relations and a common sympathy. We have not par- 
ticipated in the warfare upon their constitutional rights or their 
domestic institutions. While other portions of our State have 
unfortunately been imbued with the fanatical spirit which actu- 
ates a portion of the people of New England, the City of New 
York has unfalteringly preserved the integrity of its principles 
in adherence to the compromises of the Constitution and the 
equal rights of the people of all the States. 

" It is, however, folly to disguise the fact that, judging from 
the past, New York may have more cause of apprehension from 
the aggressive legislation of our own State than from external 
dangers. We have already largely suffered from this cause. 
For the past five years our interests and corporate rights have 
been repeatedly trampled upon. Being an integral portion of 
the State, it has been assumed, and in effect tacitly admitted on 
our part by non-resistance, that all political and governmental 
power over us rested in the State Legislature. Even the com- 
mon right of taxing ourselves for our own government has been 
yielded, and we are not permitted to do so without this 
authority. * * * 

" Thus it will be seen that the political connection between 
the people of the City and the State has been used by the latter 
to our injury. The Legislature, in which the present partisan 
majority has the power, has become the instrument by which 
we are i)lnndered to enrich their speculators, lobby agents, and 

18 



27G REPUBLICAN ISxM IN AMERICA. [(Jliap. 

Abolition poliiic.ianH. Laws aro passed^ throiipi'li llicir inulif^n 
influonco, by which, under formn of legal enactincnt, our \nn- 
doiiH have been increaeed, our substance eaten out, and our niu- 
ni(!i|)iil libortidH d(!Htroyod. Solf-f(overnniont, thou;:^]i guarunlocd 
by ilio Siuto (!onKiiiution, and loft to every otlier county and 
city, has been taken from us by this foreign power, whoso do- 
pendc!ntrt have been Hont among us to destroy our liberties by 
Hubvcrl-ing our political Hysteni. 

" How we shall rid ourselves of this odious and opjiressivo 
connection it is not for nie to determine. It is certain that a 
dissolution cannot be i)eaccfully accomplished, excoi)t by the 
consent of the Legislature itself. Whetluu' this can be obtained 
or not is, in my judgment, doubtful. Deriving so much advan- 
tage from its power over the city, it is not pi'obable that a parti- 
san majority will consent to a separation. * * Much, 
no doubt, can be said in favor of the justice and jiolicy of a 
separation. It may bo said that secession or revolution in any 
of the United St'ites would bo subversive of all Federal author- 
ity, and so far as the Central CJovornment is concerned, the re- 
solving of the community into its original elements — that, if part 
of the States form new combinations and Governments, other 
States may do the same. California, and her sisters of the Pa- 
cific, will no doubt set up an independent Uei)ul>lic, and hus- 
band their own rich mineral resources. The Western States, 
equally rich in cereals and other agricultural j^roducts, will prob- 
ably do the same. Then it may be said, why shoidd not New 
York City, instead of supporting by her contributions in revenue 
two-thirds of the expenses of the United States, become also 
C(pially inde})ondent? As a free city, with but nominal duty on 
imports, her loc:al government could be sup})ort(Hl without taxa- 
tion iipon her people. Thus wo could live free from taxes, and 
liave cheap goods n(!arly duty free. In this she would have the 
whole ami united support of the United States, as well as all tho 
other States to whoso interests and rights under the Constitution 
she has always been true. 

" It is well for individuals or communities to look every dan- 
ger stpiare in the face, and to moot it calmly and bravely. As 
dreadful as the severing of the bonds that have hitherto united 
the Stales has been in contemplation, it is now apparently a stern 
and inevitable fact. Wo have now to meet it Avith all tlie conse- 
quences, Avho,tevor they may be. If the confederacy is broken 



XVI.] FEIINANDO WOOD ON KIXJKSSION. 277 

up Uie Government is dissolved, and it behooves every distinct 
coinmuuity, as well as every individual, to take eare of them- 
selves. 

" When Disunion has Leeome a fixed and certain fact, why 
may not New York disrupt the Ijands which hind her to a venal 
and corrupt master — to a people and a party that have plundered 
her revenues, attempted to ruin h(;r eonirneree, taken awuy the 
power of self-{^overnrnent, and destroyfid the <;onff!deraey of 
which she was the proud Empire City? Amid the gloom which 
tJie present and prospective condition of tliin^^'s must east over 
the country, New York, as a Free C'ifij, may slied the only light 
and hope of a future reconstruction of our o/ico l^lessed con- 
federacy. 

" Feenando Wood, Mayor. 
"January Cth, 1861." 

"Dissolution of the Federal Union is inovitable." 
The States cannot, he says, renjairi tr><^etlier lf>nger than 
they consider tliemselves fairly treated. It is a Gov- 
ernment created by opini/m, and it is de{)endent upon 
the aentimpM which formed it. " Jt cannot l>e pre- 
served by coercion/' for this would destroy lives and 
property. The "Corporate authorities" (Wood at 
their head) woiild liave momentous considerations to 
'•ponder" upon, and must, as a city, rely upon their 
" inherent strength," and act " witli our aggrieved 
bretliren of the Slave States." The city is unfortu- 
nately imbued with a fipirU such as " actuates a por- 
tion of the people of New England;" but Naw York 
has been unfalteringly true tr) the spirit of Cwnjyromifie. 

New York has cause for alarm from aggressive legis- 
lation from her own State; "she has already largely 
Budered." The State Legislature lias rehired tlie city 
to support "Lobby agents find Abolition politicians;" 
and the "foreign power" lias subverted the liberty of 
the city, and the "momentous" question is: "How 
shall we rid ourselves of th(; odious and oppressive 



278 IIEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Clllip. 

connection?" Of this vile State Government, much, 
very much, can be said in "favor of tlie justice and 
policy of the separation." 

" California and lier sister State, of the Pacific will 
no (loul)t set up an independent ilepublic," and with 
this glorious prospect before us, and the fact that the 
Western States, rich in " cereals," will become another 
sepMrate Uepublic, why, therefore, should New York 
longer bear the burden of the unnatural Union? Wliy 
not she become independent? The confederacy of 
the States being broken up, "it behooves every com- 
munity as well as every individual, to take care of 
themselves." Let New York Oily, therefore, " disrupt 
the bands which bind her to a venal and corrupt mas- 
ter," and in coming ages, amid the gloom and deso- 
lation spi-ead over the land, "New York, as a Free Oity, 
may shed the only light and hope of a future recon- 
struction of our once blessed confederacy." 

Mr. Wood has, since the ])ronHdgation of this doc- 
trine, been elected to Congress from New York City, 
and is supposed to be the ablest exponent of the prin- 
ciples of the M(Mlern Democracy in the State of New 
York; indeed, it is said tlitit he has but one equal in 
the city, and that is his colleague in the National Con- 
gress, the ITon. John Morrissey (pugilist), who some- 
times embellishes his subjects with strilc'mg illustrations 
of phj'sical Democracy. 

The light that may be shed from New York City 
upon the l)ody politic of the American Republic will 
evidently not be very luminous while the people of 
that city continue to elect to the Nati(mal Congress 
men of the contracted notions and shallow calibre of 
Fernando Wood. The establishment of a National 
Bureau of Education, with an army of Federal teach 



XVI.] FERNANDO AVOOl) ON KIJCKBKION. 270 

ers, Willi compulsory laws, pains mikI pcnaliics, until 
Wood's constituents could mad and vvrit(!, would doubt- 
less ijnfjrove tin; Taininjitiy l)oinocra(iy and exj)!iiid tli(? 
ideas of the su[)porters of Morrissey and Woori to a 
conception oi' things beyond the; jturlicus of tlie I^'ive 
Points and the corporate limits of N(^w York City. 

The war at each f)rogressiv(* step was growing more 
gigantic; success on either side; ordy ins[jired th(* com- 
batants with hope. Much of the dress parade and 
tinsel show of tin; first few months had passed away, 
and each side becamcj inured to dangers and hard- 
ships, only to r(,'gard th(;m iis the ne(M*ssary part of 
the duty of a soldier; but when th(i terrible surge of 
mighty bodies of belligerent men carne together, and 
the slain were counted by thousands, the Nation be- 
came appalled at the magnitude of the conflict, 

Th(i great body of the armies uporj either side were 
kept under the military rules of civilized nations; but 
throughout the whole country secret organizations of 
the friends of the South were in c(jnstant activity. 
The armies were undergoing constant change ; the in- 
competent or unsuccessful were displaced to give room 
to those whoso chances of success were thought to be 
more certain. Particularly was this so witli the Union 
army, whose leaders, or head, during the first i\tw 
years, failed of accomplishing any National victories, 
and were displaced, only in time to save the Nation 
from ruin ; and hand the armies over to those possessed 
of more vigor, and of more jjiatriotism. 

The policy of the (jrovernment during the first two 
years of the war, was tempered with moderation and 
"conservatism," to suit the notions of the most faslid- 
ious respecting the "feelings" of their brethren at the 
South. 'J'he negro made his appearance about the 



280 REPUBLICANISM IN AJIERICA. [Chap. 

armies, and sought escape and refuge among the Union 
soldiers. But orders from the commanding Generals 
were to return the "chattel" to his master, for the 
docfe'ine was that the war was not one of "subjuga- 
tion or abolition "--that it was only to retake the Fed- 
f.-ral property in the rebellious States, and restore the 
authority of Federal laws. 

It was not at first thought expedient to place the 
"chattel" (negro) upon the contraband list, and he 
was protected and restored to his master. But as time 
progressed, and the enemy not only used this species 
of merchandise for barter, sale, and general usefulness, 
but employed it in producing the necessaries of suste- 
nance for the army, casting of cannon, shot and shell, 
building forts^ and acting as teamsters, cooks, and gen- 
eral workers about the armies, the fact of their con- 
traband character pressed itself upon the leaders in 
the field ; still the Administration was loth to change 
its position upon this subject. Finally the true nature 
of this property was defined as '"^contraband,'' and as 
such was subject to capture and confiscation. 

During the year 1862, and while the inactivity of 
the Union armies and the defir.nt attitude of the 
rebel armies caused great despondency throughout 
the Free States, a great pressure was brought to 
bear upon the Administration at Washington to pro- 
claim emancipation of all slaves coming within the 
lines of the armies of the Union, or a universal eman- 
cipation of all the slaves in the Union. But the Exec- 
utive answered that without Federal authority in the 
Slave States, sufiicient to enforce such a law, it would 
be inoperative and but a source of irritation to 
a certain class both North and South. The agents of 
the Confederacy abroad made use of this position. 



t 



XVI.] EMANCIPATION AGITATION. 281 

They said to the statesmen of Europe- (when they re- 
fused to recognize the Confederacy with Slavery in it) 
that it was not the intention nor the desire of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States to interfere with Slavery. 
The Administration was aware that Slavery and the 
slave power must in the future, as in the past, continue 
to be the great disturbing element of the Nation, 
and determined that at least in such parts of the 
country as the Federal armies would have to conquer 
in order to establish the Federal laws, that unless the 
people of such places in arms against the Federal rn- 
thority, should, within a certain specified time, lay 
down their arms and return to their allegiance, he (the 
President) would declare all slaves within such limits 
free forever, and to this end the President, on the 22d 
of September, 1862, issued his proclamation, and in 
conformity to its terms, did, on the 1st day of January, 
1863, issue the following Emamcipation Proclamation: 

" Whereas, On the 22(1 day of September, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation 
was issued by the President of the United States, containing, 
among other things, the following, to wit: 

" That on the 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and sixty- three, all persons held as 
slaves within any States or designated part of a State, the peo- 
ple whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, 
shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Execu- 
tive Government of the United States, including the military and 
Qaval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the free- 
dom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such 
persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their 
actual freedom. 

" That the Executive will, on the first day of January afore- 
said, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, 
if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be 
in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any 
State, or the peojDle thereof, shall on that day be in good faith 



282 REPUBLICAOTSM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

represented in the CongTess of the United States, by members 
chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority- of the qualified 
voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the ab- 
sence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive 
evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in 
rebellion against the United States. 

" Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in- 
Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of 
actual armed rebellion against the authority and Government of 
the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for 
suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in 
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly pro- 
claim, for the full period of one hundred days, from the day first 
above mentioned, order and designate as the States and j^arts of 
States wherein the people thereof resj^ectively are this day in 
rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit: 

"Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, except the parishes of St. Ber- 
nard, Plaquemine, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, 
Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, La Fourche, St. Marie, 
St. Martin, and Orleans (including the City of New Orleans), 
Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North 
Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties desig- 
nated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Acco- 
mac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and 
Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmoutli) and 
which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this 
proclamation were not issued. 

" And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I 
do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said 
designated States and parts of States are and henceforward shall 
be free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, 
including the military and naval authorities thereof, Aviil recog- 
nize and maintain the freedom of said persons. 

•'And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free 
to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense; 
and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they 
labor faithfully for reasonable wages. 

' ' And I further declare and make known that such persons, 
of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of 



I 



XVI.] EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, 283 

the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other 
places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. 

" And upon this act, sincerely believed *o be an act of justice, 
warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke 
the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of 
Almighty God. 

"In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my name, and 

caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this first day of January, in the 

year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 

[l.s.] three, and of the Independence of the United States 

the eighty-seventh. 

"Abraham Lincotjst. 
"By the President: 

" Wm. H. Seward, Seci'etary of State." 

The announcement of these proclamations had a 
great effect upon the Nation, and caused a wider breach 
between the two political parties than any event since 
the commencement of the war. The " Southern heart" 
was "hred" with resentment against the "Abolition 
Crusade/' and their armies rallied with renewed vigor 
to protect the "reserved rights of Sovereign States." 
It was a bomb-shell in the camp of the Democratic 
wing of the Federal army, who pronounced the war 
an ^^ Abolition raid to place the negro iq^on an eqaalitij with 
the lohite manJ^ Officers of Democratic proclivities tore 
off their shoulder-straps, threw up their commissions, 
left the army, retired to their homes, and joined the 
ranks of the "peace men" and "anti-coercionists" in 
opposing enlistments and throwing every obstacle in 
their power against the Administration. At the State 
elections in the fall of that year, large Democratic 
gains were the result, and fears were entertained that 
at last Mr. Lincoln had made a fatal error, and that a 
permanent sepai'ation of the Slave States and their ac- 
knowledgment as an independent nation would be the 
result. 



284 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

The great mass of the people of the Free States who 
had participated in Lincoln's election, and whose ideas 
of human liberty and Republican Government abhorred 
the incubus of Slavery and the doctrine of peaceable 
Secession, rallied with renewed energy. The pulpit, 
the press and the people proclaimed for this first step 
towards a permanent peace, and a Nation not merely 
Kepublican in name, for in this they saw the beginning 
of the end of Slavery in America; and, although the 
proclamation was confined to certain districts, and left 
Slavery in the Border States and all States and parts of 
States in which the Federal authority was not resisted 
on the first day of January, 1863, yet as an advent in 
the history of progress in National authority over a 
subject, which of all others had distracted and defied 
the Government, it received the approbation and sup- 
port of the entire Republican party, who, despite dis- 
couragements attending its announcement, redoubled 
their efforts in men and money; and from that date 
forward the power of the Government increased stead- 
ily, until the final surrender of the Confederate armies, 
the restoration of peace, and the adoption of the thir- 
teenth amendment to the Federal Constitution, abolish- 
ing Slavery, without reservation or condition, in all the 
States and Territories within the Republic. 

The National legislation, during the years 1861-2, 
was principally devoted to measures pertaining to the 
war then raging, and to the support and equipment of 
the vast army and navy so suddenly called into exist- 
ence. -. It made heavy demands upon the treasury, 
and the depleted condition of finances on the Repub- 
licans coming into power was a sad blow to the Gov- 
ernment. 

The success of the Union army, and the ready sup- 



XVI.] EMANCIPATION IN AMERICA. 285 

port rendered by the people, was in a great measure 
due to the wisdom and harmony exhibited by the Ex- 
ecutive and Legislative branches of the Government. 
In legislation pertaining to war measures, Congress 
was always ahead of the Executive, and the people al- 
ways ahead of both. Mr. Lincoln's policy, from the 
first, seemed to be to follow in the footsteps of the 
people, rather than to lead in measures before the 
popular mind was prepared to receive them; and to 
this, in a great measure, must be attributed his popu- 
larity and success. Still, while Mr. Lincoln could not 
be called a leader of the people, he was firm in his po- 
sition, and his policy in reference to National legisla- 
tion and the requirements of the times was in full 
sympathy with the views of tlie Republican party, and 
while some of the more radical (so called) declared 
loudly against his Administration as lacking energy, the 
mass of the people had unbounded confidence that his 
heart was in the work before him, and that his apparent 
stoicism was a better guarantee of success than would 
be a more radical position. He had told the people in 
the campaign of 1860 that ''the country could not live 
half free and half slave," but for his part he "believed 
in the perpetuity of the Union." That the reader may 
better understand the views cf the Executive, some 
extracts are here given from his first Message to Con- 
gress, on the 4th of July, 1861. He said: 

" It is thus seen that the assault upon and the reduction of Fort 
Sumter was, in no sense, a matter of self-defense on the part of 
the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort 
could, by no possibility, commit aggression upon them. They 
knew — they were expressly notified — that the giving of bread to 
the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all which 
would on that occasion be attempted, unless they themselves, by 
resisting so mucli, should j)rovoke more. They knew that this 



286 REPUBLICANISM IN AJ\IERICA. [Chap. 

Government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to 
assail them, but merely to maintain its visible possession, and 
thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate dissolu- 
tion — trusting, as herein before stated, to time, discussion, and 
the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed and reduced 
the fort for precisely the reverse object — ^to drive out the visible 
authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate 
dissolution. That this was their object, the Executive well 
understood; and having said to them, in the Inaugural Address: 
' You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggress- 
ors,' he took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but 
also to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious soph- 
istry as that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. 
By the afCair at Fort Sumter with its surrounding circumstances, 
that i)oint was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the 
Government began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight, 
or in expectancy, to return their fire, save only the few in the 
fort sent to that harbor years before for their own protection, 
and still ready to give that protection in whatever was lawful. 
In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country 
the distinct issue — ' Immediate dissolution or blood.' 

" And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United 
States. It presents to the whole family of man the question 
whether a Constitutional Republic or Democracy — a Government 
of the people by the same people — can or cannot maintain its 
territorial integrity against its own domestic foes. It presents 
the question whether discontented individuals, too few in num- 
bers to control administration according to organic law in any 
case, can always upon the pretenses made in this case, or any 
other pretense, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up 
their Government, and thus practically put an end to free gov- 
ernment upon the earth. It forces us to ask: 'Is there, in all 
Bepublics, this inherent and fatal weakness ?' 

" Must a Government of necessity be too strong for the liber- 
ties of its own people, or too xoeak to maintain its own existence ? 

" So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the 
war power of the Government, and so to resist force employed 
for its destruction by force for its preservation. * * 

"Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when 
all shall have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this 
quite iust to creditors ? Did we notify them of this sage view of 



XVI.] Lincoln's views on secession. 287 

ours when we borrcrwed their money ? If we now rccojjnize this 
doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to 
see what we can do if others choose to go, or to extort terms 
ui:)on which they will promise to remain. 

" The seceders insist that our Constituion admits of Secession. 
They have assumed to make a National Constitution of their own, 
in which, of necessity, they have either discarded or retained the 
right of Secession as they insist it exists in ours. If they have 
discarded it they thereby admit that, on jjrinciple, it ought not 
to be in ours. If they have retained it by their own construction 
of ours, they show that to be consistent they must secede from 
one another whenever they shall find it the easiest way of set- 
tling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust object. 
The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no 
Government can possibly endure. 

" If all the States save one should assert the power to dt^ive 
that one out of the Union, ib is presumed the whole class of 
Secession politicians would at once deny the power and denounce 
the act as the greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose 
that precisely the same act, instead of being called ' driving the 
one out,' fhould be called ' the seceding of all the others from 
that one,' it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, un- 
less, indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a 
minority, may rightfully do what the others, because they are 
a majority, may not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle 
and profound on the rights of minorities. They are not partial 
to that power which made the Constitution, and speaks from the 
preamble, calling itself, ' we, the j^eople.' * * 

" The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted 
the provision, that ' the United States shall guarantee to every 
State in this Union a Republican form of government.' But, if 
a State may lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may 
also discard the Republican form of government; so that to pre- 
vent its going out is an indispensable means to the end of main- 
taining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is lawful and 
obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and ob- 
ligatory. 

' ' It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found the 
duty of employing the war power in defense of the Government. 
No compromise by public servants could in this case be a cure. 
Not that compromises are not often proper, but that no populai' 



288 REPUBLICAI^ISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Government can long survive a marked precedent — that those 
who carry an election can only save the Government from im- 
mediate destruction by giving up the main point upon which 
the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not 
their sex-vants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions." 

The years 1861, 1862, and 1863 had passed away, 
producing vast results in the progress of the war. In- 
competent and unsuccessful leaders of the army had 
given room to those who executed military affairs as if 
the}'^ meant to inflict punishment upon the enemy. 
''Young Xapoleon" (George B. McClellan) had lost 
the tinsel of his dress parade notoriety. The armies 
were led by the gallant Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, 
Thomas, and others. Many hard fought battles had 
told the immensity of the struggle. Leaders of the 
rebel forces had undergone little change, and those 
having the command of their armies exhibited a skill 
and energy worthy of a holier cause. 

During all these three eventful years, the Congress 
and the Executive, working in harmony with the ex- 
pressed sentiments of the people of the Free States, 
had managed to regulate the finances of the JN'ation so 
that ample funds to carry on the war were attainable. 

The able statesmanship of the Secretary of State, 
W. H, Seward, had steered the Ship of State clear of 
all foreign entanglements, which for a time seemed to 
presage serious foreign difficulties. Meantime the Re- 
publican party of the North were growing more deter- 
mined that the flag of their country should float over 
every fort and foot of soil possessed by the rebels, and 
the Congress and Executive backed up the sentiment 
in their urgent appeals to the people to sacrifice all, 
but never to abandon the hope of subduing the enemy. 

^■he brealiing out of tlie war was the signal for 



XVI.] ENERGY OF THE REPUBLICANS, 289 

thousands of Democrats to join the party in power, 
ajid to enter the ranks of the Union Army, or at home 
to aid the cause by all means in their power; but a 
very large party throughout the Free States, known as 
''Peace Democrats," " Anti-Coercionists " and "Con- 
servatives," not onl}^ did not aid nor sympathize with 
the war party, but by all means at their disposal offered 
every opposition in and out of office, to thwart the 
Administration and the army in the field; indeed the 
whole Democratic party which did not affiliate with 
the people in putting down the Rebellion, and they 
formed the mass of the Democrats North, and all the 
Democrats South, were active in denouncing the war 
as an " Abolition Crusade," in opposing the enlistment 
of soldiers, in calling for Conventions, and declaring 
the war a "miserable failure;" in writing the most 
bitter articles against the Administration, appealing to 
the prejudices and passions of their party — and when 
a draft was necessary — in openly defying and violating 
the law. 

Throughout the whole North, public meetings were 
held, at which leading Democrats took the most radi- 
cal grounds against the war carried on for the Union. 
Private organizations were instituted, and, in order to 
accomplish their object, conspiracies were entered into 
for tlio destruction of the civil and militfcry officers of 
the Government. As early as June 12th, 18G1, one 
of their agents had been arrested in the City of Wash- 
ingt<jn for poisoning water and supplying it to Union 
soldiers. They made agreements among themselves to 
poison the reservoirs of water for the use of Northern 
citi(js, entered into incendiary projects to burn all the 
cities of the North ; and to the close of the war, they 
carried these fiendish schemes into operation. The plot 



290 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

for burning New York City, on the 25th of jSTovember, 
1864, will be somewhat illustrated by the following 
extract from the confession of Robert Kennedy, made 
immediately before his execution: 

"After my escape from Johnson's Island, I went to Canada, 
where I met a number of Confederates. They asked me if I 
was willing to go on an expedition. I replied: ' Yes, if it is in 
the service of my country.' They said: 'It is all right,' but 
gave me no intimation of its nature, nor did I ask for any. I 
was then sent to New York, where I stayed for some time. There 
were eight men in our party, of whom two fled to Canada. After 
we had been in New York three weeks, we were told that the 
object of the expedition was to retaliate on the North for the 
atrocities in the Shenandoah Valley. It was designed to set fire 
to the city on the night of the Presidential election; but the 
phosphorus was not ready, and it was put o& until the 25th of 
November. I was stopping at the Belmont House, but moved 
into Prince Street. I set fire to four places— Barnum's Museum, 
Lovejoy's Hotel, Tammany Hotel, and the New England House. 
The others only started fires where each was lodging, and then 
ran off. Had they all done as I did, we would have had thirty- 
two fires, and played a huge joke on the Fire Department. I 
know that I am to be hung for setting fire to Barnum's Museum, 
but that was only a joke. I had no idea of doing it. I had 
been drinking, and went in there with a friend; and, just to 
scare the people, I emptied a bottle of phosphorus on the floor. 
We knew it wouldn't set fire to the wood, for we had tried it be- 
foi'e, and at one time had concluded to give the whole thing up. 

*' There was no fiendishness about it. After setting fire to my 
four places, I walked the streets all night, and went to the Ex- 
change Hotel early in the morning. We all met there that 
morning and the next night. My friend and I had rooms there, 
but we sat in the office nearly all the time, reading the pajDers, 
while we were watched by the detectives, of whom the hotel was 
full. I. expected to die then, and if I had, it would have been 
all right; but now it seems rather hard. I escaped to Canada, 
and was glad enough when I crossed the bridge in safety. 

"I det>ired, however, to return to my command, and started 
with ray friend for the Confederacy via Detroit. Just before 
entering the city he received an intimation that the detectives 



XVI.] PLOTS TO BURN NORTHERi^ CITIES. 291 

"were on the lookout for us, and, giving" me a signal, he jumped 
from the cars. I didn't notice the signal, but kept on, and was 
arrested in the depot. 

" I wish to say that killing women and children was the last 
thing thought of. We wanted to let the ^eoj)le of the North 
understand that theie are two sides to this war, and that they 
can't be rolling in wealth and comfort while we at the South are 
bearing all the hardships and privations. 

' ' In retaliation for Sheridan's atrocities in the Shenandoah 
Valley, we desired to destroy property, not the lives of women 
and children, although that would of course have followed in 
its train. 

'*Done in the presence of Lieut.-Col. Martin Burke, March 
24th, 10:30 p. m." 

The conspirators had also sent skillful agents to the 
West India Islands to procure the virus of small-pox 
and yellow fever, which they did, and packing it among 
clothing and blankets, had it shipped through the 
British Provinces and by way of the New England 
States, and sent to the camps of the soldiers in the 
field, and to the hospitals. There is nothing so revolt- 
ing and cruel as these acts in the history of warfare in 
civilized nations. Even the most barbarous nations 
had never stooped to such brutality. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

GRANT TAKES COMMAND OF THE AEMIES OF THE EEPXTBLIC— HIS ADDRESS 
TO HIS SOLDIERS.— HIS LETTER TO HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.— JEFFERSON 
DAVIS STILL HOPEFUL OF SUCCESS.— A. H. STEPHENS' VIEWS OF PEACE.— 
GEN. SHERMAN'S FIELD ORDER NO. C8. — HIS LETTER TO GEN. BUR- 
BRIDGE.— MAKES PRESIDENT LINCOLN A CHRISTMAS GIFT OF SAVANNAH. 
—HIS LETTER TO MAJ. R. M. SAWYER.— MASSACRE AT FORT PILLOW.— 
SHERIDAN'S VICTORY AT WINCHESTER.— HAVOC OF THE WAR IN 18G1.— 
ENGLAND SUPPLIES THE REBELS WITH SHIPS.— EFFECTS OF THE PRESI- 
DENTIAL ELFCTION OF 18C4.— TREASONABLE ORGANIZATIONS OF THE 
DEMOCRATS OF THE FREE STATES.— " KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE." 
—THEIR PLANS. 

The year 1863 ended with the armic3 in strong force 
upon either side, and 1864 found them pitching their 
tents for the winter. With the opening of spring 
came increased activity. A new impetus had been lent 
to the whole forces of the Union. Congress had, by 
Act of March 3d, created U. S. Grant Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral of the Armies of the United States. He was sum- 
moned from the field to the Capital, where he received 
his commission, relieving Major-General H. TV. Hal- 
leck, a faithful soldier and true patriot, who received 
the thanks and congratulations of the President on his 
leaving the head of the army. On the second day 
after his appointment, the Lieutenant-General left for 
the battle field, announcing that the head-quarters 
of the Armies of the United States would be at Wash- 
ington and at his head-quarters in the field. And 
from the day that Grant assumed command, the faith 
of the whole country was that the end of the Rebel- 
lion, by a victory of the Union Armies and complete 
Federal authority, was certain. 

The President and Congress left the entire directory 



XYIl.] grant's address to the armies. 203 

of the operations in the field to Grant, who fully un- 
derstood that to carry the war with a vigorous hand 
into the extreme Southern States, cut off communica- 
tion by land and water, and destroy the fountains of 
supply, was the surest policy of success, which course 
was pursued. The several calls for soldiers during 
the year 1864 amounted to 1,500^000, which were as 
follows: February 1st, 500,000; March 14th, 200,- 
000; July 18th, 500,000;December 20th, 300,000. 

The destruction of life and property during the sum- 
mer of 1864 and spring of 1865, was perhaps never 
equaled in the history of any war. The leaders on 
both sides were determined upon victory. The North 
knew its strength, and the South Icnew its own weakness. 
The people of the South cried for peace — peace on any 
terms. The leaders said there could be no peace with- 
out the independence of the South; and the people of 
the Free States, the Congress and the President, de- 
clared that no terms looking to a cessation of the 
war could be entertained unless they were accompanied 
with the conditions of submission to Federal authority. 
But this was spurned by the South, the leaders of which 
resorted to all devices to rally the drooping spirits 
of the people, and the sorely depleted ranks of the 
army. 

The following address of General Grant to his sol- 
diers at the close of the year 1863, (December 10th,) 
will show how hopeful prospects were of further opera- 
tions of the Union Army : 

" Head-Quarters Mil. Div. of the Mississippi, in the Field, ) 
"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Dec. lOth, 1863. ) 

"The General Commanding takes this opportunity of return- 
ing his sincere thanks and congratulations to the brave Armies 
of the Cumberland, the Ohio, the Tennessee, and their comrades 



294 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Cliap. 

from the Potomac, for the recent splendid, and decisive successes 
achieved over the enemy. In a short time jon have recovered 
from him the control of the Tennessee Eiver, from Bridgeport to 
Knoxville. You dislodged him from his great stronghold upon 
Lookout Mountain, drove him from Chattanooga Valley, wrested 
from his determined grasp the jiossession of Missionary Ridge, 
repelled with heavy loss to him his repeated assaults upon Knox- 
ville, forcing him to raise the siege there, driving him at all 
points, utterly routed and discomfited, beyond the limits of the 
State. By your noble heroism and determined courage, yoa 
have effectually defeated the plans of the eneray for regaining 
possession of the States of Kentuchy and Tennessee. You have 
secured positions from which no rebellious power can drive or 
dislodge you. For all this the General Commanding thanks you 
collectively and individually. The loyal people of the United 
States thank and bless you. Their hoj^es and prayers for your 
success against this unholy Rebellion are with you daily. Their 
faith in you will not be in vain. Their hopes will not be blasted. 
Their prayers to Almighty God will be answered. You will yet 
go to other fields of strife, and with the invincible bravery and. 
unflinching loj'alty to justice and right which have characterized 
you in the past, you will prove that no enemy can withstand you, 
and that no defenses, however formidable, can check your on- 
ward march. 

"By order of Major-General U. S. Gkant. 
"T. S. BowEKs, A. A. G." 

The following letter from the Commanding General 
of tjie Union Armies, will indicate the faith entertained 
of success, and the depleted condition of the Confede- 
rate forces: 

" Head-Quarteks Armies of the United States,) 
" City Point, Va., August IGth, 1864. J 

"To Hon. E. B. Washburne: 

"Dear Sir — I state to all citizens who visit me that all we want 
now to insure an early restoration of the Union is a determ'ned 
unicy of sentiment North. The Rebels have now in their ranks 
their last man. The little boys and old men are guarding pris- 
oners, guarding railroad bridges, and forming a good part of 
their garrisons for entrenched positions. A man lost by them 



XVII.] grant's letter to wasiiburne. 295 

cannot be replaced. They have robbed the cradle and (he grave 
equalbj to get their present force. Besides what they lose in 
frequent skirmishes and battles, they are now losing from deser- 
tions and other causes at least one regiment per day. 

" With this drain upon them the end is not far distant, if we 
will only be true to ourselves. Their only hope now is in a 
divided North. This might give them reinforcements from 
Tennessee, Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri, while it would 
weaken us. With the draft quickly enforced, the enemy would 
become despondent, and would make but little resistance. I 
Lave no doubt but the enemy are exceedingly anxious to hold 
out until after the Presidential election. They have many hopes 
from its effects. 

"They hope a counter revolution; they hope the election of 
the Peace candidate. In fact, like ' Micawber,' they hope for 
somethinjl to ' turn up.' Our peace friends, if they expect 
peace from separation, are much mistaken. It would be but the 
beginning of war with thousands of Northern men joining the 
South because of our disgrace in allowing separation. To have 
* peace on any terms,' the South would demand the restoration 
of their slaves already freed; they would demand indemnity for 
losses sustained, and they would demand a treaty which would 
make the North slave hunters for the South. They would de- 
mand pay for the restoration of every slave escaping to the North. 
" Yours, truly, 

"U. S. Geant." 

In strong contrast with these views, are the follow- 
ing from the President and Yice-President of the 
Confederate States ; and this, although Sherman's 
army had entered the heart of Georgia, the granary 
of the South, and made it a barren waste wherever 
his army passed. 

In October, 1864, at Augusta, Jefferson Davis spoke 
as follows: 

"Those who see no hope now, who have lost confidence, are 
to me like those of whose distorted vision it is said they behold 
spots upon the sun. Such are the croakers Avho seem to forget 
the battles that have been won, and the men who have fought; 



296 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cluip. 

who forget that in the magnitude of those battles, and the hero- 
ism of those men, this struggle exceeds all that history records. 
We commenced the fight without an army, without a navy, with- 
out arsenals, without mechanics, without money, and without 
credit. Four years we have stemmed the tide of invasion, and 
to-day are stronger than when the war began — better able now 
than ever to repulse the vandal who is seehing our overthrow. 
Once we imported the commonest articles of daily use, and 
brought in from beyond our borders even bread and meat. Now 
the State of Georgia alone produces food enough not only for 
her own people and the army within it, but feeds, too, the Army 
of Virginia. Once we had no arms, and could receive no soldiers 
but those who came to us armed. Now we have arms for all, 
and are begging men to bear them. This city of Augusta alone 
produces more powder than the army can burn. All things are 
fair, and this Confederacy is not yet, in the familiar parlance of 
the croaker, ' j)layed out,' as those declare who spread their own 
despondeucy over the whole body politic. 

•'We are fighting for Constitutional libertj^; upon us depends 
its last hope. The Yankees, in endeavoring to coerce the States, 
have lost that heir-loom of their fathers, and the men of the South 
alone must sustain it. 

" Ours is not a revolution. We are a free and independent peo- 
ple ir States that had the right to make a better Government 
when they saw fit. They sought to infringe ui^on the rights we 
had, and we only instituted a new Government on the basis of 
these rights. 

"We are not engaged in a Quixotic fight for the rights of man; 
our struggle is for inherent rights, and who would surrender 
them? Let every paper guarantee jiossible be given, and who 
would submit? From the grave of many a fallen hero the slain 
would cry out against such a peace with the murderers. The 
women of the land driven from their homes; the children lack- 
ing food; old age hobbling from the scenes of its youth; the 
fugitives, forced to give way to the Yankee oppressor — all pro- 
claim a sea of blood that freemen cannot afford to bridge. There 
is but one thing to which we can accede — separate State inde- 
pendence. Some there are who speak of reconstruction with 
Slavery maintained; but are there any who would thus measure 
rights by property? God forbid. Would you see that boy, with 
a peach bloom on his cheek, grow up a serf — never to tread the 



XVII.] SPEECH OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 297 

path of honor unless he light the torch at the funeral pyre of his 
country? Would you see the fair daughters of the land given 
over to the brutality of the Yankees ? 

"If any imagine this would not be so, let him look to the dec- 
laration of Mr. Lincoln — the terms he offers; let him read the 
declarations of the Northern press; let him note the tone of the 
Northern people, and he will see there is nothing left for us but 
sej)arate independence." 

On the 22cl of September, 1864, Alexander H. 
Stephens said: 

" The resolutions of the Georgia Legislature, at its last session, 
upon the subject of peace, in my judgment, embodied and set 
forth very clearly those principles upon which alone there can be 
permanent peace between the different sections of this extensive, 
once hapi^y f^nd prosperous, but now distracted country. 

' ' Easy and perfect solution to all present troubles, and those 
far more grievous ones which loom in prosjoect, and portentously 
threaten in the coming future, is nothing more than the simple 
recognition of the fundamental principle and truth upon which 
all American constitutional liberty is founded, and upon the 
maintenance of which alone it can be preserved — that is, the 
sovereignty, the ultimate, absolute sovereignty of the States. 
This doctrine our Legislature announced to the people of the 
North and to the world. It is the onty key-note to peace — per- 
manent, lasting peace — consistent with the security of the public 
liberty. 

" The old Confederation was formed upon this principle. The 
old Union was afterwards formed upon this principle. No league 
can ever be formed or maintained between any States, North or 
South, securing public liberty, upon any other principle. 

" The whole frame-work of American institutions, which in so 
short a time had won the admiration of the world, and to which 
we were indebted for such an unparalleled career of prosperity 
and happiness, was formed upon this principle. All our jjresent 
troubles sprang from a departure from this principle— from a 
violation of this essential law of our political organization. 

" The idea that the old Union, orany union between sovereign 
States, consistently with this fundamental truth, can be main- 
tained by force, is preposterous. This war springs from an at- 
tempt to do this preposterous thing. Superior power may com- 



298 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

pel a Union of some sort, but it will not be the Union of tbe old 
Constitution or of our new. It would be that sort of Union that 
results from despotism." 

The progress of Sherman's army and his decisive 
victories, as he made his way from "Atlanta to the 
sea," and '' as he was marching through Georgia," may 
be miderstood by the following extracts from some of 
his letters in the field, after the capture of Atlanta: 

" Head-Quaktees Military Division of the Mississippi, 
" In the Field, Atlanta, Ga., Sept. 8th. 

*' Special Field Order No. 68. 

" We have beaten our enemy on every ground he has chosen, 
and have wrested from him his own Gate City, where were 
located his foundries, arsenals, and workshops, deemed secure 
on account of their distance from our base, and the seeming 
impregnable obstacles intervening. Nothing is impossib'e to an 
army like this, determined to vindicate a Government which has 
rio'hts wherever our flag has once floated, and is resolved to 
maintain them at any and all costs. 

•* In our campaign many, yea, veiy many, of our noble and 
D-allant comrades have preceded us to our common destination, 
the grave; but they have left the memory of deeds on which a 
nation can build a proud Mstory. Generals McPherson, Harker, 
McCook, and others dear to us all, are now the binding links in 
our minds that should attach more closely together the living, 
who have to complete the task which still lies before us in the 
dim future. 

" I ask all to continue, as they have so well begun, the culti- 
vation of the soldierly virtues that have ennobled our own and 
other countries. Courage, patience, obedience to the laws and 
constituted authorities of our Government; fidelity to our trusts, 
and good feeling among each othei; each trying to excel the 
other in the practice of those high qualities, and it will then 
require no prophet to foretell that our country will iu time 
emerge from this war, purified by the fires of war, and worthy 
its great founder, Washington, 

" W. T. Sherman, Maj. -Gen. Commanding." 

Gen. Sherman had intended that Atlanta should be 



XVII.] Sherman's letter to hood. 209 

used for military purposes, and ordered that the women 
and chiklren be removed, to which the Confederate 
General, J. B. Hood, replied, asking in ''God's name 
that they be permitted to remain." 

The following is an extract from Gen. Sherman's 
letter to Hood, dated Atlanta, September 10th, 1864: 

"In the name of common sense, I ask you not to aj^peal to a 
just God in such a sacrilegious manner. You, who in the midst 
of peace and prosperity, have plunged a Nation into civil war — 
' dark and cruel war ' — -who dared and badgered us to battle, 
insulted our flag, seized our arsenals and forts that Avere left in 
the honorable custody of a peaceful Ordnance Sergeant, seized 
and made prisoners of war the very garrisons sent to protcc'- 
your people against Negroes and Indiara, long before any overt 
act was committed by the, to you, hateful Lincoln Government; 
tried to force Kentucky and Missouri into the Rebellion in spite 
of themselves; falsified the vote of Louisiana; turned loose your 
privateers to plunder unarmed ships; expelled Union families 
by the thousand; burned their houses, and declared by act of 
Congress the confiscation of all debts due Northern men for 
goods had and received. Talk thus to the marines, but not to 
me, who has seen these things, and will this day make as much 
saciifice for the peace and honor of the South as the best born 
Southerner among you. If we must be enemies, let us be men, 
and fight it out as we propose to-day, and not deal in such hyj)o- 
critical appeals to God and humanity. God will judge me in 
good time, and he will pronounce whether it will be more hu- 
mane to fight with a town full of women, and the families of a 
' brave people ' at our backs, or to remove them in time to places 
of safety among their own friends and people. 

" I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

" W. T. Sherivian, Maj.-Gen. Commanding." 

The following characteristic letter of Maj.-Gen. W. 
T. Sherman, in reference to the lawless acts of a por- 
tion of the Southern people, will show how fully its 
author was imbued with the principles of American 
Government, and the rights of individuals: 



300 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

" Head-Quakters Mil. Div. of the Miss., in the Field ) 
" Big Shanty, Ga., June 21st, 1864. ) ' 

" Gen. Buebeidge, Commanding Div. of Ky. : 

" General — The recent raid of Morgan, and the current acts 
of men styling themselves Confederate partisans, or guerrillas, 
calls for determined action on your part. * * 

"The fact is, in our country personal liberty has been so well 
secured that public safety is lost sight of in our laws and insti- 
tutions, and the fact is, we are thrown back one hundred years 
in civilization, law, and everything else, and will go right 
straight to anarchy and the devil, if somebody don't arrest our 
downward progress. 

*' We, the military, must do it, and we have right and law on 
our side. All governments and communities have a right to 
guard against real and supposed danger. The whole people of 
Kentucky must not be kept in a state of suspense and real dan- 
ger, lest a few innocent men should be wrongfully accused. 

' ' 1st. You may order all your Post and District Commanders 
that guerrillas are not soldiers, but wild beasts, unknown to the 
usages of war. To be recognized as soldiers, they must be en- 
listed, enrolled, officered, uniformed, armed, and equipped, by 
a recognized belligerent power, and must, if detailed from a 
main army, be of sufficient strength, with written orders from 
some army Commander to do some military thing. Of course we 
have recognized the Confederate Government as a belligerent 
power, but deny their right to our lands, territories, rivers, 
coasts, and nationality, admitting the right to rebel and move 
to some other country, where laws and customs are mere in ac- 
cordance with their own ideas and prejudices. 

"2d. The civil power being insufficient to j^rotect life and 
property, ex necessitate rei to j:)revent anarchy, 'which nature 
abhors,' the military steps taken are rightful, constitutional, and 
lawful. Under this law every body can be made to ' stay at home 
and mind his or her own business,' and if they won't do that, 
can be sent away where they cannot keep their honest neighbors 
in fear of danger, robbery and insult. 

" 3d. Your military Commanders, Provost Marshals, and other 
agents, may arrest all males and females who have encouraged 
or harbored guerrillas and robbers, and you may cause them to 
be collected in Louisville; and when you have enough — say three 



XVII.] Sherman's letter to durcridge. 301 

or four hundred — I will cause them to be sent down the Missis- 
siiDpi, through their guerrilla gauntlet, and by a sailing ship send 
them to a land where they may take their negroes and make a 
colony, with laws and a future of their own. If they won't live 
in j^eace in such a garden as Kentucky, why we will send them 
to another, if not a better, land; and, surely, this would be a 
kindness to them and a God's blessing to Kentucky. 

"I wish you to be careful that no personalities are mixed up 
in this; nor does a full and generous 'love of country,' 'of the 
South,' of their State or country, form a cause of banishment; 
but that devilish spirit, which will not be satisfied, and that makes 
war the pretext of murder, arson, theft, in all its grades, per- 
jury, and all the crimes of human nature. My own preference 
was, and is, that the civil authorities in Kentucky would and 
could do this in that State; but if they will not, or cannot, then 
we must, for it must be done. There must be an end to strife, 
and the honest, industrious people of Kentucky and the whole 
world will be benefited and rejoiced at the conclusion, however 
arrived at. 

" I use no concealment in saying that I do not object to men 
or women having what they call ' Southern feeling,' if confined 
to love of country, and of peace, honor, and security, and even 
a little family pride; but these become ' crimes' when enlarged 
to mean love of murder, of war, desolation, famine, and all the 
horrid attendants of anarchy. 

" I am, with respect, your friend, 

"W. T. Sherman, Maj.-Gen." 

Sherman having marched his army ''to the sea," and 
entered the City of Savannah, from which Gen. Ilar- 
die with all his forces fled on his approach, sent the 
following letter to the President: 

" Savannah, Georgia, December 22. 
'• His Excellency President Lincoln: 

" I beg to pesent you as a Christmas gift, the City of Savan- 
nah, with one hundred and fifty heavy guns and plenty of am- 
munition, and also about twenty-five thousand bales of cotton. 

" W. T. Sherman, Maj.-GVen." 

As early as the 31st of January, 1864, Gen. Sher- 



302 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Clllip. 

man, in addressing Maj. R. M. Sawyer from Lis head- 
quarters at Yicksburg, in relation to military operations 
in the South, said: 

"When men take arms to resist our rightful authorities, we 
are compelled to use force because all reason and argument 
cease when arms are resorted to. When the provisions, forage, 
horses, mules, wagons, etc., are used by our enemy, it is clearly 
our duty and right to take them, because otherwise they might 
be used against us. 

" In like manner, all houses left vacant by an inimical people 
are c] early our right, or such as are needed as store-houses, hos- 
pitals, and quarters. But a question arises as to dwellings used 
by women, children, and non-combatants. So long as non- 
combatants remain in their houses and keep to their accustomed 
business, their opinions and prejudices can in no wise influence 
the war, and therefore should not be noticed. But if any one 
comes out into the public streets and creates disorder, he or she 
should be punished, restrained, or banished, either to the rear 
or front, as the officer in command adjudges. If the people, or 
any of them, keep up a correspondence with parties in hostility, 
they are spies, and can be punished with death or minor punish- 
ment. 

" These are well-established principles of war, and the people 
of the South having appealed to war, are biirred from appealing 
to our Constitution, which they have practically and publicly 
defied. They have appealed to war, and must abide its rules 
and laws. The United States, as a belligerent party, claiming 
right in the soil as the ultimate sovereign, have a right to change 
the population, and it may be, and is, both politic and just we 
should do so in certain districts. "When the inhabitants persist 
too long in hostility, it may be both politic and right we should 
banish them and appropriate their lands to a more loyal and 
useful population. No man will deny that the United States 
would be benefited by dispossessing a single prejudiced, hard- 
headed, and disloyal planter, and substituting in his place a 
dozen or more patient, industrious, good families, even if they 
be of foreign birth. I think it does good to present this view 
of the case to many Southern gentlemen, who grew rich and 
wealthy, not by virtue alone of their industry and skil], but 
fey reason of the protection and impetus to prosperity given by 



I 



XVII.] Sherman's letter to major sawyer. 303 

our hitherto moderate and magnanimous Government. It is all 
idle nonsense for these Southern planters to say that they made 
the South, that they own it, and that they can do as they please 
— even to break up our Government, and to shut up the natural 
avenues of trade, intercourse and commerce. 

** We know, and they know, if they are intelligent beings, that, 
as compared with the whole world, they are but as five millions 
to one thousand millions; that they did not create the land; that 
their only title to its use and usufruct is the deed of the United 
States; and if they appeal to war, they hold their all by a very 
insecure tenure. 

"For my part, I believe that this war is the result of false 
political doctrine, for Avhich we a^e all, as a people, responsible, 
viz. : that any and every'people have a right to self-government; 
and I would give all a chance to reflect, and, when in error, to 
recant. I know slave-owners, finding themselves in possession 
of a species of property in opposition to the growing sentiment 
of the whole civilized world, conceived their property in danger, 
and foolishly appealed to war, and, by skillful political handling, 
involved with themselves the whole South, on the doctrines of 
error and prejudice. I believe that some of the rich and slave- 
holding are prejudiced to an extent that nothing but death and 
ruin will extinguish, but hope that, as the poorer and industrial 
classes of the South realize their relative weakness, and their 
dependence upon the fruits of the earth and good-will of their 
fellow-men, they will not only discover the error of their ways, 
and repent of their hasty action, but bless those who persistently 
maintained a constitutional Government, strong enough to sus- 
tain itself, protect its citizens and promise peaceful homes to mill- 
ions yet unborn. 

" In this belief, while I assert for our Government the highest 
military prerogatives, I am willing to bear in patience that polit- 
ical nonsense of Slave rights, SLate rights, freedom of conscience, 
freedom of press, and such other trash, as have deluded the 
Southern people into war, anarchy, bloodshed, and the foulest 
crimes that have disgraced any time or any people. 

"I would advise the commanding officers at Huntsville, and 
such other towns as are occupied by our troops, to assemble the 
inhabitants and explain to them these plain, self-evident jiropo- 
sitions, and tell them that it is owiv for them to say, whether they 
and their children shall inherit the beautiful land which, by the 



304 EEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

accident of nature, has fallen to tlieir sTiare. The Government 
of the United States has in North Alabama any and all rights 
which they choose to enforce in war: to take their lives, their 
homes, their lands, their everything, because they cannot deny 
that war does exist there, and war is simply power unrestrained 
by Constitution or compact. If they want eternal war, well and 
good; we will accept the issue and dispossess them, and put our 
friends in jDOSsession. I know thousands of good people, who, 
at simple notice, would come to North Alabama and accept the 
elegant houses and plantations now there. If the people of 
Huntsville think different, let them persist in war thi'ee years 
longer, and then they will not be consulted. Three years ago, 
by a little reflection and patience, they could have had a hundred 
years of peace and prosperity, l)ut they preferred war; very well, 
last year they could have saved their slaves, but now it is too 
late — all the powers of earth cannot restore to them their slaves, 
any more than their dead grandfathers. Next year their lands 
will be taken, for in war we can take them, and righifalhj, too; 
and in another year they may beg in vain for their lives. A peo- 
ple who will persevere in war beyond a certain limit ought to 
know the consequences. Many, many people, with less j^er- 
tinacity than the South, have been wiped out of national exist- 
ence. 

" My own belief is, that even now the non-slaveholding classes 
of the South are alienating from their associates i i war. Al- 
ready I hear crimination. Those who have property left should 
take warning in time. 

' ' Since I have come down here, I have seen many Southern 
planters who now hire their negroes, and acknowledge that they 
knew not the earthquake they were to make by appealing to Se- 
cession. They thought that the politicians had prepared the 
way, and that they could part in peace. They now see that we 
are bound together as one Nation, by indissoluble ties, and that 
any interest or any people that set themselves up in antagonism 
to the Nation, must perish. 

" While I would not remit one jot or tittle of our Nation's 
rights, in peace or war, I do make allowances for past i>olitical 
errors and false prejudices. Our National Congress and Su- 
preme Courts are the proper arenas in which to discuss conflict- 
ing opinions, and not the battle field. 

"You may not hear from me again, and if you think it will 



XVIL] FORT PILLOW MASSACRE. 305 

do any good, call some of the people together and explain these, 
my views. You may even read to them this letter, and let them 
use it, so as to prepare them for my coming. 

" To those who submit to the rightful law and authority, all 
gentleness and forbearance, but to the petulant and persistent 
secessionists, why, death is mercy, and the quicker he or she is 
disposed of, the better. Satan and the rebellious saints of 
heavefi were allowed a continuance of existence in hell, merely 
to swell their just punishment. To such as would rebel against 
a Government so mild and just as ours was in peace, a punish- 
ment equal would not be unjust. 

' ' "We are progressing well in this quarter. Though I have 
not changed my opinion that we may soon assume the existence 
of our National Government, yet jiears will pass before ruffian- 
ism, murder, and robbery will cease to afflict this region of our 
country. 

'•* Truly your friend, 

"W. T. Shebman, 
" Major-General Commanding." 

One of the most memorable acts of the war was the 
attack by the rebels upon Fort Pillow. They were 
led by Napoleon B. Forrest, of the Confederate Army, 
who assisted in framing the Democratic National plat- 
form of 1868, in the Convention held at New York 
city, on the Fourth of July, where he was the centre 
of attraction and admiration of the chivalry wing of 
the Democracy. The attack on the fort was on the 
12th of April, 1864. On the news of this revolt- 
ing, wholesale murder having reached Congress, a 
Committee was appointed, who investigated the mat- 
ter, and as no comment will be attempted, the report 
of the Committee of Congress is here given : 

" The rebels commenced an indiscriminate slaughter, sparing 
neither age nor sex, white or black, soldier or civilian. The of- 
ficers and men seemed to vie with each other in the devilish 
work. Men, women, and even children, wherever found, were 
deliberately shot down, beaten, and hacked with sabres. Some 
of the children, not more than ten years old, were forced to 



306 KEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

stand up and face their naothers while being shot. The sick 
and wounded were butchered without mercy, the rebels even 
entering- the hospital buildings and dragging them out to be 
shot, or killing them as they lay there, unable to offer the least 
resistance. All over the hill-side the work of murder was going 
on. Numbers of our men were gathered together in lines or 
groups and deliberately shot. Some were shot while in ihe 
river, while others on the bank were shot and their bodies 
kicked into the water, many of them still living, but unable to 
make any exertion to save themselves from drowning. Some of 
the rebels stood upon the top of the hill, or a short distance 
down its side, and called to our soldiers to come up to them, 
and as they aj)proached, shot them down in cold blood; if their 
guns or j)istols missed fire, forcing them to stand there until 
they were again prepared to fire. All around were heard cries 
of ' No quarter! no quarter!' ' Kill the d — n niggers!' ' Shoot 
them down!' All who asked for mercy, were answered by the 
most cruel taunts and sneers. Some were spared for a time, 
only to be murdered under circumstances of greater cruelty. 
No cruelty which the most fiendish malignity could devise was 
omitted by these murderers. One white soldier, who was 
wounded in the leg so as to be unable to walk, was made to 
stand up while his tormentors shot him. Others, who were 
wounded and unable to stand wo, were held up and again shot. 
One negro, who had been ordered by a rebel officer to hold his 
horse, was killed by him when he remonstrated. Another, a 
mere child, whom an officer had taken up behind him on his 
horse, was seen by Chalmers, who at once ordered the officer to 
put him down and shoot him, which was done. The huts and 
tents in which many of the wounded had sought shelter, were 
set on fire, both that night and the next morLung, while the 
wounded were still in them, those only escajoing who were able 
to get themselves out, or who could prevail on others less injured 
than themselves to helj) them out; and even some of them thus 
seeking to escape the flames were met by these ruffians and bni- 
tally shot down, or had their brains beaten out. One man was 
deliberately fastened down to the floor of a tent, face upwards, 
by means of nails driven through his clothing and into the 
boards under him, so that he could not possibly escape, and then 
the tent set on fire. Another man was nailed to the side of a 
building, outside of the fort, and then tl:3 building set on fire 



I 



XVII.] FORT PILLOW MASSACRE. 307 

and burned. The charred remains of five or six bodies were 
afterwards found, all but one so much disfigured and consumed 
by the flames that they could not be identified, and the identi- 
fication of that cne is not absolutely certain, although there can 
hardly be a doubt that it was the bod}^ of Lieut. Akerstrom, 
Quarter-master of the 13th Virginia cavalry, and a native Ten- 
nesseean. Several witnesses who saw the remains, and who 
were personally acquainted with him while living here, testified 
that it is their firm belief that it was his body that was thus 
treated. These deeds of murder and cruelty closed when night 
came on, only to be renewed the next morning, when the demons 
carefully sought among the dead lying about in all directions 
for any other wounded yet alive, and those they killed. Scores 
of the dead and wounded were found there the day of the mas- 
sacre by the men from some of our gunboats, who were permit- 
ted to go on shore and collect the wounded and bury the dead. 

" The rebels themselves had made a pretense of burying a 
great many of their victims, but they had merely thrown them, 
without the least regard to care or decency, into the trenches 
and ditches about the fort, or the little hollows and ravines on 
the hill-side, covering them but partially with earth. Portions 
of heads and faces, hands and feet, were found protruding 
through the earth in every direction, even when your Committee 
visited the spot two weeks afterwards, although parties of men 
had been sent on shore from time to time to bury the bodies 
unburied, and re-bury the others, and were even then engaged 
iu the same work. We found evidences of this murder and 
cruelty still more painful. We saw bodies still unburied, at 
some distance from the fort, of some sick men who had been 
fleeing from the hospital, and beaten down and brutally mur- 
dered, and their bodies left where they hadr fallen. We could 
still see the faces, and hands, and feet of men, white and black, 
protruding out of the ground, whose graves had not been reached 
by those engaged in re-interring the victims of the massacre; and 
although a great deal of rain had fallen within the preceding two 
weeks, the ground, more especially on the side at the foot of the 
bluff where the most of the murders had been committed, Avas 
still discolored by the blood of our brave but unfortunate men, 
and the logs and trees shovved but too plainly the evidences of 
the atrocities perpetrated there." 

20 



308 RLPUBLICANIS:,! HI AMERICA. [Cliap. 

Conspicuous among the army operations of ] 8G4, 
was the temporary defeat of the Union Army at Win- 
chester, which was afterwards turned into a glorious 
victory by Gen. Sheridan. This was on the 19th of 
October. The hibors in the field of operations were 
greater; more real service had been accomplished than 
Iiad been done during the two previous years. 6,500 
miles of military telegraph had been built during the 
year, which greatly facilitated military operations. 

The results of the war had been terrible, as the 
number of the slain and wounded will show. The 
whole land, it would seem, was in mourning; not a 
household but what was broken and saddened by the 
distress of the long-continued strife and vacant places 
in the family circle. At the date of June 30th, 1864, 
190 hospitals with 120,520 beds were in full occu- 
pancy, for the sick and wounded of the Union Army ; 
22,767 pensioners were receiving pay from the Govern- 
ment; 25,433 widows, orphans and dependent mothers, 
liad to be supported from the National treasury. (For 
full lists of troops, total killed, and deaths, see Ap- 
pendix.) 

During the year 1864, the subject of British ship- 
builders supplying the rebels with vessels to prey 
upon the merchant ships of the United States, caused 
serious complications between the Governments of tlio 
United States and Great Britain. The engagement 
between the Alabama and Kearsarge resulted in the 
sinking of the former; her commander, Capt. Semmes, 
and her crew were rescued by the English yacht. Deer- 
hound, and received with great sympathy and honors 
in England. 

Mr. Cobden, in the House of Commons, in England, 
on the 13th of May, 1864, speaking on the subject of 



I 



XVII.] PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 18G4. 309 

England permitting the fitting out in her ports of ships 
for the rebels, said: 

" The British Government has already done its worst against 
the American mercantile marine. The injury, considering the 
amount of property destroyed, had been rendered useless. In 
1860, one-third of the American commerce was carried on in 
foreign bottoms; in 1863, three-fourths; and this was owing to 
the privateers armed and equipped in English ports." 

About tliis period renewed efforts were being made 
by the friends of the Confederacy to have the English 
Grovernment acknowledge her independence; but they 
were unavailing. 

The year 1864 presented new features beyond any 
period smce the commencement of the war. A Presi- 
dent and Vice-President of the United States were to 
be elected in November; and with the war still raging, 
and little prospect of a speedy termination, the two 
great political parties felt much solicitude to carry 
their points. The Republican party must do some- 
thing decisive before the day of election; for by that 
time almost four years of the Administration would 
have passed, and there might be good grounds for the 
Democrats and Conservative party saying that the war- 
had been a failure. 

The friends of the South throughout the North were 
clamorous for "Compromise," and urged a Convention 
of the States, hoping by this to secure such terms as 
would induce ihe North to acknowledge their inde- 
pendence, or to give them new guarantees for the pro- 
tection of Slavery. But as the Government had not 
violated nor infringed on any of the rights of the South, 
she had nothing to redress; and her answer, through 
the Executive, now became positive, that acknowledg- 
ment of Federal authority was the pre-requisite to any 
terms. 



310 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

The leading anti-war wing of the Democracy of the 
North were determined to defeat the Administration 
in the election in the fall, and their policy was by all 
means to weaken the power of the army and navy; 
and to this end extensive opposition was offered to 
enlistments. The Democratic press of the v.^hole land 
teemed with denunciations upon the "Federal butch- 
ers" and the ruinous taxation of the country. No eff"ort 
was made by these "peace" men to induce the people 
of the South to lay down their arms and return to their 
allegiance, although thoy well knew that would at once 
stop the war and taxation; on the contrar}^, they en- 
tered into private organizations throughout the country 
to thwart the powers and operations of the Government, 
and to aid the South. 

A powerful organization, oflGicercd by leading anti- 
war Democrats, had developed itself throughout the 
country, in 18G4, known as the "Knights of the Golden 
Circle." C. L. Vallandigham, of Ohio, who had been 
banished from the country by the Executive for trea- 
sonable complicity with the rebels, had made his way 
to his State. The ritual of the organization is sup- 
posed to have been written by Jefferson Davis, and 
the organization instituted by himself and Mr. Vallan- 
digham. It was military in its nature, and was to have 
a " Conmiander-in-Chief of all military forces belong- 
ing to the Order in the various States, when called 
into actual service." R. C. Wright, editor of the New 
York News^ was the first "Commander" of the organi- 
zation, and Mr. Vallandigham was his successor. Ow- 
ing to the secret workings of the Order having been dis- 
covered, the name was changed at different times, and 
was known as "Order of American Knights," "Order 
)f Sons of Liberty." and other names. Large quanti- 



XVII.] KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE. 311 

ties of arms and munitions of war were accumulated 
by them, and the Order e:'.'.tended from New England 
to the Pacific States. In California and Oregon it 
was well organized, and was a powerful auxiliary in 
the campaign of the fall of 1864. In the State of 
Indiana alone, the Order had at one time 6,000 mus- 
kets and 60,000 revolvers; and throughout the whole 
country large supplies of arms were in the hands of 
its members. 

Thousands of Democrats joined the clubs and soci- 
eties of this Order, supposing it to be a purely political 
affair, only to find themselves bound to yield prompt 
obedience to their Chief, under penalty of " sliauiorul 
death." The discovery of 112 copies of the ritual and 
oaths, in the office of H. W. Yorhees, a Democratic 
Congressman from Indiana, in 1864, fully developed 
the treasonable purposes of the Order, which was fur- 
ther proven by the examination of witnesses on the 
trial of some of its members, arrested and tried by 
Federal authority, for aiding and abetting the enemy. 

The written "Principles" of the Order show the 
solid "Democratic principles" upon which it was 
founded. They declare, that there is "?io Sovereignty^' 
in the United States Government ; that it is but a com- 
pact of "Sovereign States," and denies the power of 
the General Government to coerce a State by arms. 

The purposes of the Order were: 1st. Aiding sol- 
diers to desert, and harboring and protecting desert- 
ers. 2d. Discouraging enlistments and resisting the 
draft. 3d. Circulating disloyal and treasonable publi- 
cations. 4th. Communicating with and giving intelli- 
gence to the enemy. 5th. Aiding the enem}'- by re- 
cruiting them, or assisting them to recruit, within our 
lines. 6th. Furnishing the rebels with arms, ammuni- 



312 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

tion, etc. Ttli. Cooperating with the enem}^ in raids 
and invasions. 8th. Destruction of Government prop- 
erty. 9th. Destruction of private property, and perse- 
cution of Union men. 10th. Assassination and murder. 
11th. Establishment of a North-Western Confederacy. 
The Judge- Advocate who sat upon the trial of mem- 
bers of the Order, has given the above objects in his 
findings, and certifies them to have been " derived 
from a variety of dissimilar sources;" and the evidence, 
he says, '^ must be regarded of the most reliable char- 
acter." , 




&- J 




■f^JTa,.,,^. 1 



/^/a: 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

PEESrOENTIAli ELECTION OF 1864.— PLATFORMS OF THE PABTIES.— REMOVAL 
OF GENERAL McCLELLAN.— DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.— SHEB- 
IDAN jU?POINTED A MAJOR-GENERAL. — VOTE IN THE PRESIDENTIAL 
ELECTION. — POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. — VICTORIES OP THE 
UNION ARMIES. — PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ANNUAL MESSAGE OF 1864. — 
JEFFERSON DAVIS' MESSAGE TO THE REBEL CONGRESS. 

Prominent among the many important events of the 
year 18G4 was the election of President and Vice-Pres- 
ident of the United States. Early in the year it was 
resolved by a majority of the friends and former sup- 
porters of Mr. Lincoln that his re-election would be a 
victory in behalf of the principles of the Republican 
party, and demonstrate to the enemy that confidence 
was reposed in the ability of the existing Administra- 
tion, to finish the Rebellion upon the avowed doctrines 
of the party ; that the National authority was the 
supreme law of the land, and that no compromise, 
acknowledgment or cessation of hostilities could be 
entertained unless the authority of the General Gov- 
ernment be first acknowledged, and all opposition to 
the Federal laws abandoned. 

The four years of war had placed the Administration 
in the possession of such knowledge of the condition 
of the country, and the wants of the Government, that 
any change in its head at that time would work mis- 
chief; besides, unbounded faith in the ability and pa- 
triotism of President Lincoln was held throughout the 
country, and harmony existed between the several 
branches of the Government and the Executive. Still, 
there were many persons who had, during the years of 



314 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Cliap. 

war, believed that Lincoln's policy was too conserv- 
ative. A Convention of this class of persons, the first 
political National one of the year, met at Cleveland, 
Ohio, May 31st, 1864, and nominated General John C. 
Fremont for the Presidency, and General John Coch- 
ran, of New York, for the Vice-Presidency. Tlie policy 
of these standard-bearers was radical in the extreme, 
or rather the party by which they were nominated, for 
tlie candidates seemed to have thouglit the platform 
adopted by the party too radical to suit them. 

Gen. Fremont had been "shelved" by the Executive, 
and his military glory had sunk far below zero, and 
with his nomination for the Presidency, he thought to 
"get even" with the Administration. But the party 
at his back, although possessing the moral courage, 
did not possess the numerical strength to do other 
than cause a split in the Union ranks; and Fremont, 
to his credit, with all his prejudices strong against 
Lincoln's policy, on the 17th of September, withdrew 
from the contest. Following is an extract from his 
letter on the subject: 

"The Presidential contest has, in effect, been entered upon 
in such a way that the union of the Republican party had be- 
come a paramount necessity. The policy of the Democratic 
party signifies either separation or re-establishment with Slavery. 
The Chicago platform is simply separation. Gen. McClellan's 
letter of acceptance is re-establishment with Slavery. The Re- 
publican candidate is, on the contrary, pledged to the re-estab- 
lishment of the Union luithout Slavery ; and however hesitating 
his policy may be, the pressure of his party will, we may hope, 
force him to it. Between these issues, I think that no man of 
the liberal party can remain in doubt; and I believe I am con- 
sistent with my antecedents and my principles in withdrawing — 
not to aid in the triumph of Mr. Lincoln, but to do my jmrt 
tovfurd preventing the election of the Democratic candidate. In 
respect to Mr. Lincoln, I continue to hold exactly the sentiments 



XVIII. ] rvEPUBLICAN PLATFOEM OF 18G4. 315 

contained in my letter of acceptance. I consider that Lis Ad- 
min's'ration has been politically, militarily, and financially a 
failure, and that its necessary continuance is a cause of regret 
for the country." 

On the 7th of June, 1864, the Union National Con- 
vention met at Baltimore, Maryland. Delegates were 
present from all the Free States, and also from most of 
the Slave States — those in rebellion as well as those 
that did not secede. Louisiana, Arkansas, Tennessee, 
Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia and Kentucky — all 
former Slave States — had delegates present. On the 
first ballot, Abraham Lincoln received 492 votes, and 
Ulysses S. Grant, 22 ; the vote was subsequently made 
unanimous for Mr. Lincoln. Andrew Johnson, of Ten- 
nessee, v/as nominated for the Vice-Presidency. A 
platform, or series of resolutions, setting forth the 
principles of the party, were adopted, and the Union 
Republican party rallied to the support of Lincoln and 
Johnson. Following is the platform of the party: 

"Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American cit- 
izen to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the 
Union and the paramount authority of the Constitution and the 
laws of the United States; and that, laying aside all difi'ei-euces 
and political opinions, we pledge ourselves, as Union men, an- 
imated by a common sentiment, and aiming at a common object, 
to do everj^thing in our power to aid the Government in quelling 
by force of arms the Rebellion now raging against its authority, 
and in In'inging to the punishment due to their crimes the rebels 
and traitors arrayed against it. 

" Besolved, That we approve the determination of the Govern- 
ment of the United States not to compromise with rebels, nor 
to offer them any tei-ms of peace, except such as may be based 
upon an unconditional surrender of their hostility and a return 
to their just allegiance to the Constitution and the laws of the 
United States; and that we call upon the Government to main- 
tain this position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost pos- 
sible vigor to the complete suppression of the Rebellion, iu full 



inC) I!i;i'l IIMCANI.SM IN AMKI(I«;A [(yllJH). 

i('liiiii(M( upon I.Ik* Hnir itiicrilifiii}^' imiiioliHin, ili(t lidroid viilor, iukI 
ilid iiiidviiif;' (hniilinii dl' Mid AiiKiriciui pdupNi to IJuiir (loiinl.ry 
iukI il.H IVco iiiHlil.iilioini. 

'• Hi'noli'fd, 'I'lial,, HH Sliivn-y \viin ilm niiiHo, tiiid now <ronHii- 
iiil.tm l.lio Hi.rtnif^'lli of iJim Ikdtnllion, niitl iih id iiiiihI. Ixt iilwiiyH 
(in<l itvciywlnio lioiililo In Mio piindiplnH of liciniMiciiti ^'ovorn- 
nuMil., jiinlitT nnil Hit' Niiliomil Hiifoiy (hMiiiiml iU nilnr and coiri- 
i)|(W,(i (tsl.ii'piil.ioii I'liiii llio Hoil of Mio Itopiihiii^; mid Mint wo 
upliold iind iniiiiiliuii Mm ucIh iiiid pi'ocliiiiiiiiioiiM |iy wliicli llu) 
()ov<<nini(Mil, in ill* own dnfrntK^ iiiui iiinind ii. <I(<m,Mi Mow iii Mmh 
gif^'iinl.id rvii. W'n MIO in i'livm', riiilli<Tni(nt\ of micli iin luiK'iid- 
niiuili l.o Mm ('OUHMtiiUcni, to l)o niiulo by Mm pnopio, in conioini- 
il.y wiMi iln pi'ovinionH, tin hIiiiII Innuiniiin itnd foinvrr proliiltil. Mm 
((\iiitnncti of Sliivoiy wiMiin Mm liniilM m' Mu< jniindii'lioii of Mm 
llniltul Sliiltui. 

'* /m'.si )//'(■(/, Tliiii Mio MiiiiiKh of Mm Anioiiciin pcopio mo duo to 
iho Holtlioni mid miiloiHor Mm Aiiiiy mid Mm Niivy, wlio liiivo jior- 
ilod Mmir livoH in dol'oiiHo of Mioir <'onnl,iy mid in vindicii,l.ion of Mio 
honor of Mio lliif-; ; Mini Mio Niilion owoh Io |,1i(»iii hoiiio iioinimionl, 
]'<UM>|jfnili(ni of Mioii' pidrioliiHiu mid Mi<<ir viihn', mid miipio mid 
pornuin<>nl. pioviHimi foi* Miofio of llioir HiirvivoiH who Iiiiao ro- 
4M(ivod diHiililin;^' mid hoiioinhlo wonndti in Mm Horvico of Mio 
iumntrv; luid Mini lh<' momoiioHof lhoH(t who iiiivo fulhni in il.H 
dofttniHo ihIiiiII |)o liold III j.;i'idofid mid <>\ (M'laHfin^' nMiMMidininoo. 

" Itdsolri-il, 'riiiil wo Hpprovo mid iippliind Mio imioiioiil wiHdoiu, 
Mio uiiHoUish piiliioliHin mid nnHW<'ivtnL;' I'uh'lily Io Hit* (loniilitu- 
iioii mid Iho piinoiploH of AiiKnicmi liiluM'ly, with which Abndiitm 
Limohi hiiM dinohur^,'oil, nndor oirouniHtiiiiooK of uiipiUMllolod 
(lilVli'idl V, llni {'I'j'at dill ioH mid rospoiiHiliililioH of Mio I'lOHidoatiul 
olVloo; Mint w«> iipprovo mid iiwhn'HO, tin «loinmidoil by Ilm oiiior- 
(JfOUoy mid oMMoiiliiil Io Iho pi(\s(<iVMtion of Iho Nnlitui.mul iin 
Avllhin Mm ( '(niMlilnlion, Mitt inoiiHiiroH mid iictH wiiicli im hiiH 
iiiloplod to dt^lond Mm Natimi af^ainst itn optMi mid Hoorot fooH; 
thill uo approvo oHpiu-ially Iho I'l-oohiinalion of I'lniiiiicipalioii, 
and Mio oniplovnnnil. an Union Hohliois of iiion Imrotoforo liohl in 
Shivory; and lliat\voliavi< ftill (•onlidoiuo in hin (h«torniinalioii 
io oarry Mioho, and all otlmr oonHlilulional nioiiHiiroH <iHHonlial to 
iho Hulvaiion of Iho oonnlry, into full and coniploto ollV^^t. 

''Jicmtlnul, Thai \\»« doom it (<sHontial io iho ^'onoral wolfaro 
Miat haniiony hhonld provail in Iho National (\>niicilH; and wo 
ro'janl as worlliy i>f public conridcnc<< and ollii-ial truHt, tlioHo 



XVI I I.J I'.l.n.t'.IJCMl l'/,ATIOIfM OF \H(',4. 'Ml 

only wlio «;onJi;t)l;/ iii<\')n'.i: IJjo j(()n';ij(l';;< pncJiuKx <l 11/ Ijjuho 
rcMulni.'iit.m, tui(] wlii';)j hliouM «;|j;u'U';l,<)ri/,<) i.lc! a»\iii'tti'tuindi'in of 

"/C/'.tiolntul, 'J'Imf, Uj<j (lovorniittitd dwomIo all rrxjn f.iiiiilnycil i/i 
iin /u'fni'iM, wiUiout rcifiinl in <liiil,ifi';li'>;i of r.olor, i.\nt full j;ro- 
Wif-ion of il»<j IttWH of war; uri'J lliuf, any violation of ihono laWH 
or of l,l;<! nHapf<;H of civili/,<!'l nuf,io/jt« i»i llx) iinx? of war hy llio 
robolrt now in armw, hI)'>uM h') ma'l'i ilx-, Mubjo'ii of fnll jjU'I 
prornf^i r<!'lr<!«M. 

*' llc.'.dliiul^ 'I'haf, iho for^'ij/n inmiiiMulion v/hi'ili ifj ili') j»a«J, l/a« 
u<M<;'l !,o niu':lj 1.0 U»<; v/';(illlj a/i'l 'l',v<;lo|»ni':nl, of rcH'Miiw^M un<i 
iiKui.iiM'- of powor 1,0 l.ljJH Naf,io/), iliu att^ylnni of U/o opjir<;««<;<l of 
all nul.ionH, tiliouM )j(i fo«l,<:r<;'l and <;n';ouraj/<;'i hy a lil;<;/ul an<l 
jiihf, policy. 

** ItJti'.olr.i'.d, 7'ljaf, wo ar'i in favor of \.\iiy hi<';<;'Jy ';on(-.Uii';f,io/j of 
tli<j ftailroa'i f/> ilio l'tu;ii'i<; Coahi. 

" HmuUnul, 'I'liaf/ tho National faiUi i)\t.<ii/t;il for ilio rodornjiiio/i 
of ill'! j)iil>li'; 4<!l;l/, lauKt h'l l<<!j;f, inviolaU;; an<J thaf, forUiiw j;ur- 
poH<! w<j r';';onin4';nd ac'tttutiiy a/xl rif/i'l r<j«[ionnil>ilif,y in ilm 
j*(il;li'; ';zp<:n'li<,nr<;H, an'l a vif/oro(j« an'l jiiKf, hy«U;n) of faxaf.ion; 
that it i 1 tl)'! <Jiity of (iV(',ry loyul Htaf^j f/> «ut:tai/i tijo rn.tlii. uml 
[;ro/(ftoU5 th'j UMO of Hit) fiaiintitd currericy. 

** ltf'/fi'>l.i;i'.d, 7'liat wo aj»j;rov<; tlio powitio/j tako/j by tlio Oovor/i- 
inont, that tho pooploof tl*o I/'/iif/;'! Htaf>:w can novor ro//ar'J with 
indilT'oronoo tho uttornpf/ of any Ktjropottn power to overthrow l;y 
lor';':, or to «i]f>plant by fraii'l,tho inntitutionwof any Ito(;ijhlioan 
Govornnjo/it on tho VVo)if/;rn Contin'?nt, and that thoy will viow 
with oxtromo jealoiiwy, um mufitWAtii/^ UtHm \>tAU'Ai an/i indof/ondonoo 
of thix our country, tlio o/fortw of a//y «uch powor f/> 'Atijiin ituvf 
foothohl;* for .Vfonarchi/;/iI <^iovornnjont«, «u;«ttti;iO'l hy a fon,ly;ii 
military forco in near [proximity f/> tho I'ltlU-A HitiUsH." 

Tli'; D^imocratic parly ;j.t tlio Xortli wr;r'; making 
avf.ry cSiori to carry the fall t:\<'.cA\<)U. '\'\u'y fniiitt [iot 
a/Jopt any of the old }iani-Hli<;l] i>><;njocratic droncH, 
whoH'j principles w(;re in full and Ji/;knowl<;dpred sym- 
pathy «"iih the t':\)<:\:i] and f^iit r^nr; rnan wax looked 
to, to hea<l their ticket and Have the jmrty. ThJtt ;nan 
Wim (U',u. (Utor^/t Ik McClellan, who at the outhreak 
of the w.w wan reconjmended hy the veU^rarj Lieut,- 



318 REPUBLICANISM IN A3HEEICA. [Chap. 

Gen. Scott for the head of the army. His tour of ob- 
servation in Europe during the Crimean War, and liis 
elaborate report upon the subject of that great cam- 
paign, with his West Point education, placed him high 
in the estimation of military men. He had improvised 
and equipped a great army, and on dress parade was the 
j)ride of the Nation. But his insufferable inactivity 
while his army lingered in idleness around the Poto- 
mac, or wasted away in the swamps of the Chickahom- 
iny, had robbed him of the essential quality of a sol- 
dier, in the minds of the people. Actual service did 
not seem to be his forte. And as this bright military 
meteor, whose light dazzled the eyes of his country- 
men, grew pale by degress and beautifully less, he be- 
came a shining light and tower of strength in the eyes 
of the Democratic party; for since his removal from the 
command of the Armies of the Republic, he had talked 
and acted ''compromise," and this suited the anti-war 
men of the whole country. Unable longer to endure 
the sublime composure and seeming unnecessary inac- 
tivity of Gen. McClellan, Abraliam Lincoln issued an 
order directing him to turn over his command to Gen. 
Burnside, and to report at once at Trenton, the Capi- 
tal of New Jersey. This order was handed to McClel- 
lan on the night of the 6th of November, 1862, at his 
liead-quarters in the field, and on the following day, 
November 7th, he issued his farewell address to his 
soldiers, and bade them adieu, which startled them, 
himself, and a large class of the people as much as if 
the Angel Gabriel had summoned them to judgment. 
The orders relieving McClellan were as follows: 

•■' War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, ) 
" Washington, November 5th, 1862. f 

" General Orders No. 182. , 

" By direction of the President of the United States it is or- 



XVIIL] REMOVAL OF GEN. McCLELLAN. 319 

dered tliat Major-General McClellan be relieved from the com- 
mand of the Army of the Potomac, and that Major-Gejieral^ 
Burnside take the command of that Army. 
" By order of ttie Secretary of War. 

"E. D. TOWNSEND, 

"Assistant-Adjutant General." 

" HeAD-QuAETERS OF THE ArMY, ) 

" Washington, D. C, November 5th, 1862. 3 
" General — On the receipt of the order of the President, sent 
herewith, you will immediately turn over your command to 
Major-General Burnside, and report to Trenton, N. J., report- 
ing on your arrival at that place, by telegraph, for further oi-- 
ders. 

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

" H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 
"Major-General McClellan, Commanding, etc., etc." 

The removal of Gen. McClellan was looked upon by 
many of his personal admirers as an act of great injus- 
tice. His failures were attributed to a lack of support 
promised him, and a complicity among leading officials 
to blight his military fame; and these views formed 
leading subjects uf comment and sympathy for the 
shelved General. But the majority of the class indulg- 
ing in this, were tinctured with ''conservatism," or 
proclivities of a worse Democratic type, while the great 
mass of the Republican party — those who were his 
zealous supporters at the outset — rejoiced at and ap- 
plauded the act of the Executive in thus removing the 
man whose inactivity had well nigh prostrated the 
Nation. 

The Democratic National Conversion met at Chicago, 
Ilhnois, August 29th, 1864, and was largely attended, 
as well by thousands of outsiders as the members of 
the Convention. Aged remnants of the slave power, 
with their political sins fresh blown upon them, were 



320 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

there. The Constitution, Compromise, and State Rights 
were their favorite themes. They clung to the sinking 
wreck of their party with a death grip. Democratic Di- 
vines were there to ask the favor of Heaven upon the 
proceedings. 

The following extracts will illustrate the piety of the 
Convention. The Rev. Henry Clay Dean, of Io\va, an 
apostle of unadulterated Democracy, said : 

" For over three years Lincoln had been calling for men, and 
they had been given. But with all the vast armies placed at his 
command, he had failed! /ai7aZ/ failed! Such a failure had 
never been known. Such destruction of human life had never 
been seen since the destruction of Sennacherib by the breath of 
the Almighty. And still the monster usurper wanted more men 
for his slaughter-pens. * * Ever since the usurper, 

traitor, and tyrant had occupied the Presidential chair, the Ke- 
publican party had shouted ' "War to the hnife, and the knife to 
the hilt!' Blood had flowed in torrents, and yet the thirst of 
the old monster was not quenched. The cry was for more 
blood!" 

The City of Chicago was a scene of revelry and ex- 
citement never before experienced. Aged Democrats, 
who had not given vent to their "feelings" of sympa- 
thy for their " brethren of the South," howled the veri- 
est treason from every hall and street corner in the 
city where they could find an audience. C. L. Yal- 
landlgham, who had been banished from the country 
for treason, but had returned by way of Canada, was 
on the Committee to draft a platform. 

Gen. McClellan was nominated for the Presidency 
on the first ballot, and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, 
was nominated for the Vice-Presidency. The platform 
adopted was as follows: 

" Resolved, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere 
with unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution, as 



1 



XYIIL] DEMOCRATIC TLATFORM OF 18G4. 321 

the only solid foundation of our strengtli, security, and happi- 
ness as a people, and as a frame-work of Government equally 
conducive to the welfare and prosperity of all the States, both 
Northern and Southern. 

Resolved y That this Convention does explicitly declare, as the 
sense of the American j)eople, that after four years of failure to 
restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, 
under the pretense of a militarj necessity of a war power higher 
than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disre- 
garded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike 
trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essen- 
tially impaired. Justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare 
demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostil- 
ities, with a view to an ultimate Convention of all the States, or 
other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable 
moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal 
Union of the States. 

" Jlesolved , That the direct interference of the military author- 
ity of the United States, in the recent elections held in Kentucky, 
Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware, was a shameful violation of 
the Constitution; and the repetition of such acts in the approach- 
ing election will be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all 
the means and power under our control. 

"Resolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party 
is to preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States 
unimpaired; and they hereby declare that they consider the 
administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous pow- 
ers not granted by the Constitution, the subversion of the civil 
by military law in States not iu insurrection, the arbitrary mili- 
tary arrest, imprisonment, trial, and sentence, of American citi- 
zens in States where civil law exists in full force, the suppression 
of freedom of speech and of the press, the denial of the right 
of asylum, the open and avowed disregard of State rights, the 
employment of test-oaths, and the interference with and denial 
of the right of the people to bear arms, as calculated to prevent 
a restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a government 
deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. 

"Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the Administration 
to its duty, in respect to our fellow citizens who now and long 
have been prisoners of war in a suffering condition, deserves the 
severest reprobation, on the score alike of public interest and 
common humanity. 



322 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

"Resolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is 
heartily and earnestly extended to the soldiery of our armj^ who 
are and have been in the field under the flag of our country; and 
in the event of our attaining power, they will receive all the care 
and protection, regard and kindness, that the brave soldiers of 
the Republic have so nobly earned." 

McClellan being informed of his nomination, ac- 
cepted the same in a letter written at Orange, New 
Jersey, September 8th, in which among other things, 
he said that love for the Constitution and laws of his 
country have been and must continue to be the guide 
of his life. '' The preservation of our Union was the 
sole object for which the war was commenced; it 
should have been conducted for that object only, and 
in accordance with those principles, which I took 
occasion to declare when in active service. (?) The 
Union was originally formed by tlie exercise of the 
spirit of conciliation and compromise." 

The two great political parties were now again be- 
fore the people, with principles as opposite as they were 
in 18G0. The Democrats in the National Congress 
almost to a man, had, during the period of the war, 
opposed every measure of that body in support of a 
prosecution of the war; and the whole Democratic 
party now rallied round the standard of the " Young Na- 
poleon," upon whose banners was inscribed: ''Peace," 
" Conciliation," " Compromise." Meantime the Union 
armies in the field were reaping victories. Election 
day came on November 8th. Gen. McClellan had sent 
in his resignation as Major-General in the Army of the 
United States, (he had still held his commission in the 
army,) which was accepted by the following Order: 

"War Department, Washington, Nov. 14th, 18G4. 
** Ordered by the President: 

*' 1st. That the resignation of George B. McClellan, as Major- 



XVIII. ] PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1864. 323 

General in the United States Army, dated November 8tli, and 
received by the Adjutant-General on the 10th inst., be accepted 
as of the 8th of November. 

2d. That for personal gallantry, military skill, and just confi- 
dence in the courage and patriotism of his troops displayed by 
Philip H. Sheridan, on the 19th of October, at Cedar Eun, 
whereby, under the blessing of Providence, his routed army was 
reorganized, a great national disaster averted, and a brilliant 
victory achieved over the rebels for the third time in pitched 
battle within thirty days, Philip H. Sheridan is appointed Major- 
General in the United States Army, to rank as such from the 8th 
day of November, 1864. 

" By order of the President of the United States. 

" E. D. TowNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General." 

In the election of 1864, 25 States voted, and 11 were 
not represented. The total vote cast was 4,000,850, 
of which Lincoln received 2,203,831; and McClellan, 
1,797,019. Lincoln's majority, 406,812. The 25 
States represented, gave 234 votes in the Electoral 
College, of which Lincoln received 213, McClellan 21. 
Lincoln's majority, 192. McClellan carried only three 
States out of the 25; two of these were Slave States.. 
He carried Kentucky, by 36,000; New Jersey, by 7,300 ; 
and Delaware by 610 votes. (For full list of votes, 
see Appendix.) 

This was the greatest achievement of the Union party 
smce the war began. All the victories of the three past 
years together could not equal this unanimous verdict 
of twenty-two States out of the twenty-five that the 
war must go on until those in arms against Federal 
authority submitted to the laws. 

A prominent feature of Democratic policy was hos- 
tility to the coercive measures of the Administration 
party, and a lirm belief that by conciliatory measures 
and compromises the war would cease and the Union 
be restored as it was. 

21 



324 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

The policy of the Executive find the whole Repub- 
lican party was that the American Government was at 
war with a party in arms against the law of the land, 
who had of their own acts, without provocation or at- 
tack, levied war; that the laws of the United States 
were the jDaramount laws of the land, and that one 
condition must be complied with by those in rebellion, 
and that until it was complied with, no Convention, 
compromise, or anything looking towards it, could be 
thought of. That condition was, that the people of 
the South lay down their arms; and this policy was now, 
by the re-election of Mr. Lincoln, fully endorsed as the 
polic}^ of the Administration. At this period the 
whole country was in a blaze of patriotic excitement. 
The Administration was strengthened by this unani- 
mous support by the people. 

The news of the victory of the Republican party 
reached the Army and ISTavy, and was caught up with 
•shouts of applause and general rejoicing. The whole 
country now looked the subject squarely in tlie face, 
and prepared themselves for a final struggle. What- 
ever the consequences, might he the imr must go on, was the 
universal exclamation of the Republican party. Twice 
the American people fought for liberty upon their own 
soil, and each time came out victorious. Would it 
now be said that a flag foreign to the American Nation 
floated over forts and public buildings, in defiance of 
law, and which could not be repossessed by the Gov- 
ernment? Must the stars and stripes be hauled down, 
never to be raised again upon the soil over which they 
led tlie hosts of liberty to victory? Must a foreij-n 
and hostile Government be built upon the ruins of the 
American Republic? Must the horizon of National 
glory be dimmed by eleven of the stars forming the 



XVIII.] THE WAR SPIRIT OF 1864. 325 

galaxy of States being stricken by a rebel hand, from 
the blue field of the symbol of American Liberty? 
And must the ''old flag," rent by the cruel hand of 
civil war, droop mournfully as an emblem of American 
degeneracy — the scoff and ridicule of European JS'a- 
tions? Such were the questions American patriots 
asked themselves, and the response came up from the 
heart as it swelled with pride and indignation — the old 
flag sfiall float over every foot of American soil, and not a 
star shall he blotted or dimmed hj any power opposed to 
America, from ivitJwut or vdthin the Union! 

The second session of the 38th Congress met on the 
Gth of December, 1864. At this time National affairs 
presented signs of increasing power. The great accu- 
mulation of war material, the inereased strength of the 
Army and Navy, together with the march of the Union 
Armies towards the heart of the Rebellion, indicated 
a hopeful prospect of a speedy and certain end of the 
war. 

Gen. Sherman was on his " march through Georgia." 
His immense army, passing over a stretch of country 
300 miles to the sea, was reaping golden harvests of 
victoiy, which have placed the name and memory of 
Wm. T. Sherman foremost in the ranks of the most 
dashing and successful military heroes of any age. 

Gen. Thomas was dealing severe punishment to the 
rebels in Tennessee. Sheridan, Kilpatrick, and a le- 
gion of others, were sweeping over Southern fields, 
sending in wild disorder before their fleet cavalry the 
affrighted and awe-stricken hosts of the South. Par- 
ticularly brilliant were the achievements of the king 
of cavalrymen, Philip 11. Sheridan, who swept, like 
stubble from the field, all that opposed him, as like a 
whirlwind he dashed down the Shenandoah Valley. 



326 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Gen. Grant, firm as a rock, was working liis way 
inch by inch to the fountain of the Rebellion. lie was 
encircling Lee's Army, had cut off the Weldon rail- 
road, and was in possession of the key to Richmond, 
to which he held with a death grip. Meantime, tlie 
Navy showed a most efficient condition, not only in 
the number of ships and men, but in the great improve- 
ments in naval architecture. The powerful ironclads 
which now guarded the thousands of miles of sea-coast, 
and that were battering down Southern forts, were the 
most formidable floating batteries in the world. G71 
vessels, carrying 4,610 guns and about 51,000 men, 
were in the naval service, and 324 vessels of the enemy, 
and carrying contraband cargoes, had been captured 
during the year; and a total of 1,379 vessels had been 
captured from the beginning of the war to December, 
1864 — 267 of these being steamers. The proceeds 
from condemned prizes were $14,396,250. There had 
been expended on account of the Navy, for the build- 
ing of the fleet of ships, as well as all other expenses, 
from the 4th of March, 1861, to November 1st, 1864, 
the sum of $238,647,262. 

The Post Office showed a healthy condition, and now 
that the North was relieved from paying the expenses 
of carrying the Southern mails, this branch of the pub- 
lic service was upon a paying basis. 

Hopeful prospects of the passage of the bill to 
amend the Constitution to abolish Slavery within the 
whole jurisdiction of the United States was entertained. 
(This has since passed, and is now the thirteenth 
amendment to the Constitution.) 

The State of Nevada had been admitted into the 
Union. The project of the rebels to capture the 
steamers between New York and Aspinwall, and 



XVIIL] Lincoln's annual message, 1864. 827 

those between Panama and San Francisco, liad been 
discovered and successfully frustrated; and the "Mon- 
roe Doctrine," asserted in reference to affairs in Mex- 
ico, was strictly maintained. The condition of the 
country generally was prosperous; large harvests, and 
active employment for all classes of industry, with a 
spirit of enterprise and speculation, gave greater activ- 
ity to every branch of trade than had been known for 
many years. 

To illustrate the hopeful views of the Executive, a 
few extracts from his annual message of the 6th of 
December, 1864, are here given: 

"Again, the blessings of health and abundant harvests claim 
our profoundest gratitude to Almighty God. The condition of 
our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory. Mexico continues 
to be a theatre of civil war. While our political relations with 
that country have undergone no change, we have, at the same 
time, strictly maintained neutrality between the two belligerents. 
* * * * The war continues. Since the last annual 
message, all the important lines and positions then occupied by 
our forces have been maintained, and our arms have steadily 
advanced; thus liberating the regions left in the rear, so that 
Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other States, have 
again produced reasonable crops. 

"The most remarkable feature in the military operations of 
the year is Gen. Sherman's attempted march of three hundred 
miles directly through the insurgent region. It tends to show a 
great increase of our relative strength that our General-in-Chief 
should feel able to confront and hold in check every active force 
of the enemy, and yet to detach a well appointed large army to 
move on such an expedition. The result is not yet being known* 
conjecture in regard to it, is not indulged. 

" Important movements have also occurred during the year 
to the effect of moulding society for durability in the Union. 
Although short of complete success, it is much in the right direc- 
tion, that twelve thousand citizens in each of the States of Ar- 
kansas and Louisiana have organized State Governments, with 
free Constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to maintain and 



328 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

administer them. The movements in the same direction, more 
extensive, though less definite, in Missouri, Kentucky, and Ten- 
nessee, should not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the 
example of complete success. Maryland is secure to Liberty and 
Union for all the future. The genius of Rebellion will no more 
claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit, being driven out, it 
may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no more. * * 

Of course, the abstract question is not changed; but an inter- 
vening election shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress 
will pass the measure if this does not. Hence there is only a 
question of time, as to when the proposed amendment will go 
to the States for their action. And as it is to go, at all events, 
may we not agree that the sooner the better ? 

" It is now claimed that the election has imposed a duty on 
members to change their views or their votes, any further than, 
as an additional element to be considered, their judgment may 
be effected by it. It is the voice of the people now, for the first 
time, heard upon the question. In a great national crisis like 
ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end 
is very desirable, almost indispensable. And yet no aj)proach 
to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall be 
paid to the will of the majority. In this case, the common end 
is the maintenance of the Union; and, among the means to 
secure that end, such will, through the election, is most clearly 
declared in favor of such constitutional amendment. 

" The most reliable indication of public purpose in this country 
is derived through our popular elections. Judging by the recent 
canvass and its result, the purpose of the people, within the 
legal States, to maintain the integrity of the Union, was never 
more firm nor more nearly unanimous than now. The extraordi- 
nary calmness and good order with which the millions of voters 
met and mingled at the polls, give strong assurance of this. Not 
only all those who supported the Union ticket, so called, but a 
great majority of the opposing party also may be fairly claimed 
to entertain and to be actuated by the same purpose. 

" It is an unanswerable argument to this effect, that no candi- 
date for any office whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek 
votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union. There 
has been much impugning of motives, and much heated contro 
versy as to the proper means and best mode of advancing the 
XTnion cause; but on the distinct issue of Union or no Union, 



XVIIL] Lincoln's annual message, 1864. o29 

the politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge that there 
is no diversity among the people. In affording the people the 
fair opportunity of showing, one to another and to the world, 
this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has Leon of 
vast value to the national cause. * * * * y^ 

much is shown, affirmatively and negatively, by the election. It 
is not material to inquire how the increase has been produced, 
or to show that it would have been greater but for the war, which 
is probably true. The important fact remains demonstrated, 
that we have more men noAv than, we had when the war began; 
that we are not exhausted nor in process of exhaustion; that we 
are gaining strength, and may, if need be, maintain the contest 
indefinitely. This as to men. Material resources are now more 
complete and abundant than ever. 

" The National resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we 
believe, inexhaustible. The public purpose to re-establish and 
maintain the National authority is unchanged, and, as we be- 
lieve, unchangeable. The manner of continuing the effort re- 
mains to choose. On careful consideration of all the evidence 
accessible, it seems to me that no attempt at negotiation with 
the insurgent leader could result in any good. He would ac- 
cept of nothing short of severance of the Union — precisely wliat 
we will not and cannot give. His declarations to this effect are 
explicit and oft repeated. He does not attempt to deceive us. 
He affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves. 

" He cannot voluntarily re-accept the Union; w^e cannot volun- 
tarily yield it. Between him and us the issue is distinct, sim- 
ple, and inflexible. It is an issue which can only be tried by 
war and decided by victory. If we yield, we are beateii; if the 
Southern people fail him, he is beaten. Either way it would be 
victory and defeat following war. What is true, however, of 
him wdio heads the insurgent cause, is not necessarily true of 
those who follow. 

"Although he cannot re-accept the Union, they can. Some 
of them, we know, already desire peace and reunion. The num- 
ber of such may increase. They can, at any moment, have 
peace simply by laying down their arms and submitting to the 
National authority under the Constitution. After so much, the 
Government could not, if it would, maintain war against them. 
The loyal people would not sustain or allow it. * * * 
A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms. 



330 REPUtJLICANISAI IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

were offered to all, except certain designated classes, and it was, 
at the same time, made known that the excepted classes were 
still within contemplation of special clemency. During the year 
many availed themselves of the general provision, and many 
more would, only that the signs of bad faith in some led to such 
precautionary measures as rendered the practical process less 
easy and certain. During the same time, also, sj)ecial pardons 
have been granted to individuals of the excepted classes, and no 
yoluntary application has been denied. 

"Thus, practically, the door has been, for a full year, open 
to all, except such as were not in condition to make free choice 
— tha^" is, such as were in custody, or under constraint. It is 
still so open to all. But the time may come — probably will 
come — when public duty demands that it be closed, and that in 
lieu, more vigorous measures than heretofore shall be adojited. 

" In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the 
National authority on the part of the insurgents, as the only in- 
dispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the Gov- 
ernment, I retract nothing heretofore said as to Slavery. I 
repeat the declaration made a year ago, that ' while I remain in 
my present position, I shall not attempt to retract or modify the 
Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I return to Slavery any 
person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any 
act of Congress.' 

" If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it 
an Executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and not I, 
must be their instrument to perform it. 

"In stating a single condition of peace, I mean to say that 
the war will cease on the part of the Government whenever it 
shall have ceased on the part of those who began it." 

The able statesman and patriot, W. H. Seward, Sec- 
retary of State of the United States, steadfast and 
hopeful as to the result of the Union cause, being 
called out to speak before a gathering of Republicans 
at Washington City, September 14th, 1864, said: 

"Fellow citizens: The Democracy at Chicago, after waiting 
six weeks to see whether this war for the Union is to succeed or 
fail, finally concluded that it would fail; and therefore went in 
for a nomination and platform to make it the sure thing by a 
cessation of hostilities and an abandonment of the contest. At 



XYIIL] DAVIs' MESSAGE IN MAY, 18G4. 3L>1 

Baltiinore, on tlie contrary, we determined tliat there slionid be 
no such thing as failure; and therefore we went into save the 
Union by battle to the last. Sherman and Farragut have knocked 
the boitoin out of (he Chicago vominalions; and the elections in 
Vermont and Maine jDrove the Baltimore nominations staunch 
and sound. The issue is thus squarely made up — McClellan and 
Disunion, or Lincoln and Union. Have you any doubt of the 
result on that issue? [Cries of No! No!] Nor do / have any 
doubt. Many thanks, my friends, for this visit." 

In strong contrast with the views of Mr. Lincoln 
and Mr. Seward, were the views if Jefferson Davis, 
President of the Confederacy. The following extracts 
are from his message to the Rebel Senate and House 
of Representatives, dated May 2d, 1864. He said: 

" You are assembled under circumstances of deep interest to 
your country; and it is fortunate that, coming- as you do, newly 
elected by the people and familiar with the condition of the 
various localities, you will be the better able to devise measures 
adapted to meet the wants of the iDublic service without imposing 
unnecessary burdens on the citizens. The brief period which 
has elapsed since the last adjournment of Congress has not 
afforded sufficient opportunity to test the efficacy of the most 
impoi 'ant laws then enacted, nor have the events occurring in 
the interval been such as materially to change the state of the 
country. 

'' The unjust war commenced against us, in violation of the 
rights of the States, and in usurpation of power not delegated 
to the jrovernment of the United States, is still characLerized by 
the barbarism with which it has heretofore been conducted by 
the enemy. Aged men, helpless women and children, appeal in 
vain to the humanity which should be inspired by their condi- 
tion, for immunity from arrest, incarceration, or banishment 
from their homes. Plunder and devastation of the property of 
non-combatants, destruction of private dwellings, and even of 
edifices devoted to the worship of God, expeditions organized 
for the sole purpose of sacking cities, consigning them to the 
flames, killing the unarmed inhabitants, and inflicting horrible 
outrages on women and children, are some of the constantly 
recurring atrocities of the invader. It cannot be reasonably 
pretended that such acts conduce to any end which their authors 



332 REPUBLICANISM IN AilEEICA. [Chap. 

dare avow before the civilized world, and sooner or later Chris- 
tendom must mete out to them the condemnation which such 
brutality deserves. The sufferings thus ruthlessly inflicted upon 
the people of the invaded districts has served but to iHustrate 
their patriotism. Entire unanimity and zeal for their country's 
cause have been pre-eminently conspicuous among those whose 
sacrifices have been greatest. So the army which has borne the 
trials and dangers of the war — which has been subjected to pri- 
vations and disappr^intments (tests of manly fortitude far more 
severe than the brief fatigues and perils of actual combat) has 
been the centre of cheerfulness and hope. From the camp comes 
the voice of the soldier patriot invoking each who is at home, in 
the sphere he best may fill, to devote his whole energies to the 
support of a cause, in the success of which their confidence has 
never faltered. They, the veterans of many a hard-fought 
field, tender to their country, without limit of time, a service of 
priceless value to us, one which posterity will hold in grateful 
remembrance. 

" In considering the state of the country, the reflection is nat- 
urally suggested that this is the third Congress of the Confeder- 
ate States of America. The Provisional Grovernment was formed, 
its Congress held four sessions, lived its appointed term, and 
passed away. The permanent Government was then organized, 
its different departments established, a Congress elected, which 
also held four sessions, served its full constitutional term, and 
expired. You, the second Congress under the joermanent Gov- 
ernment, are now assembled at the time and place appointed by 
law for commencing your session. All these events have j^assed 
into history, notwithstanding the threat of our prompt subjuga- 
tion, made three years ago, by a people that presume to assert a 
title to govern States whose separate and indej^endent sover- 
eignty was recognized by treaty with France and Great Britain 
in the last century, and remained unquestioned for nearly three 
generations. Yet these very Governments, in disregard of duty 
and treaty obligations, which bind them to recognize as inde- 
pendent Virginia and other Confederate States, persist in coun- 
tenancing, by moral influence, if not in aiding by unfair and 
partial action, the claim set up by the Executive of a foreign 
Government to exercise despotic sway over the States thus recog- 
nized, and treat the invasion of them by their former limited 
and special agent as though it were the attempt of a sovereign 
to suppress a rebellion against lawful authority." 



CHAPTER XIX. 

rEEPLFSTTIES OF THE PKESIDENT OF THE " CONFEDERACY."— HIS MESSAGJ! 
TO CONGRESS.— HE RELIES UPON THE " UNQUENOH-iBLE " SPIRIT OF THE 
PEOPLE.— HE IS GRIEVED AT THE NON-RECOGNITION OF IIIS GOVERN- 
MENT BY OTHER NATIONS.— HIS VIEWS UPON PLACING THE NEGRO IN 
THE ARIIY.— PEACE COMMISSIONERS FROM THE SOUTH.— SECOND INAU- 
GURATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN AS PRESIDENT. -HIS INAUGlTJAL AD- 
DEESS.— HOPEFUL PROSPECTS OF THE UNION CAUSE.— STRENGTH OF AND 
OPERATIONS OF THE NAVY.— ATTACa ON AND FALL OP FORT FISHER.— 
REBEL PRIVATEERS. — WHERE BUILT.— CAPTURE OF.— SINKING OP THE 
".UABAMA" BY THE "RE.iRSAEGE."— UNITED STATES NAVY IN THE WAii 
OP 1812.— COLORED SOLDIERS IN THE ARMY. 

The next message of the President of the Southern 
Confederacy was delivered at Richmond, on the 7th 
day of November, 1864. The "President" was still 
hopeful of ultimate success. Still the reader cannot 
but perceive a wavering in the mind of Mr. Davis. 
His calls upon Divine power are louder and oftener 
repeated than at any previous time. His tone, both 
in the praises of the Confederate Armies and his de- 
nunciation of the "barbarities" of the invader, is much 
subdued. His disgust at the non-recognition of the 
independence of the Confederacy by foreign nations is 
very great. His views of placing negroes in the army 
in the service of the Government, and their "chattel" 
status, are happily conformable to the true spirit of 
Democracy as practiced by the party to which he be- 
longs. Still he thinks that if the negro would do 
good service in fighting the "invader," that it would 
be well to offer him his liberty, and he is in favor of 
maknig them prisoners and "augmenting their num- 
Ders ' m tiie service. 

How little did the "President" dream that h\ live 



334 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

months from that very day the Capitol of the Confed- 
erate Government, wherein he delivered that message, 
should serve as a banquet hall for the victorious 
legions of the North, and that he himself should be 
escaping for his life in the guise of another sex. And 
yet this was so. A little more than five months and 
he was in a felon's cell; the armies of his "Govern- 
ment" dispersed; their arms parked; the American flag 
floating triumphantly over the dome of his late Capitol, 
and the war ended. 

Following are extracts from Jefferson Davis' mes- 
sage, dated November 7th, 1864, alluded to: 

" It is witli satisfaction that I welcome your presence at an 
earlier day than that usual for your session, and with confidence 
that I invoke the aid of your counsel at a time of such public 
exigency. The campaign which was commenced almost simul- 
taneously with your session in May last, and which was still in 
progress at your adjournment in the middle of June, has not yet 
reached its close. It has been prosecuted on a scale and with 
an energy heretofore unequaled. When we revert to the con- 
dition of our country at the inception of the operations of the 
present year, to the magnitude of the prepai'ations made by the 
enemy, the number of his forces, the accumulation of his war- 
like supplies, and the prodigality with which his vast rfesources 
have been lavished in the attempt to render success a^sf^ured; 
when we contrast the numbers and means at our disposal for 
resistance, and when we contemplate the results of a struggle 
apparently so unequal, we cannot fail, while rendering the full 
meed of deserved praise to our Generals and soldiers, to jDerceive 
that a power higher than man has willed our deliverance, and 
gratefully to recognize that the protection of a kind Providence 
iu enabling us suecosbf ally to withstand the utmost efforts of the 
enemy for our subjugation. ***];£ -we now turn 
to the results accomj)lished by the two great armies, so confi- 
dently relied on by the invaders as sufficient to secure the sub- 
version of our Government and the subjection of our people to 
foreign domination, we have still greater cause for dfivout grati- 
tude to Divine power. In Southwestern Virginia successive 



XIX.] DA vis' message in novejiber, 1864. 335 

armies, whicli tlireatened the capture of Lyncliburg and Salt- 
ville, have been routed and driven out of the country, and a 
portion of Eastern Tennessee reconquered by our troops. In 
Northern Virginia, extensive districts formerly occupied by the 
enemy are now free from their presence. In the lower valley, 
their General, rendered desperate by his inability to maintain a 
hostile occupation, has resorted to the infamous expedient of 
converting a fruitful land into a desert by burning- its mills, 
granaries, and homesteads, and destroying the food, standing 
crops, live stock, and agricultural implements of peaceful non- 
combatants. The main army, after a series of defeats in which 
its losses have been enormous; after attempts, by raiding parties, 
to break up our railroad communications, which have resulted in 
the destruction of a large part cf the cavalry engaged in the 
work; after constant repulse of repeated assaults on our defen- 
sive lines is, with the aid of heavy reinforcements, but with, it 
is hoped, waning prospect of further progress in the design, still 
engaged in an effort, commenced more than four months ago, to 
capture the town of Petersburg. 

"The army of Gen. Sherman, although succeeding at the end 
of the summer in obtaining possession of Atlanta, has been un- 
able to secure any ultimate advantage from this success. The 
same General who, in February last, marched a large army from 
Vicksburg to Meridan with no other result than to be forced to 
march back again, was able, by the aid of greatly increased 
numbers, and after much delay, to force a passage from Chatta- 
nooga to Atlanta, only to be for the second time compelled to 
withdraw on the line of his advance, without obtaining control 
of a single mile of territory beyond the narrow track of his 
march, and without gaining aught beyond the precarious pos- 
session of a few fortified points, in which he is compelled to 
maintain heavy garrisons, and which are menaced with recaj^ture. 

"The lessons afforded by the history of this war are fraught 
with instruction and encouragement. Repeatedly during the 
war have formidable expeditions been directed by. the enemy 
against points ignorantly supposed to be of vital importance to 
the Confederacy. Some of these expeditions have, at immense 
cost, been successful; but in no instance have the promised fruits 
been reaped. Again, in the present campaign, was the delusion 
fondly cherished that the capture of Atlanta and Ricbmond 
would, if effected, end the war by the overthrow of our Govern- 



336 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Gliap. 

ment and the submission of our people. We can now judge by 
experience Low unimportant is the influence of the former event 
upon our capacity for defense, upon the courage and spirit of the 
people, and the stability of the Government. We may, in like man- 
ner, judge that if the campaign against Richmond had resulted 
in success instead of failure; if the valor of the army, under the 
leadership of its accomplished Commander, had resisted in 
vain the overwhelming masses which were, on the contrar^^ de- 
cisively repulsed; if we had been compelled to evacuate Richmond 
as well as Atlanta, the Confederacy would have remained as erect 
and defiant as ever. Nothing could have been changed in the 
purpose of its Government, in the indomitable valor of its troops, 
or in the unquenchable spirit of its people. The baffled and dis- 
appointed foe would in vain have scanned the reports of your 
proceedings, at some new legislative seat, for any indication that 
progress had been made in his gigantic task of conquering a free 
people. The truth, so patent to us, must ere long be forced upon 
the reluctant Northern mind. There are no vital points on the 
preservation of which the continued existence of the Confederacy 
depends. There is no military success of the enemy which can 
accomplish its destruction. Not the fall of Richmond, nor Wil- 
mington, nor Charleston, nor Savannah, nor Mobile, nor of all 
combined, can save the enemy from the constant and exhaustive 
drain of blood and treasure, which must continue until he shall 
discover that no peace is attainable unless based on the recogni- 
tion of our indefeasible rights. * * We seek no favor, we wish 
no intervention; we know ourselves fully competent to maintain 
our own rights and independence against the invaders of the coun- 
try, and we feel justified in asserting that, without the 'JA derived 
from recruiting their armies from foreign countries, they would, 
ere this, have been driven from our soil. When the Confed- 
eracy was refused recognition by Great Britain, in the fall of 1862, 
the refusal was excused on the ground that any action of Her 
Majesty's Government would have the effect of inflaming the 
passions of the belligerents, and of preventing the return of 
peace. It is assumed that this opinion was sincerely entertained, 
but the experience of two years of unequal carnage shows that 
it was erroneous, and the result was the reverse of what the 
British ministry humanely desired. A. contrary policy, a policy 
just to us, a i^olicy diverging from an unvarying course of con- 
cession to all the demands of our enemies, is still within the 



XIX.] DAVIs' MESSAGE IN NOVEMBER, 1864. 337 

power of her Majesty's Government, and would, it is fair to 
presume, be productive of consequences the opposite to those 
which have, unfortunately, followed its whole coui'se of conduct 
from the commencement of the war to the present time. In a 
word, peace is impossible without indej)endence, and it is not to 
be expected that the enemy will anticipate neutrals in the recog- 
nition of that independence. "When the history of this war shall 
be fully disclosed, the calm judgment of the impartial publicist 
will, for these reasons, be unable to absolve the neutral nations 
of Europe from a share in the moral responsibility for the myriads 
of human lives that have been unnecessarily sacrificed dui'ing its 
progress. 

*' The renewed instances in which foreign power have given us 
just cause of complaint need not here be detailed. The extracts 
from the correspondence of the State Department, which accom- 
pany this message, will afford such further information as can 
be given without detriment to the public interest, and we must 
reserve for the future such action as may then be deemed advis- 
able to secure redress, * * * * ijj^g employment 
of slaves for service with the army as teamsters, or cooks, or in 
the way of work upon fortifications, or in the Government work- 
shops, or in hospitals, and other similar duties, was authorized 
by the Act of the 17ih of February last, and provision was made 
for their impressment, to a number not exceeding twenty thou- 
sand, if it should be found impracticable to obtain them b}' con- 
tract with the owners. The law contemplated the hiring only 
of the labors of these slaves, and imposed on the Government 
the liability to pay for the value of such as might be lost to the 
owners from casualties resulting from their employment in the 
service. 

" The Act has produced less result than was anticipated, and 
further provision is required to render it efficacious. But my 
present purpose is to invite your consideration to the propriety 
of a radical modification in the theory of the law. 

* Viewed merely as property, and therefore as the subject of 
imprisonment, the service or labor of the slave has been fre- 
quently claimed for short periods, in the construction of defci-s- 
ive works. The slave, however, bears another relation to the 
State — that of a person. The law of last February contemplates 
the relation of the slave to the master, and limits the impress- 
ment to a certain term of service. But for the purpose."', enu- 



338 HEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

merated in the Act, instruction in the manner of encamping, 
marching, and j^arking trains is needful, so that even in this 
limited employment, length of service adds greatly to the value 
of the negro's labor. Hazard is also encountered in all the 
positions to which negroes can be assigned with the army, and 
the duties required of them demand loyalty and zeal. 

" In this aspect, the relation of person predominates so far as 
to render it doubtful whether the j)rivate rights of property can 
consistently and beneficially continue, and it would seem proper 
to acquire for the public service the entire property in the labor 
of the slave, and to pay therefor due compensation rather than 
to imjoress his labor for short terms; and this the more esj)ecially 
as the effect of the present law would vest this entire property 
in all cases where the slave might be recaptured after compensa- 
tion for his loss had been j)aid to the private owner. Whenever 
the entire property in the service of a slave is thus acquired by 
the Government, the question is presented by Avhat tenure he 
should be held. Should he be retained in servitude, or should 
his emancipation be held out to him as a reward of faithful serv- 
ice, or should it be granted at once on the promise of such 
service; and, if emancipated, what action should be taken to 
secure the freed man the permission of the State from which he 
was drawn to reside within its limits after the close of his public 
service ? The permission would doubtless be more readily ac- 
corded as a reward for past faithful service, and a double motive 
for zealous discharge of duty would thus be offered to those 
emplo^-ed by the Government, their freedom, and the gratifica- 
tion of the local attachment which is so marked a characteristic 
of the negro, and forms so powerful an incentive to his action. 
The policy of engaging to liberate the negro on his discharge 
after service faithfully rendered, seems to me preferable to that 
of granting immediate manumission, or that of retaining him 
in servitude. If this policy should recommend itself to Con- 
gress, it is suggested that, in addition to the dut.es heretofore 
performed by the slave, he might be advantageously employed 
as a pioneer and engineer laborer; and in that event, that the 
number should be augmented to forty thousand. * * * 

" The disposition of this Government for a jDeaceful solution 
of the issues which the enemy has referred to the arbitrament of 
arms, has been too often manifested, and is too well known to 
need new assurances. But, while it is true that individuals and 



XIX.] TEACE COMMISSIONERS, 1865. 339 

parties in the United States have indicated a desire to substitute 
reason for force, and by negotiation to stop the further sacrifice 
of human life, and to arrest the calamities which now afflict both 
countries, the authorities who control the Government of oui 
enemies have too often and too clearlv expressed their resolution 
to mate no peace except on terms of our unconditional submission 
and degradation, to leave us any hope of the cessation of hostil- 
ities until the delusion of their ability to conquer us is dispelled." 

During the months of January and February, 1865, 
Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Con- 
federacy, R. M. T. Hunter and John A. Campbell, 
were sent by E<wis as Commissioners to treat upon 
terms of peace with the President of the United States. 

They were met on February 3d by President Lin- 
coln and W. II. Seward, Secretary of State; but no 
terms were agreed upon, so the Commissioners returned 
to Richmond and the Administration determined to 
fight it out. 

The sanguine struggle could not end by compromise. 
Since the days in which the Constitution was framed, 
up to the hour of the commencement of the Rebellion, 
compromise had been strained to its very last stretch of 
endurance. Two conditions were precedent to any 
teri^'-'iiation by either party. The Administration of 
the United States said, that to warrant even a cessa- 
tion, of hostilities, the people of the South must lay 
down their arms ; and the South said, that recognition • 
of them as a Nation must precede any cessation on 
their part. 

On the 4th of March, 1865, Abraham Lincoln was 
inaugurated as President of the United States for the 
second time. His Inaugural Address was brief and 
seemed to be inspired with a calm yet dignified tone 
of philosophical hope; it was as follows: 

" Fellow Countrymen: 
"At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential 

22 



340 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

oflSce, there is less occasion for an extended address than there 
was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a 
course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. N^ow, at the 
expiration of four years, during which public declarations have 
been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the 
great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the 
energies of the Nation, little that is new could be presented. 
The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, 
is as well known to the public as to myself ; and it is, I trust, 
reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope 
for the future no j)rediction in regard to it is ventured. 

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all 
thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All 
dreaded it; all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address 
was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving 
the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking 
to destroy it without war — seeking to dissolve the Union, and 
divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but 
one of them would make war rather than let the Nation survive; 
and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And 
the war came. 

" One-eighth of the whole population was colored slaves, 
not distributed generally over the Union, but legalized in the 
Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and 
powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, 
the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend 
this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend 
the Union, even by war; while the Government claimed no right 
to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. 
Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the dura- 
tion which it has already obtained. Neither anticipated that the 
cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the con- 
flict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and 
a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same 
Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid 
ao'ainst the other. It may seem strange that any men should 
dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bi-ead from 
the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be 
not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that 
of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own 
purposes. ' Woe unto the world because of ofienses! for it must 



I 



XIX.] Lincoln's message in 1865. 341 

needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whoDi the 
offense cometh.' If we shall suppose American Slavery is one 
of those offenses which, in the pro-vidence of God, must needs 
come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, 
He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and 
South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the 
offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those 
divine attributes which the believer in a living God always 
ascribrs to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that 
this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God 
wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's 
two hundred and Hity years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and 
until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by 
another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years 
ago, so still it must be said: 'The judgments of the Lord are 
true and righteous altogether.' 

" With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness 
in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to 
finish the work we are in; to bind up the Nation's wounds; to 
care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, 
and for his orphan; to do all which may achieve and cherish a 
just and a lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." 

At this period the condition of the country was most 
hopeful. The victories of the Federal Armies were 
such as to lead to the belief that the enemy must soon 
abandon all hope of success. The Cabinet, Congress, 
and the people were in harmony with the expressed 
views of the Executive, and as the events from this 
period to the close of the war were most important, 
the leading ones are here given in chronological order 
more fully than the sphere of this volume would ad- 
mit, were it not that they bear so important a part 
upon the succeeding political affairs of the Nation. 

Throughout the month of December, 1864, there 
was a succession of Union victories. Gens. Sherman, 
Warren, Miles, Burbridge, Hazen, Thomas, Stoneman, 
and McCook, were defeating and driving the enemy 



342 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

from his stronghold. Among the most prominent 
achievements of this period was the great victory of 
Gen. Thomas near Nashville, December 15th, in which 
he captm^ed 17 cannon, and 1,500 prisoners; the defeat 
of the rebel Gen. Forrest with a loss of 1,500 in killed 
and wounded; the rebel Gen. Hood's complete rout 
before Naohville, and his loss of 13,189 prisoners, 
2,207 deserters, 30 cannon, and 7,000 small arms; the 
capture of the rebel Gen. Quantrel, December 18th, 
1864, and the occupation of Savannah by Gen. Sher- 
man, who captured 800 prisoners, 150 pieces of artil- 
lery, 3 steamers, and 33,000 bales of cotton, on De- 
cember 21st, 1864. 

The year 1865 dawned upon the Nation with most 
auspicious prospects of speedy victory. "Sherman's 
march to the sea" had inspired the people with hope, 
and no difficulty was now felt in filling up the depleted 
ranks of the army, thinned during the past year. The 
spring campaign found the army in strong force, and 
well prepared for active service. The aggregate Na- 
tional military force on the 1st day of March, 1865, of 
all arms, officers and men, was 965,591. In two months 
from that date the forces were augmented to 1,000,516 
of all arms, officers and men. This was the largest num- 
ber of troops in the army at any one time since the 
beginning of the Rebellion, and clearly indicated the 
determination of the people to adhere to the doctrine 
of the President, that the only condition upon which 
hostilities could cease, would be the laying down of 
their arms by the forces against Federal authority. 
Of the number of troops enlisted during the war, 178,- 
975 were colored. On the 15th of July, 1865, there 
were 123,156 colored troops in the service, organized 
into one hundred and twenty regiments of infantry. 



XIX.] CAPTURE OF FORT FISHER. 343 

twelve regiments of heavy artillery, and seven regi- 
ments of cavalry. 

The attack and capture of Fort Fisher on the 15th 
of January, 1865, with 2,500 prisoners, 72 guns. Fed- 
eral loss 691, in which there were engaged forty -four 
war vessels of various classes, some of them formidable 
ironclads, besides fourteen vessels held as a reserve, 
was one of the grandest achievements of the war; 
and the fleet attacking, was perhaps as powerful a 
naval force as ever engaged a fort, and considering 
the capacity and formidable character of the vessels 
engaged, exhibits plainly that no fort can be con- 
structed by man, that cannot in time be reduced and 
cut down by the conical missiles of modern inven- 
tion, directed by the floating iron batteries known as" 
''Ironclads." That the American Rebellion did revo- 
lutionize the world in this department, and render 
useless for attack the old style of "wooden walls," no 
one will deny. Nor will any denial be made of the 
fact that the American Navy at the close of the war 
in the spring of 1865, was the most powerful naval 
force for home defense of any Nation of the earth; 
and notwithstanding the supposed inefiiciency in the 
sea-going qualities of this class of naval ships, it is fair 
to conclude that America, at least upon her own sea- 
coast, is impregnable against the combined navies of 
Europe. Tlie extent, operations, and efficiency of the 
American Navy, form a most interesting part of the 
history of the Republic. The marvelous rapidity with 
which the navy was raised from its insignificant con- 
dition in 1861, to its powerful efficiency in 1865, 
demonstrates the great resources and the ability of the 
American people to provide against emergencies how- 
ever gigantic; and the splendid achievements of the 



344 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

ironclads upon the forts of the enemy during the Re- 
bellion, exhibit the most remarkable and skillful 
combination of naval power ever exhibited in the 
world. At the breaking out of the Rebellion, many 
of the best war ships were on distant and foreign seas ; 
and most of the officers at home and abroad were 
brought up in the old school Democratic faith, and 
were of Southern birth or Southern politics, of whom 
three hundred and twenty-two traitorously abandoned 
their posts, and in violation of their solemn oaths, 
abandoned the flag they swore to support, and enlisted 
under the flag of the rebels. 

At the beginning of the year 1861 the navy consisted 
of five squadrons of 35 vessels, with 445 guns. From 
March 4th, 1861, to the end of the war, 208 vessels 
were constructed, and during the same period 418 were 
purchased, making 626 vessels in all; of these, 313 
were steamers. On the 1st day of January, 1865, the 
squadron blockading the vast rebel sea-coast was 471 
vessels, carrying 2,455 guns; this was exclusive of the 
force on other duties, 213, making 684 vessels in all. 
The number of men in the navy, at the beginning of 
the war, was 7,844. This number had been increased 
to 51,500 at its close, in April, 1865. The total num- 
ber of men employed in the navy yards of the Republic, 
in 1861, was 3,844. This had increased to 16,880 in 
1865, and does not include the number employed in 
private yards building Government vessels, which was 
equal to the number in the navy yards. 

The ravages of rebel pirates during the war were very 
great, and their acts of vandalism upon the i>eaceful 
mercantile marine, penetrating far into the Pacific seas 
and burning the inoffensive fishing fleets, exhibited the 
characteristic villainy of those engaged in it. In tlieir 



XIX.] CAPTURE OF THE " FLORIDA," 345 

operations they were aided by the British Government, 
wliich smiled a bland acquiescence in their atrocities, 
by permitting ships to be built, equipped and manned 
for their service throughout the British empire. Among 
the most formidable of the English pirates thus preying 
upon American commerce was the 8ea King, built at 
Glasgow, Scotland, afterwards known as the Shenan- 
doah. She continued her depredations for four months 
after the fall of Richmond, and did not desist until her 
Commander, Capt. Wadell, was assured that Jefferson 
Davis was in prison, and Lee on parole. On the Gth of 
November, 18C5, the Shenandoah entered the Mersey, 
and Wadell, in a formal written letter, surrendered 
her to the British authorities. 

The Stonewall^ built in France, was another formidable 
rebel cruiser. The Alabama, Florida and Georgia also 
were pests of the seas. In 1864 the British added to 
the rebel fleet three other cruisers — the Chickamauga, 
Olustee and Tallahassee. The Florida, after preying long 
upon the peaceful commerce, ran into the Brazilian port 
of Bahia, October 5th, 1864. The United States steamer 
Wachusett, Capt. Collins, was lying in the harbor. The 
Florida, for her security from the Wachusett, dropped 
her anchor in the midst of the Brazilian fleet, and di- 
rectly under the guns of the fort on shore. The gallant 
Capt. Collins, finding that the pirate would not leave 
the port, and that he could not fight her in neutral 
waters, determined to possess himself of her, and at 
3 o'clock on the morning of the 7th, while she lay at 
anchor, directly under the guns of the fort, the Wachu- 
sett, under full steam, and, intending to sink her ran 
upon her with full speed, but did not effect her object. 
Collins at once demanded her surrender; a few shots 
were fired from the small arms of both parties. About 



34G REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

half of the crew of the Florida were on shore having 
a "good time," and the officer in charge, finding him- 
self overpowered, was compelled to surrender. Quick 
as thought the Florida was boarded, a hawser made fast 
to her from the Waclmsett^ which, with full steam, put 
to sea with the prize, paying no attention to the chal- 
lenge from the Brazilian fort and fleet, which sent 
shots flj'ing after her. The WacJiusett was too swift for 
the Brazilian ships that gave her chase. Collins brought 
the WacJiusett and Florida into Hampton Roads, where, 
a few days later, the latter was sunk by collision. 

Tlie Government disapproved of Collins' act, upon 
the grounds of the illegality of making the capture in 
a neutral port, suspended him from duty, and ordered 
him to appear before a Court Martial. 

The rebel cruiser Georgia was taken a prize twenty 
miles off the port of Lisbon, by the United States frig- 
ate Niagara^ Capt. Craven, during the year 18G4. 

The Alabama, already mentioned, had a long and 
prosperous career. She had swept the Indian Ocean 
and South Atlantic of American commerce, and found 
her way again to European waters. In June, 18G4, 
she entered the port of Cherbourg, France. The 
United States gunboat Kearsarge was lying in the Dutch 
harbor of Flushing; and on her Commander being no- 
tified by telegraph, started at once to look after the 
pirate. Semmes was in command of the Alabama, and 
fearing that he might not meet the Kearsarge, he dis- 
patched, on June 15th, 1864, while in the port of 
Cherbourg, a note to Capt. Winslow, of the Kearsarge, 
not to leave, as he wanted to fight him; so that a meet- 
ing of the hostile ships was easy and certain. On Sun- 
day, June 19th, 1864, at lOJ o'clock a. m., they met, 
seven miles outside the harbor of Cherbourg, the Ala- 



XIX.] SINKING OF THE '' ALABAMA." 847 

hama flying the rebel ensign, eager for the fray. She 
was followed, as an escort and friend, by the British 
pleasure steam yacht Deerhound. They steamed di- 
rectl}^ for the Kearsarge, which was making towards the 
harbor, and while yet a mile distant, the Alabama 
opened fire upon the Kearsarge. The Alabamans gunners 
were ]>ritish subjects, trained on board the British ship 
Excellent^ at Portsmouth; but their skill, when com- 
pared to that of the gunners of the Kearsarge, was very 
indifTerent. The ships were of about the same size 
and calibre, the odds being in favor of the Alabama. 
She was GOO horse power, the Kearsarge 400. The Ala- 
bama had 8 guns, the Kearsarge but 7 guns. The Ala- 
bama had 150 men and officers, the Kearsarge had 1G2. 
The combatants now nearing each other, formed a cir- 
cle, in which they coursed, sending volleys of shot at 
each other from their 32-pounders. The combat lasted 
an hour, when the shells from the Kearsarge began to 
tell upon the Alabama. Her sides were torn to shreda 
with the constant and well directed volleys from the 
Kearsarge; eighteen or twenty of her crew were disabled, 
and nine killed by the explosion of shells. The fate of 
the Alabama was evident. Sail was now hoisted, and 
she headed for land. The Deerhound made to her res- 
cue and took on board Capt. Semmes and GO men and 
officers. The Alabama now struck her flag, but still 
headed towards shore. Winslow continued to pour 
his well directed fire upon her, crushing her to atoms. 
Nine miles from the harbor of Cherbourg, from which 
she a few hours before had sailed to engage in volun- 
tary fight, the Alabama sank, reeling beneath the stars 
and stripes that floated in victory from the Kearsarge, 
the cannon's roar and the hearty cheers of the patriotic 
crew of the Kearsarge ringing out her death knell, as 



S-iS REFUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

with a phmge she sank into her fretful sepulchre. 
About sixty of the Alabama's crew were made prison- 
ers by the Kearsarge. 

The whole expense of the navy during the four 
years of war, as reported by the Secretary of War, 
December 4th, 1865, was $314,170,960. To offset this 
the value of property captured by the navy during the 
same period was $21,829,543; and the value of the 
vessels captured and destroyed (having been built and 
fitted out in British ports for the rebel service as block- 
ade runners,) was $31,500,000, making $63,329,543 
in all. The captures during the period from May 3 st, 
1861, to the end of the war, was 1,151 vessels, as fol- 
lows: 210 steamers; 569 schooners; 139 sloops; 13 
ships; 29 brigs; 25 barks; 2 yachts; 139 small boats; 
6 rebel rams; 10 armed schooners and sloops; 7 others, 
class unknown. There were, in addition to these, sunk, 
burned, and destroyed by the navy during the war, 
85 steamers; 114 schooners; 32 sloops; 2 brigs; 4 bark; 
2 ships; 96 small boats; 5 rebel rams; 4 ironclads; 1 
other armed vessel, making a total of 355, and a grand 
total, captured and destroyed, of 1,504 of all classes. 

The naval force of the United States, at the close 
of the war in 1812, consisted of 301 vessels; besides 
these, there were 517 commissioned privateers. These 
latter captured 1,428 vessels, and the vessels of the 
regular navy captured 291 vessels — making the total 
naval force 811 vessels, and the total captures 1,719 
vessels. In the Revolutionary War of 1776, the navy 
consisted of 4 vessels only. 

With the end of the Rebellion, the seas were cleared 
of Confederate rovers; and the gallant officers and 
men of the navy, were entitled to a large share of 
national gratitude for their efficient and patriotic de- 



XIX.] OPERATIONS OF THE NAVY. 349 

votion and aid to the cause of human freedom. Those 
who have distinguished themselves by devotion and 
heroism are a host; and while the name of each can- 
not find a place in these limited pages, three only will 
be mentioned, in each of whom every true lover of 
American liberty, and every heart that can appreciate 
patriotism and devotion to the science of war, will 
hold in grateful remembrance the names of Dahlgren, 
Porter, and last, but not least, the sea king of the age, 
the matchless Admiral D. G. Farragut. 



CHArTER XX. 

STRENGTH OF THE AKIVIT.— IMPOETANT BATTLES.— FALL OF RICHMOND. — DIS- 
ORDERED FLIGHT OF THE INHABITANTS. — SURRENDER OF LEE AND 
JOHNSTON.— NUMBER OF TROOPS IN THE FIELD. — NUMBERS SLAIN.— 
NUMBER OF COLORED SOLDIERS.— POPULATION OF NORTH AND bOUTH.— 
GRANT'S AND SHERMAN'S FAREV>'ELL ADDRESSES TO THEIR SOLDIERS.— 
JEFF. DAVIS ISSUES A PROCLAMATION.— HIS FLIGHT SOUTHWARD. — HIS 
CAPTURE. 

The total strength of the army, early in the year 
1865, has been already shown. On the 1st of Jan- 
uary it was officered by 66 Major-Generals and 267 
Brigadier-Generals. 

The first event of the year was the arrival of Gen. 
Grierson at Vicksburg, January 5th, after having de- 
stroyed 100 miles of railroad in the rebel States, cap- 
turing 600 prisoners and 1,000 contrabands (colored 
citizens). Next followed the capture of Fort Fisher, 
already alluded to. February 6th, the Army of the Po- 
tomac gained a victory over the rebels at Hatcher's 
Run, Virginia: Union loss, 232 killed; rebel loss, 1,200 
killed. February 22d, Wilmington, North Carolina, 
occupied. February 18th, Charleston, South Carolina, 
surrendered. March 10th, capture of Kingston, North 
Carolina: Union loss, 650 killed, and 1,500 wounded; 
rebel loss, 2,400 killed, wounded and missing. March 
25th, battle of Fort Stedman, Virginia: Union loss, 171 
killed, 1,236 wounded, and 983 prisoners; rebel loss, 
3,200 killed and wounded, and 1,881 prisoners. March 
29th, battle of Hatcher's Run and Five Forks, Virginia: 
Union loss, 5,000 killed, wounded and missing; rebel 
loss, 4,500 killed and w^ounded, and 7,000 prisoners. 




rx V 



%. 




GENEIiAL QLi'SSES S. i^RANT. 



XX.] FALL OF RICHMOND. 351 

April 2cl, assault at Petersburg, Virginia: Union loss, 
5,000 killed and wounded ; rebel loss, 5,000 killed and 
wounded, and 8,000 prisoners. April Gth, battle of 
Deatonville, Virginia: Union loss, 1,000 killed and 
wounded ; rebel loss, 7,700 prisoners, killed and 
wounded not reported. 

The first of April found Gen. Grant planted before 
the gates of Richmond — the rebel Capital. His veter- 
ans were about him. President Lincoln was at City 
Point, Virginia, and in constant communication with 
the Army and with Washington by telegraph. Lee 
with his veterans was at Petersburg and Richmond, 
determined to hold his position; but the fates were 
against him. The armies of conquest were within 
sight of the smoke of the chimneys of the rebel 
Capital, eager for the assault that should destroy the 
rebel pov 3r. The impetuous Sheridan was dashing 
his invincible cavalry, ten thousand strong, in the 
face of the enemy. Meade, Ord, Warren, Griffin, 
Humphreys, Gregg, Gibbs, Merritt, McKenzie, Win- 
throp. Mills, Crawford, and a host of others, had con- 
centrated their commands around Richmond and 
Petersburg, and it would seem as if the whole Army 
of the Republic was centered about the Capital of the 
Confederacy. The powerful armies of the Union were 
closing in upon the enemy. On the morning of the 
1st of April a general advance was ordered by Gen. 
Grant along the whole line, and as if by magic the 
whole force advanced. Sheridan was in his glory. 
He had under his immediate command about ten 
thousand veteran cavalry, and soon they began to in- 
flict terrible punishment upon the eneniy. Grant's 
forces, under the command of the veteran Corps Com- 
manders, moved steadily forward, and inch by inch 



352 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA, [Chap. 

jDushed the enemy at the point of the bayonet, who 
fell hack before the resistless forces of the Union, as 
if it were an avalanche. Throughout the entire day 
of the 2d, the contest had been stubborn and hard- 
fought; but each hour brought the soldiers of the 
Rej^ublic over new intrenchments and across the heapn 
of their slain comrades and of the enemy, and closer' 
to the heart of the rebel Capital. The sky was lurid 
with smoke and flame; and for miles around the rebel 
stronghold, the scene was fearfully destructive and 
appalling. Before 10 o'clock on the morning of the 
2d, Lee, who was in command of the rebel forces and 
who had lost over 10,000 of his men within the last 
two days, saw the hopelessness of his position, and at 
10 o'clock A.M., telegraphed from Petersburg to Jef- 
ferson Davis, at Riclmiond, who was at church, (it was 
Sunday,) the following message: "My lines are broken 
in three places ; Richmond must be evacuated this 
evening." The Slave Power luas now in the throes of death; 
the cold sweat of dissolution had enveloped the whole 
body — the jugular vein of treason was within reach of 
the iron grasp of Grant. Sheridan was lopping off 
its paralyzed limbs ; his fierce cavalry were trampling 
the rebel dead beneath their feet; the artillery were 
cutting broad gaps through the rebel ranks; the solid 
columns of Grant's infantry, with their glittering bay- 
onets, moved forward, tier after tier, like waves of the 
ocean, pouring their leaden rain of death upon the 
enemy; and now on they marched, banners waving, 
the fife and drum drowning the groans of the woinided 
and dying; the screeches of angry shells, as the}'- burst 
with terrible destruction, seemed to mock with reckless 
defiance the struggle of the suffering. Volleys of artil- 
lery boomed out their loud proclamations of victory, 



XX.] FALL OF RICHMOND. S53 

shaking the earth, from the surface of which, in the 
midst of the struggle of the mighty conflict, went up 
fitful flashes of flame and jets of smoke; more like a 
war of nature bursting from the angry breast of earth's 
caverns, than like the operations of an arm3^ 

The sacrifice of life was terrible; but the stake at 
issue was the life or death of American Nationality. 
The fate of the liberties of thirty millions of citizens 
of the Republic was at stake. The hope of freedom 
to the millions who were turning their eyes toward 
the banner of liberty, was in the scale. The fate of 
Republicanism throughout the world was at stake. 
The problem whether man is capable of self-govern- 
ment was on trial. The sovereignty of States, or, the 
sovereignty of the mass of the American people in 
their aggregate political capacity, was now being tested. 
Two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil, and of 
the blood and tears of the poor slave, were calling 
loudly for redress. Four millions of human beings 
lifted their manacled limbs and tearful faces toward 
the emblem of freedom — the fate of millions of their 
race yet unborn, and the fate of millions of the Anglo- 
Saxon and Celtic races, hung upon the issue — the fate 
of mankind seemed to hang upon a single thread. The 
banner of the Confederacy could be seen in the distance 
floating from the dome of the Capitol at Richmond. 
The armies of the auction block and scourge were 
bearing their heavy freight ; with one hand they thrust 
their sabres at the army of freedom, while with the 
other they pressed to their breasts the last relic of 
barbarism in the Republic. But the heat and burden 
of the day were heavy ; fainting and falling, they fought 
as they were driven back inch by inch; the burden 
was more than nature could endure; time and time 



354 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

again were they rallied by their commanders, and 
again and again did they struggle to hold their foot- 
ing, but with each struggle they grew feeble. It would 
seem as if heaven had opened its batteries of thunder 
and flame that now swept them down. Still, bleeding 
and exhausted, they clung to the banner upon which 
was inscribed the lash and the fetters. Their fire grew 
more ineffectual; the roar of their cannon was less 
distinct ; the calls of their leaders feeble and faltering ; 
their blows irregular and uncertain; the roll of their 
drums dull and muffled ; while the march of the army 
of the Union was firm, steady, and resistless. Their 
banners waved higher, and the galaxy of thirtj^-six stars 
was visible through the smoke and flame, like a heav- 
enly constellation; their martial music rolled up in 
inspiring strains; the shower of lead from their in- 
fantry, covered like a pall of death all before it; the 
bright sabres of the dashing cavalry-men cut sharp 
and deep; fiery steeds pawed at the clouds, and gal- 
loped over the storm, trampling beneath their hoofs 
the breasts of the slain; the shouts of the Union lead- 
ers, rallying their hosts, were only equaled by the 
thunder-tones of the loud and angry-mouthed can- 
non, which, joining in the chorus of the carnage scene, 
swelled loud the requiem of the slave power. And 
now the combined hosts of freedom, like a convulsion 
of nature, encircled the army of despotism, and with 
one mighty dash, sent the tremor of death tlu'ough 
the heart of the enemy, who with trappings of Pal- 
metto flags, State Rights, Compromise, Fugitive 
Slave Laws, manacle, scourge, and auction block, 
hung to its neck, with the jubilant shouts of the con- 
quering hosts, sank into the lap of oblivion forever; 
and flung upon its grave as a funeral pile from the 



XX.3 FALL OF RICHMOND. 355 

bright bayonets of the army of victory, were the 
shackles of four millions of slaves who now stood free 
— they and their children forever. From that hour, 
human Slavery in America was dead bej^'ond the hope 
of resurrection. 

But the enemy did not die without a violent strug- 
gle. The City of Richmond was not to be abandoned 
without the last fiendish acts of barbarity; and as the 
darkness of night of the 2d of April enveloped the 
city, and a lull in the conflict seemed to afford the 
citizens an opportunity to depart, Davis directed the 
evacuation of his Capital. 

The rebels, now driven in terrible fright from their 
stronghold, gathered their goods and ''chattels," old 
and young; the mother with her babe upon her breast, 
and the aged sire, joined in the proc3Ssion, which out- 
rivaled in wild disorder and reckless flight any scenes 
of ancient or modern times. Every species of vehicle, 
from artillery carriage, dray, truck, coach, hack, to 
wheelbarrow, witli every description of domestic ani- 
mal attached, not in the ordered pairs as they left 
ISToah's ark, but in strange companionship of species 
and sex, that lent a wild disorder and primitive aspect 
to a scene already fearfully incongruous and ludicrous, 
were pressed into the service of the escaping inhabitants. 
This suddenly improvised and strange-looking conglom- 
erated mass of animals, men, women, and children, of 
all ages, sexes, and colors, with boxes, trunks, bedding, 
clothing, all piled and scattered in reckless disorder, 
made its way towards the Danville depot. 

The banks were all open, depositors were calling 
for and receiving their money and then plunging into 
the throng ; hundreds of thousands of dollars of 
paper money were destroyed. Night was fast approach- 
ing — no eye was closed in Richmond that night; de- 

23 



356 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

stniction of property commenced; all liquors in the 
city were by order of the City Council destroyed; 
rivers of every kind of fluids mingled in floods, rush- 
ing through the gutters; reckless soldiers and others 
fell to supplying themselves with the exhilarating bev- 
erage, and from that moment disorder reigned supremo. 
The air was thick with the fumes of liquor, wild cries 
of despair were echoed back by the yells of frantic 
and drunken men, whose last physical strength was 
turned to breaking windows, and a general and rock- 
less destruction of everything before them. But the 
scene was not completed ; the fate of the rebel Capital 
was not yet come ; night was upon them, and an order 
came from the rebel General Ewell to hre the city. 
The torch was applied; all the principal warehouses, 
loaded Vv^ith all descriptions of merchandise and mili- 
tary stores, were on hre ; the flouring mills, the bridges 
leading out of the cit}^, and all the shipping were fn^ed. 
Rebel rams and naval ships were blown up or scuttled. 
The city was fired at several places, and as gray morn- 
ing broke from the east, dense volumes of smoke rested 
like an eclipse upon the sky. The roar of the confla- 
gration, mingled with the explosions of powdor and 
other combustibles, filled the air. The flames, reaching 
above the church steeples, seemed to lash their forked 
tongues against the clouds, revealing in the streets 
below the busy throng of escaping citizens and the 
riotous rabble, who, plunging tlirough smoke and flame, 
.ransacked the stores and houses, carrying their booty 
to places of safety, Jefferson Davis had left the city 
at 7 P.M., of the 2d, by the Danville railroad, together 
with the members of the Confederate Congress and 
other "officials." 

Gen. Weitzel, who was in command of the Union 



XX.] FALL OF RICHMOND. 357 

army immediately in front of Richmond, learned at 3 
o'clock on Monday morning, April 3d, that Richmond 
was being evacuated; and at the head of his troops 
marched into the city, which was surrendered without 
opposition. The Palmetto flag of the Confederacy was 
hauled down, and the stars and stripes floated from the 
dome of the rebel Capitol amid salvos and cheers from 
the patriot soldiers, whose four years of toil had been 
repaid by their seeing the inside of the Rebellion. 

General Weitzel, on entering Richmond, Monday, 
April 3d, 1865, telegraphed to Secretary Stanton as 
follows : 

" We took Eiclimond at 8: 15, this morning. I captured many 
guns. The enemy left in great baste. The city is on fire in one 
place; am making every effort to put it out. Gen. Grant started 
early this morning with the army, towards the Danville road, to 
cut off Lee's retreating army if possible. President Lincoln has 
gone to the front." 

President Lincoln, who had been at City Point, a 
few miles from the scene of action, on hearing of the 
fall of Richmond, started immediately for that city, 
where he arrived on the morning of the day after the 
capture ; he entered the city with his son. Commodore 
Porter, and a few sailors who rowed him to the wharf. 
They all started on foot, the President as unostenta- 
tious rs any of the company, and entirely unknown, 
save to his few companions; but soon his presence 
became known, and as he passed along the streets, the 
negroes, old and young, flocked about him, some 
laughing and bursting forth in wildest ecstacies of joy, 
exclaiming all kinds of blessings on the President, and 
clinging to him with tearful faces; and for the first 
time in their lives breathing the air of freedom, ex- 
claimed: "Glory to God! glory to God! glory, glory;" 



358 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

''I thank 3'ou, dear Jesus, that I behold President 
Linkum." "Bless de Lord! bless de Lord!" "May 
do good Lord bless you, President Linkum!" Mr. 
Lincoln raised his hat, and in silence, as if much 
affected, bowed as he passed on. He returned the 
same afternoon to Washington, and in a few days went 
back to Richmond, accompanied by Mrs. Lincoln, sev- 
eral Senators, and other friends. 

At Petersburg, the rebels were in strong force, and 
were driven from it on the same night that they evac- 
uated Richmond; and Leo and his vast army were in 
full flight, hotly pursued by Grant and Sheridan and 
the powerful army whose hearts swelled with joy, as 
they sped missiles of destruction after the flying foe. 
The news of these achievements was flashed through 
the land, and the loyal heart of America illuminated 
the whole country with bonfires — the funeral pile of 
the Slave Power in America. Lee was overtaken by 
his pursuers and brought to a halt. His power was 
spent, his faith was gone; hope had died out in his 
breast. The military chief of the age — he who had 
never faltered, he who had carried the old flao; from 
the far west through the broken ranks of the enemy, 
and had captured every stronghold in his march — Ulj^s- 
ses S. Grant, stood before him; the banner of freedom 
in the hands of his patriot host. He bade Robert E. 
Lee, the leader of the rebel forces surrender. The 
champion of State Rights bowed a reluctant acquies- 
cence, and the General of the Union army received 
the sword of Gen. Lee. This was done on April 9th, 
18G5. Lee's whole army of 26,000 men were made 
prisoners, and one hundred and seventy cannon, besides 
all the small arms, surrendered to Grant. 

The rebel Gen. Johnston and his army were also in 



XX.] SURRENDER OF THE REBEL ARMIES. 



359 



flight. He was pursued by the hero who ''marched 
from Atlanta to the sea," Gen. Wm. T. Sherman; and 
on the 26 ch of April, near Raleigh, North Carolina, 
the whole Confederate forces of the Rebel Gen. John- 
ston were surrendered to Sherman, upon the same terms 
as Lee's army was surrendered to Grant. 29,924 men, 
and 180 cannon, and all the small arms; beside these,' 
large numbers of prisoners and guns had been taken 
by Grant and Sherman, during the march against the 
enemy. 

The surrend-r of Dick Taylor and the rebel fleet, 
on the 9th of May, and the surrender of Kirby Smith,' 
with 20,000 men and 150 cannon, on the 26th of May' 
1865, closed the Rebellion. 

" Transportation and subsistence to be furnished at 
public cost for the officers and men after surrender, to 
the nearest practical point to their homes," was 'ac- 
corded to the rebel armies, which was done immedi- 
ately. 

Lee and his forces being put to flight, and Grant 
with his victorious army in vigorous pursuit, anxious 
to stay the further eff*usion of blood and the destruc- 
tion of property, and seeing the evident fiite of Lee 
and his army, on the 7th of April sent him the follow- 
ing letter, which resulted in the further correspond- 
ence here given, ending with the surrender of Lee and 
his entire army. 

" April 7tli. 
"Gen. R. E. Lee, Commander Confederate States Armies: 

"General~The result of the last week must .convince you of 
the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army 
of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I feel that it is so and 
regard it as my duty to shift from myself the responsibility of 
any further effusion of blood, by asking of you the surrender of 



30O REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

that portion of the C. S. Army known as the Army of Northern 
Virginia. 

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"U. S. Grant, 
" Lieut. -Gen. Commanding Armies of the U. States." 

"April 7th. 
" To Lieut.-Gen. U. S. Grant, Comm nding Armies of the 
United States: 
"General — I have received your note of this date. Though 
not entirely of the opinion you express of the hopelessness of 
further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia, 
I reciprocate your desire to avoid useless effusion of blood, and 
therefore, before considering your proposition, ask the terms 
you will offer, on condition of its surrender. 

"R. E. Lee, General."- 

"April 8th. 
" To Gen. E. E. Lee, Commanding Confederate States Army: 

" General-^Y onr note of last evening, in reply to mine of 
same date, asking the conditions on which I will accept the sur- 
render of the Army of Northern Virginia, is just received. In 
reply, I would say, that peace being my first desire, there is but 
one condition that I insist upon, viz: 

" That the men surrendered shall be disqualified for taking up 
arms against the Government of the United States until properly 
exchanged. 

"I will meet you, or designate officers to meet any officers 

you may name for the same purpose, at anj'' point agreeable to 

you, for the purpose of arranging definitely the terms upon which 

the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia will be received. 

" Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"U. S. Grant, 
" Lieut.-Gen. Commandine" Armies of the U. States." 

"April 8th. 
" To Lieut.-Gen. Grant, Commanding Armies of the United 
States : 
"General — I received at a late hour your note of to-day, in 
answer to mine of yesterday. I did not intend to propose the 
surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, but to ask the 
terms of jour proposition. To be frank, I do not think the 



XX.] CORRESPONDENCE BETAVEEN GRANT AND LEE. 3G1 

emergency has arisen to call for the surrender. But as the res- 
toration of peace should be the sole object of all, I desire to 
know whether your proposals would tend to thfit end. 

" I cannot, therefore, meet you with a view to surrender the 
Army of Northern Virginia, but so far as your proposition may 
affect the Confederate States forces under my command, and 
lead to the restoration of peace, I should be pleased to meet you 
at 10 A.M. to-morrow, on the old stage-road to Richmond, between 
the picket lines of the two armies. 

" Very respectfully your obedient servant, 

"R. E. Lee, 
" General Confederate States Armies." 

"April 8th. 
" Gen. R. E. Lee, Commanding Confederate States Armies: 

"General — Your note of yesterday is received. As I have no 
authority to treat on the subject of peace, the meeting proposed 
for 10 A.M. to-day, could lead to no good, I will state, however, 
General, that I am equally anxious for peace with yourself, and 
the whole North entertain the same feeling. The terms upon 
which peace can be had are well understood. By the South 
laying down their arms they will hasten that most desirable 
event, save thousands of human lives, and hundreds of millions 
of property not yet destroyed. 

" Sincerely hoping that all our dijB&culties may be settled 
without the loss of another life, I subscribe myself, 
"Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"U. S. Geant, Lieut.-Gen. U. S. A." 

" April 9th, 1865. 
"General — I received your note of this morning on the picket 
line, whither I had come to meet you and ascertain definitely 
what terms were embraced in your proposition of yesterday with 
reference to the surrender of this army. 

" I now request an interview in accordance with the offer con- 
tained in your letter of yesterday for that purpose. 

" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,. 

"R. E. Lee, General. 
** To Lieut.-Gen. Grant, Commanding U. S. Armies," 

"April 9th. 
** Gen. R. E. Lee, Commanding Confederate States Armies: 
" Your note of this date is but this moment (11 :50 a.m.) re- 



362 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

ceived. In consequence of my having i^assed from tlie Rich- 
mond and Lynchburg- road to the Farmville and Lynchburg 
road, I am at this writing about four miles weso of V.'alter's 
Church, and will push forward to the front for the purpose of 
meeting you. 

" Notice sent to me on this road where you wish the interview 
to take place will meet me. 

" Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"U. S. Grant, Lieut.-Gen." 

" Appomattox Couet House, April 9th. 
" Gen. R. E. Lee, Commanding Confederate States Armies: 

" In accordance with the substance of my lettor to you of the 
8th instant, I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of 
Northern Virginia on the following terms, to wit: 

"Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate, 
one copy to be given to an officer designated by me, the other 
to be retained by such officers as you may designate. 

" The officers to give their individual paroles not to take arms 
against the United States until properly exchanged, and each 
company or regimental commander sign a like parole for the 
men of their commands. 

"The arms, artillery, and public property' to be packed and 
stacked, and turned over to the officers appointed by me to 
receive them. This will not embrace the side-arms of the offi- 
cers, nor their private horses or baggage. 

" This done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to 

their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so 

long as they observe their parole and the laws in force where 

they maj' reside. 

" Very respectful!}-, 

"U. S. GpvAnt, Lieut-Gen." 

" Head-Quarteks Army of Northern Va., April 9th, 18G5. 
"Lieut.-Gen. U. S. Grant, Commanding U. S. Armies: 

" General — I have received your letter of this date, containing 
the terms of surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, as 
proposed by you; as they are substantially the same as those 
expressed in your letter of the 8th instant, they are accepted. I 
will proceed to designate the proper officers to carry the stipula- 
tions into effect. 

' ' Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"R. E. Lee, General." 



XX.] SURRENDER OF LEE. 363 

At U P.M. of the 9th of April, 18G5, the Articles 
of Capitulation were signed, and Lee'iS ui my was re- 
ceived as prisoners of war. Before the surrender, 
Lee's army being cut off from all supplies and joursued 
by the Federal forces, rendered his position most des- 
perate. The following description of his flight, made 
by an e_ye-witness, will give the reader a pretty clear 
idea of the circumstances which led to his surrender, 
and the eminent peril which awaited the Conf3derate 
forces : 

" Those foragers who returned to Lee brought little or nothing 
with tliem. The suffering of the men from the pangs of hunger 
has not been approached in the military annals of the past fifty 
years. But the suffering of the mules and horses must have been 
even keener; for the men assuaged their cravings by plucking 
the buds and twigs of trees just shooting in the early spring, 
whereas the grass had not yet started from its wintry sleep, and 
food for the ur happy quadrupeds there was none. As early as 
the morning of the 6th, Lee sent off half his artillery toward the 
railroad, to relieve the famished horses. The artillery, making 
slow progress, thanks to the exhaustion of the horses, was cap- 
tured by the Federals on the 8th. 

'* It is easy to see that the locomotion of an army in such a 
plight must have been slew and slower. The retreat was con- 
ducted in the following fashion: About midnight the Confeder- 
ates slipped out of their hasty works, which they had thrown up 
and held during the previous day, and fell back until 10 or 12 
o'clock the next morning. Then they halted, and immediately 
threw up earth-works for their protection during the day. It was 
not long before the wolves were again on their heels, and from 
their earth-works the Confederates exchanged a heavy fire with 
their pursuers throughout the day. Delayed with the necessity 
of guarding an ammunition train from thirty-five to forty miles 
in length, enfeebled by hunger and sleeplessness, the retreating 
army was only able to make ten miles each night. The delay 
enabled the active Sheridan to get ahead with his cavalry, and 
to destroy the depots of provisions along the railroad between 
Burkvllle and Danville. Upon the 5th, many of the mules and 
horses had ceased to struggle. It became necessary to burn hun- 



364 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

dreds of wagons. At intervals the enemy's cavalry dashed in, and 
struck the interminable ammunition train here and there, captur- 
ing and burning dozens upon dozens of wagons. Toward evening 
of the 5th, and all day on the 6th, hundreds of men dropped 
from exhaustion, and thousands let fall their muskets from ina- 
bility to carry them any further. 

'*The scenes of the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th, were of a nature 
which can be apprehended in its vivid reality only by men who 
are thoroughly familiar with the harrowing details of war. Be- 
hind, and on either flank, an ubiquitous and increasingly adven- 
turous enemy — every mud-hole and every rise in the road choked 
with blazing wagons — the air filled with the deafening reports 
of ammunition exploding, and shells bursting when touched by 
the flames — dense columns of smoke ascending to heaven from 
the burning and exploding vehicles — exhausted men, worn-out 
mules and horses, lying down side by side — gaunt famine glar- 
ing hopelessly from sunken, lack-lustre eyes — dead mules, dead 
horses, dead men everywhere — death, many times welcomed as 
God's blessing in disguise — who can wonder if many hearts, 
tried in the fiery furnace of four years' unparalleled suflering, 
and never hitherto found wanting, should have quailed in pres- 
ence of starvation, fatigue, sleeplessness, misery — uuintermitted 
for five or six days, and culminating in hopelessness ? 

"Yet there were not wanting occasional episodes which recalled 
something of the old pride of former memories, and rem'aided 
men that this hunted, famished crowd was still the same army 
that had won two Bull Buns, which had twice (in j)ursuit of 
a fatal policy) trodden its enemy's soil, and had written Fred- 
ericksburg, Chancellorsville, and a dozen other names upon its 
banners. 

"The reader will have gathered that when Gen. Lee found 
his depots along the Danville road destroyed by Sheridan, he 
had no alternativ3 but to make for Lynchburg. He still hoped 
to get rations and to turn suddenly ujoon Grant, whose army was 
dispersed into many columns. The fatigue of the pursuit, though 
unaggravated by famine, was beginning to tell upon the pur- 
suers. But in pressing for Lynchburg, Lee found himself in a 
dangerous predicament. He was on a strip of land, not more 
than seven or eight miles broad, between the James and Appo- 
mattox Bivers. On the afternoon of the 7th, Lee's situation 
seemed so unpromising, that Grant, for the first time, sent to 



XX.] SURRENDER OF LEE. 365 

propose surrender. Lee at once replied tlifit his circumstances 
did not seem to him such as to justify his entertaining such 
a proposal. On the morning of the 8th, Grant renewed his 
solicitations. Lee did not decline, but debated the matter, call- 
ing a council of war in the evening. No determination was 
arrived at on the 8th, and at midnight the usual dreary retreat 
was resumed. The springs of energy and will, unstrung by long 
want of food, had run down in the men like the machinery of a 
broken clock. Hitherto the retreat had been covered by Long- 
street and Gordon alternately, but now the Federal force, which 
had got ahead of Lee and was obstructing his retreat, had become 
so considerable that Gordon was thrown out with 2,000 men in 
front, while Longctreet, whose pluck neither hunger, nor fatigue 
nor depression could abate, or subdue, still covered the rear. 

" At daybreak on the 9th, a courier from Gordon announced 
to Lee that a large body of Federal cavalry (in other words, 
Sheridan's army) was across the road at Appomattox Court 
House. At the same moment a heavy force of infantry under 
Grant was pushing Longstreet vigorously in the rear. Between 
Longstreet and Gordon were the remaining wagons, and cling- 
ing to them thousands of unarmed and famished stragglers too 
weak to carry their muskets. Lee sent orders to Gordon to cut 
his way through, coide qu'il coute. Presently came another cou- 
rier from Gordon, announcing that the enemy was driving him 
back. Leo had at this moment less than 30,000 men with mus- 
kets at their hands. The fatal moment had indisputably come. 
Hastily donning his best uniform, and buckling on his sword, 
which it was never his fashion to wear. Gen. Lee turned sadly 
to the rear, to seek the final interview with Gen. Grant. 

" There is no passage of history in this war which will, for 
years to come, be more honorably mentioned and gratefully 
remembered than the demeanor on the 9th of April, 1865, of 
Gen. Grant toward Gen. Lee. I do not so much allude to the 
facility with which honorable terms were accorded to the Con- 
federates, as to the bearing of Gen. Grant and the "officers about 
him toward Gen. Lee. The interview was brief. Three com- 
missioners uj)on either side were immediately appointed. The 
agreement to which these six commissioners acceded is known. 

"In the mean time, immediately that Gen. Lee was seen 
riding to the rear, dressed more gaily than usual and begirt with 
his sword, the rumor of immediate surrender flew like wild-fire 



366 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Oliap. 

through the Confederates. It might be iraagined that an army, 
which had drawn its last regular rations on the 1st of April, and 
harassed incessantly by night and day, had been marching and 
lighting until the morning of the 9th, would have welcomed 
anything like a termination of its sufferings, let it come in what 
form it might. Let those who idly imagine that the finer feel- 
ings are the prerogative of what are called the ' upper classes,' 
learn from this and similar scenes to appreciate ' common men.' 
As the great Confederate captain rode back from his interview 
with Gen. Grant, the news of the surrender acquired shape and 
consistency, and could no longer be denied. The effect on the 
worn and battered troops — some of whom had fought since 
April, 18G1, and (sparse survivors of hecatombs of fallen com- 
rades) had passed unscathed through such hurricanes of shot as 
within four years no other men had ever experienced — passes 
mortal description. 

" Whole lines of battle rushed up to their beloved old chief, 
and, choking with emotion, broke ranks and struggled with each 
other to wring him once more by the hand. Men who had fought 
throughout the war, and knew what the agony and humiliation of 
that moment must be to him, strove with a refinement of unself- 
ishness and tenderness which he alone could fully appreciate, to 
lighten his burden and mitigate his pain. With tears pouring 
down his cheek. Gen. Lee at length commanded voice enough 
to say: ' Men, we have fought through the war together. I have 
done the best that I could for you.' Not an eye that looked on 
that scene was dry. Nor was this the emotion of sickly senti- 
mentalists, but of rough and rugged men, familiar with hard- 
ships, danger, and death in a thousand shapes, mastered by 
sympathy aiid feeling for another what they never experienced 
on their own account." 

The whole number of troops raised by the Union, 
during the war, was 2,688,523, and the number in 
service, or on the lists of enrollment, on May 1st, 1865, 
at the close of the war, was 1,000,516, which was at 
once reduced to a peace footing of 50,000, of all arms. 
During the war there were 5,221 commissioned officers 
and 90,868 men fell dead in battle, or died of wounds 
received in actual service. Besides these, 2,324 com- 



XX.] FORCES ENGAGED AND LOSSES. 3G7 

missioned officers and 182,329 men died from disease 
or accident, making an aggregate of 379,828 who fell 
in the cause of Liberty, in the service of the Union 
arm}', during the war. This does not include the thou- 
sands who died, after leaving the army, from wounds 
and disease received and contracted there. Ab Ait one- 
tenth of the male population of the 22,027,027 people 
from whom the Union armies were drawn — that being 
the population of the twenty-five loyal States in 1860 — 
participated in the subduing of the Rebellion ; and 
about one-tenth of all enlisted died, or were slain in 
the service. There were 180,000 black soldiers in the 
Union armies, of whom 29,298 were slain or died in 
the service. Mortality from disease was much greater 
among the blacks than among the whites ; no doubt 
their exposure was greater. 

On the rebel side the aggregate mustered into their 
armies was much smaller than the Union forces. Thoy 
had, in 1860, in the eleven seceded States 6,449,463 
white inhabitants, and a population of 3,607,467 
negroes, a few of whom were free. Thus they had a 
total population of 9,056,930, of all classes, from which 
to draw their armies; while the North had 22,027,627. 
At this date there were oidy 1 ,841,990 more whites than 
blacks in the eleven seceded States. With the great 
facilities of the North for supplying and maintaining 
an army, and supplying and keeping afloat a navy 
that could completely cut off all supply from without 
from the rebels; the great odds in their favor of the 
number of men, and all the foreign immigration coming 
to the ports of the Free States, it was a physical impos- 
sibility for the South to long conthiue war against the 
North, and time alone was waiting to bring the day, 
when complete exhaustion, or absolute annihilation, 



368 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

would leave the rebel army a thing only known of the 
past. 

The losses on the side of the rebels, from insuffi- 
ciencies in hospital comfort and the heavy losses in the 
field, are computed to be about as great as those of the 
Union armies. This being so, there must have been at 
least 700,000 slain and died of disease in the armies 
of both sides, to say nothing of the thousands who have 
died since leaving the armies, with wounds and dis- 
eases contracted while there, and those permanently 
crippled. These classes are not less than 440,000 — 
making at least 1,200,000 human beings sacrificed on 
the altar of the Slave Power and State Rights; to say 
nothing of the untold treasure expended, the great 
national debt incurred, the burdensome taxation im- 
posed, the sad trials and unrequited grief and misery 
of the friends of the dead, and the national sorrow 
that lingers in every household. North and South, 
where the tears and sighs of the widow and orphan are 
uttered in silent despair. At whose feet this awful 
spectacle must rest, let the impartial reader of these 
pages be the judge. 

The great facility with which the vast armies of the 
Nation were disposed of at the close of the war, and 
the peaceful order in which they returned to their 
homes and friends, to mingle in the peaceful pursuits 
of business and pleasure, is an example of the peculiar 
features of American Republicanism, which, in time of 
peace, so harmoniously adapts the conditions of its cit- 
izens to the business and social relations of the country, 
that no individual class can maintain a distinctive char- 
acter ; but, in the great march of social equality and 
progressive liberty, the soldier of to-daj^ is the civilian 
of to-morrow, and the civilian of to-day is the soldier 
of to-morrow. 



XX.] Sherman's faeewell to his soldiers. 3G9 

The vast armies of the Republic, as they stood be- 
fore the hosts of the enemy, at the close of the war, 
will doubtless never again be called to meet a foe upon 
A'£ierican soil. The fast passing events must, in the 
course of nature, soon seriously deplete their ranks; 
but so long as they live they will be the sentinels^ who, 
standing upon the pinnacles of our mountain heights, 
will sound aloud the first notes of alarm, should dan- 
ger from within or without threaten that liberty which 
is the highest pride and the dearest boon of every 
American. 

The parting salutations of the two militaiy cham- 
pions of the age, on taking leave of their victorious 
armies, are here given; the sentiments they contain 
will be held dear by every lover of freedom while 
human liberty has an advocate on earth: 

" Head-Quarteks Middle Div. of the Mississippi, In the Field, ) 
Washington, D. C, May 30th, 1865. j 

"Special Order No. 67. 

"The General Commanding announces to the Armies of the 
Tennessee and Greorgia that the time has come for us to part. 
Our work is done, and armed enemies no longer defy us. Some 
of you will be retained in service until further orders ; and 
now, that we are about to separate, to mingle with the civil 
world, it becomes a pleasing duty to recall to mind the situation 
of national affairs when, but a little more than a year a"-o, we 
■were gathered a out the twining cliffs of Lookout Mountain, 
and all the future was wrapped in doubt and uncertainty. Three 
armies had come together, from distant fields, with separate 
histories, yet bound by one common cause — the union of our 
country and the perpetuation of the Government of our inherit- 
ance. There is no need to recall to your memories Tunnel Hill, 
with its Rocky Face Mountain, and Buzzard Roost Gap, with 
the ugly forts of Diilton behind. We were in earnest, and paused 
not for danger and difficulty, but dashed through Snake Creek 
Gap and fell on Resaca; then on to the Etowah, to Dallas, to 
Kenezaw, and the heats of summer found us on the banks of the 



370 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Clicattalioocliee, far from home and dependent on a single road 
for supplies. Again we were not to be held back by any obstacle, 
and crossed over and fought four heavy battles for the possession 
of the citadel of Atlanta. That was the crisis of our history. 
A doubt still clouded our future; but we solved the problem and 
destroyed Atlanta, struck boldly across the State of Georgia, 
secured all the main arteries of life to our enemy, and Christmas 
found us at Savannah. Waiting there only long enough to fill 
our wagons, we again began a march, which for peril, labor and 
results will compare with any ever made by an organized army. 
The floods of the Savannah, the swamps of the Combahee and 
Edisto, the high hills and the rocks o the Santee, the flat quag- 
mires of the Pedee and Cape Fear Rivers, were all passed in 
midwinter, with its floods and rains, in the face of an accumulat- 
ing enemy; and, after the battles of Averysboro and Bentonville^ 
we once more came out of the wilderness to meet our friends at 
Goldsboro. Even then we paused only long enough to get new 
clothing, to reload our wagons, and again pushed on to Raleigh 
and beyond, until we met our enemy, suing for jDeace instead 
of war, and offering to submit to the injured laws of his and our 
country. As long as that enemy was defiant, nor mountains, 
nor rivers, nor swamps, nor hunger, nor cold, had checked us; 
but when he who had fought us hard and persistently offered 
submission, your General thought it wrong to jDursue him 
further, and negotiations followed, which resulted, as you all 
know, in his surrender. How far the operations of the army 
have contributed to the overthrow of the Confederacy, to tho 
peace which now dawns on us, must be judged by others, not by 
us. But that you have done all that men could do has been ad- 
mitted by those in authority; and we have a right to join in the 
universal joy that fills our land, because the war is over, and our 
Government stands vindicated before the world by the joint ac- 
tion of the volunteer armies of the United States. 

"To such as remain in the military service, your General need 
only remind you that successes in the past are due to hard work 
and discipline, and that the same work and discii^line are equally 
important in the future. To such as go home, he will only say, 
that our favored country is so grand, so extensive, so diversified 
in climate, soil, and productions, that every man may surely find 
a home and occupation suited to his tastes; and none should 
yield to the natural impotence sure to result from our past life 



XX.] graj^t's farewell to the armies. 371 

of excitement and adventure. You will be invited to seek new 
adventure abroad, but do not yield to the temptation, for it will 
only lead to death and disappointment, 

" Your General now bids you all farewell, with the full belief 
that, as in war you have been good soldiers, so in peace you will 
make good citizens; and if, unfortunately, new war should rise 
in our country^ Sherman's Army will be the first to buckle on 
the old armor and come forth to defend and maintain the Gov- 
ernment of our inheritance and choice. 

"Bv order of Major-General W. T. Sheeman. 

"L. M. Dayton, Assistant Adjutant-General." 

At a later period, the following address was issued 
by Lieut.-General Grant to all the Armies of the Re- 
public ; 

" General Oeders No. 108. 
""War Department, Adjutant-General's Office,) 
" Washington, D. C, June 2d, 1865. I 

"Soldiers of the Armies of the United States: 

"Byj'our patriotic devotion to your country in the hour of 
danger and alarm, jour magnificent fighting, bravery and endur- 
ance, you have maintained the supremacy of the Union and the 
Constitution, overthrown all armed opposition to the enforce- 
ment of the laws and the proclamations forever abolishing 
Slavery — the cause and pretext of the Rebellion — and opened the 
way to the rightful authorities to restore order and inaugurate 
peace on a permanent and enduring basis on every foot of Amer- 
ican soil. Your marches, sieges, and battles, in distance, dura- 
tion, resolution, and brilliancy of results, dim the lustre of the 
world's past military achievements, and will be the patriot's 
precedent in defense of liberty and right in all time to come. In 
obedience to your country's call, you left your homes and fami- 
lies and volunteered in its defense. Victory has crowned your 
valor, and secured the purpose of your jiatriotic hearts; and with 
the gratitude of your countrymen and the highest honors a great 
and free Nation can accord, you will soon be permitted to return 
to your homes and families, conscious of having discharged the 
highest duty of American citizens. To achieve these glorious 
triumphs and secure to yourselves, your fellow countrymen, and 
posterity the blessings of free institutions, tens of thousands of 

24 



372 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

your gallant comrades have fallen and sealed the priceless legacy 
with their lives. The graves of these, a grateful Nation bedews 
with tears, honors their memories, and will ever cherish and 
support their stricken families. 

" U. S. Grant, Lieut. -General." 

Jefferson Davis, President of the Southern Confed- 
eracy, who had in company with other officials evacu- 
ated Richmond, on the afternoon of Sunday, April 2d, 
had made his way by railroad to Danville, Isorth Car- 
olina, where, on the 5th of April, he established his 
Government, and issued the following appeal to his 
people: 

" Danville, Va., April 5th, 1865. 

"The General-in-Chief found it necessary to make such 
movements of his troops as to uncover the Capital. It would 
be unwise to conceal the moral and material injury to our cause 
resulting from the occupation of our Capital by the enemy. It is 
equally unwise and unworthy of us to allow our energies to fal- 
ter and our efforts to become relaxed under adverses, however 
calamitous they may be. 

" For many months the largest and finest Army of the Con- 
federacy, under command of a leader whose presence inspires 
equal confidence in the troops and the people, has been greatly 
trammeled by the necessity of keeping constant watch over the 
approaches to the Capital, and has thus been forced to forego 
more than one opportunity for promising enterprise. It is for 
us, my countrymen, to show by our bearing under reverses how 
wretched has been the self-deception of those who have believed 
us less able to endure misfortunes with fortitude than to en- 
counter dangers with courage. 

" We have now entered upon a new phase of the struggle. 
Relieved from the necessity of guarding particular points, our 
army will be free to move from point to point to strike the 
enemy in detail far from his base. Let us but will it and we 
are free. 

* ' Animated by that confidence in sj)irit and fortitude which 
never yet failed me, I announce to you, fellow countrymen, that 
it is my purpose to maintain your cause with my whole heart 
and soul — that I will never consent to abandon to the enemy 



XX.] DAVIs' APPEAL TO HIS SUBJECTS. 



o / o 



one foot of the soil of any one of the States of the Confederacy. 
That Virginia— noble State— whose ancient renown has been 
eclipsed by her still more glorious recent history; whose bosom 
has been bared to receive the main shock of this war; whose sons 
and daughters have exhibited heroism so sublime as to render 
her illustrious in all time to come— that Virginia, with the help 
of the people and by the blessing of Providence, shall be held 
and defended, and no peace ever be made with the infamous in- 
vaders of her territory. 

" If, by the stress of numbers, we should ever be compelled to 
a temporary withdrawal from her limits, or those of any other 
Border State, again and again will we return, until the baffled 
and exhausted enemy shall abandon in despair his endless and 
impossible task of making slaves of a people resolved to be free. 

"Let us, then, not despond, my countrymen, but relying on 
God, meet the foe with fresh defiance and with unconquered 
and unconquerable hearts. 

"Jefitekson Davis." 

The new phase of which Davis spoke, upon which 
the people of the Confederacy had entered, was evi- 
dently not the i^A«5e through which himself and the 
whole army of the seceded States were passing. Lee's 
telegram to him at Richmond, on April 2d, apprised 
him that that city, and also Petersburg, must be evac- 
uated at once; and as he left the rebel Capital, and as 
the Union army entered, all communication was cut 
off between Jiimself and the Confederate Army; and 
as he indicated, he was still hopeful that the South- 
ern armies, even detached and cut off from all reo-ular 
sources of supply, could keep up a protracted warfare; 
and, in the hope of meeting Lee, or some of the lead- 
ing Generals of his armies at his new head-quarters, he 
remained for several days at Danville. He would not 
he said, '^ abandon a foot of the soil of any one of the 
States of the Confederacy to the 'infamous invaders' 
of her territory." He appealed loudly to ''the ancient 



374 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

renown of Virginia," "whose hosom has been bared to 
receive the main shock of the war." How well she 
received it may be learned from a perusal of a preced- 
ing portion of this chapter. His declara'don, that if 
they should be driven from the Confederacy, thc.t they 
should again and again return, has been verified by the 
reign of terror instituted by his followers throughout 
the conquered States, and their assumption to regain 
possession of the reins of Government and institute a 
system of Slavery among those made free by the opera- 
tions of the war. 

On the 10th of April the startling news of the fall 
of Richmond and surrender of Lee reached Davis, who, 
thinking the tenure of his location too uncertain even 
for personal safety, packed the Government of the 
Confederacy in a carpet-bag, and posted off by rail for 
Greensboro, North Carolina. Here he halted to await 
events, his faithful Postmaster-General, Mr. Reagan, 
and a few other officials still with him. The Govern- 
ment w^as set up in the cars, where the President and 
his Cabinet kept watch through the weary night. The 
thing was growing slim. The Confederacy had shrunk 
from its once proud proportions to the collapsed inte- 
rior of a dusty carpet-bag. But the institution was 
doomed to a still further contraction. On the lOth 
of April the news of the surrender of Gen. Johnston's 
Army to Gen. Sherman had reached him, and Greens- 
boro, like Danville, must now be abandoned. But his 
flight must be slow, for Gen. Stoneman's force had cut 
off his retreat by destroying the railroads. A move- 
ment must be made, so the "President" and the 
"faithful" hurried the Government into a wagon and 
started upon their pilgrimage to Charlotte, North Car- 
olina. Here the weary Executive and suite were 



XX.] FLIGHT AND CAPTURE OF DAVIS. 375 

kindly received by his subjects, and the Government 
was taken from the carpet-bag to get an airing. The 
company rested for a few days, but their repose was 
doomed to arrest, for soon the news of the approach 
of General Stoneinan's cavalry brought the President 
to another change of base ; so the carpet-bag was again 
sought for, but its contents were fast evaporating. 
Wagon was too slow now — fast horses were necessary. 
Soon the President and his officials were mounted, the 
Government was hung to the pummel of Davis' saddle, 
who surrounded by 2,000 cavalry, started at full speed, 
headed southward by way of Yorkville and Abbieville, 
South Carolina. On the 4th of May the remnant of 
the Presidential escort, which had dwindled down to 
a few dozen persons, together with the President, ar- 
rived at Washington, Georgia. Here the sack con- 
taining the Government was snatched from the saddle 
of the foaming steed. Davis unlocked it, and peering 
in, failed to discover its contents with the naked eye, 
and in a burst of agony dropped from his nervous fin- 
gers the unsubstantial fabric of the Southern Confed- 
eracy, and again headed SoittJi in search of happiness 
where it could be cheaper and more abundantly ob- 
tained. 

Davis' family, who up to this time had accompanied 
him, were now separated from him, and were in pos- 
session of a considerable amount of money. Fearing 
that the safety of his funds was in danger, Davis has- 
tened to join his family, and with the aid of a few 
friends, pitched their gypsy tent in the woods, a little 
distance from the village of Irwinsville, Georgia. Qqxi. 
Wilson, of the Union Army, hearing of the escape 
southward of Davis, dispatched two companies of cav- 
alry ill pursuit — the first Wisconsin, under Lieut.-Col. 



376 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

Harden, and fourth Michigan, under Lieut. -Col. 
Pritchad. The cavalry started upon their important 
mission. Pritchad at last, on the 10th of May, struck 
the rebel trail which led him to the "last ditch." 
Here in the gray of mori^ing he surprised and captured 
Mr. Davis, his wife, and children, and his wife's sister. 
At this juncture a melancholy affair occurred. The 
two companies of cavalry in pursuit had taken oppo- 
site directions, and meeting at this point while it was 
yet too early in the morning to distinguish each other, 
and mistaking one another for enemies, commenced 
an engagement. Two men were killed, and several 
wounded. The mistake was soon discovered, how- 
ever. Davis, now a prisoner, was dispatched to For- 
tress Monroe, where he was closely confined for some 
time, but was subsequently released on bail that he 
would appear before the United States Courts for trial 
upon two charges found against him by indictment — 
one for treason, the other for complicity in the assas- 
sination of President Lincoln. 

More than three years have elapsed since the arrest 
of Mr. Davis to the present time, and he is still at 
large, without having had a trial. Alexander H. 
Stephens, Yice-President of the Confederacy, had been 
captured in Georgia ; and he, with the rebel Post- 
master-General Reagan, captured with Davis, were 
sent to Fort TVarren, Boston harbor, from which they 
were, a few months after, released on parole. 

The stories circulated about Mr. Davis' attempting 
to escape in female attire are much exaggerated. Being 
aroused at early morning, he hurriedly put on his boots, 
and with a loose wrapper about him, in which he had 
slept, started to the tent door. Mrs. Davis, fastening 
his wrapper about him, followed him to the door, and 



XX.] FLIGHT AND CAPTURE OF DAVIS. 377 

bade tiim go towards the spring, where were his horse 
and his arms. Ee complied; and as he was leaving 
the door, Miss Howell threw a shawl over his head. 
This he did not attempt to remove, as there was now 
no time to be lost; so in this attire he made his way 
hastily towards his horse. These articles are believed, 
upon good authority, to be all pertaining to female 
attire upon Mr. Davis. Doubtless his appearance, 
with his long robe down to his feet, girdled about 
him, and a shawl thrown over his head, was well cal- 
culated to lead to the belief that he was disguised 
as a female; but it is very doubtful if any such inten- 
tion had entered his mind, however the contrary might 
be among those about him. 



ClIAPTIilR XXI. 

EKTHUSIA.S5r AT THE FALL OF tiich;MOND.— ASSASSINATION OF AliRAHAM 
LINCOLN. — ATTE:\rPT TO MURDER W. II. SEWARD. — ANDREW JOHNSON 
SWORN IN PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.— CAPTURE OF EOOTU, THE 
ASSASSIN OF LINCOLN.— CAPTURE OF THE OTHER CONSPIRATORS.— TRIAL 
AND SENTENCE OF.— REWARDS OFFERED FOR JEFFERSON DA\7S, JACOB 
THOMPSON, CLEMENT C. CLAY, BEVERLY TUCKER, GEO. N. SANDERS, AND 
W. C CLEARY. 

President Lincoln, on the 24th of March, 1865, had 
f^one to City Point, a few miles from Petersburg and 
Richmond, Virginia, to witness the grand attack on 
the rebel Capital. Grant had kept up continuous tel- 
egraphic reports to him daring the siege of Peters- 
burg and Richmond. Mr. Lincoln arrived at Richmond 
on the 4th of April, the day after its fall, remained a 
short time, and returned soon again, as has been 
already stated in the preceding chapter. 

He returned to Washington on Sunday, April 9th, 
the day of Lee's surrender. The news of the sur- 
render of Lee reached Washington about the same 
time that Mr. Lincoln did, and caused another burst 
of rejoicing throughout the land. All the cities and 
villages in the Free States were illuminated. Wash- 
ington City was a scene of joy never witnessed before. 
The fall of Richmond, and the brilliant achievements 
of Grant and Sheridan and their soldiers, had wrought 
the public feeling up to a pitch of enthusiasm beyond 
description. 

The friends of the Executive were now highly 
elated. Years of patient toil of the arni}^, in wliich 
they had made so many sacrifices and gained so many 



XXI.] JOY OVER THE DEFEAT OE THE REBELS. 379 

brilliant victories, were now crowned by success com- 
plete and permanent. The long and painful night of 
suspense, suffering, and mourning of tlio Nation, was 
at last ended ; and the indomitable energy and un- 
interrupted watchfulness of ]\Ir. Lincoln had all been 
repaid. He had the pleasure of entering the rebel 
Capital tlie day after its fall, and gazing upon the 
charred walls of the city of treason. He saw the smoke 
from its ruins mingle with the clouds; and the flames 
from the last funeral pile of the Slave Power in vVnier- 
ica illuminate the path of the bondman from the night 
of Slavery, into the morning of blessed freedom, and be- 
held the symbol of Liberty — the flag of his country — 
floating where, for four years, the rebel flag had held un- 
interrupted sway. The heart of the mighty enemy was 
crushed, and America was free. The great problem of 
human liberty, and the capacity of man for self-gov- 
ernment, had been solved by the terrible arbitrament 
of the sword. The sacrifice had been great, but the 
victory and its fruits were not to be garnered in a day; 
their results were the liberties of millions yet unborn. 
And as the magnitude of the victory stood before the 
humane Lincoln, his great soul rejoiced and praised 
God. How little did he dream of the tragic fate so 
close upon him. Already the bullet that was to pierce 
his brain, had been placed in the pistol by the hand 
of tlie assassin. The country was turning toward re- 
pose. Her conquering armies were seeking their 
homes and dear ones. A tranquillity unknown for 
years, spread over the land, only however to be eclipsed 
by the black shadow of mourning, whose sable pall 
draped every loyal house in the land, and hung from 
the declivities of the mountains, from the Saco to the 
Columbia. 



380 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

President Lincoln had, on April 13th,' 18G5, directed 
that an order issue from the War Office discontinuing 
all further recruiting for the army. This appeared in 
the public press on April 14th, the anniversary of the 
fall of Fort Sumter and its surrender to the rebels, 
four years prior to that day. A Cabinet meeting had 
been held during the day, at which General Grant was 
present. President Lincohi, General Grant, and a few 
other friends had arranged to spend the evening at 
Ford's Theatre, in Washington City. The General, 
however, returned to his post, and did not attend. 
Mr. Lincoln, with his wife and their friends. Major H. 
R. Rathbone and Miss Carrie W. Harris, attended the 
theatre, and occupied a private box. His going to the 
theatre was to him a moment of relaxation, and as 
unsuspicious of danger as possibly could be. He, of 
all others, never had a suspicion of any personal dan- 
ger, notwithstanding that, during the past four years, 
he had received many anonymous letters of threats 
of assassination. While seated in the theatre with his 
friends, J. Wilkes Booth, an actor, born in Baltimore, 
Maryland, and son of the celebrated tragedian, Junius 
Brutus Booth, entered, at half-past 10 o'cloclc, at the 
door of the box, which he fastened behind him; and, 
while all were intent upon the play, stood close to the 
back of Mr. Lincoln, who sat in a high arm chair, and 
v/ith a Derringer pistol in his right hand, and double- 
edged dagger in the other, placed the pistol to the 
President's head, fired, and striking at those in the box 
with the dagger, sprang to the front of the box, ex- 
claiming, "/Sic semper tyrannisf (Thus always with 
tyrants — the motto of the State of Virginia), leaped 
upon the stage below, and, brandishing his dagger, 
shouted, ^^ The South is avenged r Rushing across the 



I 



XXI.] ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 381 

stage, he made his exit through a back door, mounted 
a horse in waiting for him, and made his flight into 
Maryland, where he found shelter and protection 
among his Secession friends. All this was done so 
quickly, and the confusion was so great, that his pur- 
suers came to the street only to see him flying away 
upon his fleet horse. When the true state of affairs 
was known, the excitement in the theatre was intense. 
Mr. Lincoln 'w^s removed insensible: the liirhts were 

7 O 

turned down and the doors closed. Mr. Lincoln, who 
had been entirely unconscious since he had received 
the fatal shot, at twenty minutes past seven o'clock on 
the following morning, April 15th, 1865, expired. His 
death w^as the result of an organized conspiracy, by a 
number of ruffians, to assassinate the President and 
his Cabinet. 

While this bloody tragedy was being enacted, Lewis 
Payne Powell, known as Payne, entered the residence 
of W. II. Seward, Secretary of State, who was lying in 
bed disabled by a fall from his carriage, resulting in 
the breaking of his jaw and one of his arms. Payne 
stated to a boy in the hall that he had medicine for 
Mr. Seward, and went up stairs to the third floor. At 
the door of Mr. Seward's room, he met Frederick W. 
Seward, the son of the Secretar}^, to whom he told the 
same story, and on being refused admission, drew a 
pistol and fired, but without effect. He then struck 
Mr. Seward two severe blows on the head, breaking 
his pistol and fracturing Mr. Seward's skull. Miss 
Fannie Seward, being in her father's room and hearing 
the noise, opened the door. Payne rushed in and. 
commenced to deal terrible blows at the throat of Mr. 
Seward with a bowie-knife, inflicting desperate wounds. 
Mr. Robinson, an invalid soldier in the house, and at- 



382 HEPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

tciidant upon Mr. Seward, endeavored to drag the 
murderer from 'he bed. Payne turned upon Robin- 
son, inflicting serious wounds upon him. Mr. Seward 
at this moment rolled himself from the bed and on the 
floor towards the wall. The would-be assassin, find- 
ing that he could not reach his victim, relieved him- 
self from Robinson and started down stairs. Meeting 
Major Augustus Seward, another son of the Secre- 
tary, on the stairs, he plunged at him with his knife. 
Further down the stairs he met Mr. Hansel, an attend- 
ant on the Secretary, whom he stabbed in the back. 
Miss Seward was now screaming ''murder" from her 
father's room window. Payne passed all obstacles, and 
rushing for his horse at the door, mounted him and 
rode away. This took place about half past ten o'clock 
on Friday night, April 14th, 1865. 

The news of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln 
was soon spread throughout the land, and a cloud of 
mourning like an eclipse draped every dwelling where 
lived the spirit of liberty. The Nation's pulse stood 
still. A gloom, sad and sickening, as blank as c pause 
in nature, suspended the actions of men. The busy 
streets of yesterday, wherein hundreds of thousands 
of active seekers of business and pleasure were con- 
gregated, were now a slow-moving procession of sor- 
rowful people. Festivities and hilarity of a few days 
before, were now hushed into melancholy gloom ; the 
piping notes of joyous music were answered only by 
the measured roll of the muffled drum. Throughout 
the entire land, and over the deep sea, the National 
flag hung mournfully at half-mast. All business of 
the country was suspended, and men seemed to 
wander in idle forgetfulness of their own being. 
Beside the altar of prayer, old age reverently bowed, 



XXL] ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 383 

while the fountains of tears long locked up, burst 
forth afresh in copious streams. Vigorous manhood 
stood appalled, while innocent youth inquired the 
cause of so much grief. The Goddess of Liberty, from 
her throne of clouds, sang a melancholy requiem as 
she wove emblems of national mourning. In the cot- 
tage of the peasant, the lo^vly cabin of the miner 
where the tall pine casts its shadow, by the sea-side, 
in the fisherman's lonely home, where the C3aseless 
dirge of Atlantic's fretful pulse mingles with the storm- 
cloud, in the lumberman's secluded abode, obscure 
and dark in forest gloom; around the shrine of liberty, 
where stood the sable sons of Africa as they laid their 
fetters upon the funeral pile of bondage, and breathed 
prayers of love and gratitude — alike in all these, was 
the same sad mourning, and the same unspeakable 
sorrow. 

When the sad news reached across the seas,, the 
haughty standard of the Monarch was lowered in 
honor of the dead. The courtly halls of proud Eng- 
land, the royal court of the Czar, the legislative coun- 
cils of the nations, presented scenes of sadness and 
sympathy. The sturdy Polander, whose breast swelled 
with manly pride at the mention of Republicanism ; 
the collier of Britain, who from his chamber of dark- 
ness had seen the bright star of American Liberty, 
through the eternal night to which he was doomed ; 
the plaided Highlander, who listened to the tales of 
his conquering clans and sighed for freedom; and the 
robust son of the Emerald Isle, whose heart yearned 
for the emancipation of his down-trodden land — all 
joined in the universal mourning — all seemed to have 
lost a friend. 

The name and the fame of Abraham Lincoln had 



384 REPUBLICANISM IN AJIERICA. [Chap. 

reached to the extreme ends of the earth, for the land 
of which he was an honored citizen and bold defender, 
had for four years been passing through a purgation of 
the heresies of two and a half centuries ; and the great 
free land of America, where so many exiles had made 
their homes, was looked to from across the Atlantic 
as an asylum for the oppressed of all lands. 

But the tragic death of the good Lincoln was not to 
arrest the progress of civil liberty in America. Like 
a giant of the forest, he fell ; but he sleeps not — his 
watchful spirit still keeps vigilant guard over the free- 
dom of those he loved so well. And as the tide of 
time carries the generations of men into the fitful ed- 
dies and whirlpools of political danger, the memory of 
his patriotism and love of human liberty, will lead 
them to fields of victory and scenes of peaceful repose. 
And in the ages that will pass away, the generations 
that will read of the great struggle, on the American 
Continent, between barbarism and freedom, in the 
four years from April 12th, 1861, to April 14th, 18G5, 
will revere the name of Abraham Lincoln, so long as 
liberty inspires the human heart. 

At 11 o'clock on the morning of April 15th, the day 
of Mr. Lincoln's death, Andrew Johnson, who had 
been elected Vice-PreLident in 18G4, took the Consti- 
tutional oath of office as President of the United States. 
Mr. Johnson, who was a native of North Carolina, one 
of the original Slave States, and who was United States 
Senator from the State of Tennessee at the commence- 
ment of the war, unlike his fellow Representatives 
froxu the South, proclaimed himself unalterably for the 
Union. Before his election as Vice-President ho had 
boon appointed Military Governor of liis State, and 
during tlio war stood firm with the Administration, and 
opposed Secession. 



XXL] THE FLIGHT AND CAPTURE OF BOOTH. 385 

Soon after the deatli of his predecessor, the question 
of the status of the States lately in Rebellion became 
a subject of National interest. The pause in the 
affairs of the rebellious States, caused by the cessation 
of hostilities, and while there was yet no civil gov- 
ernment, called for immediate action. All State 
laws in conformity with any laws of Congress, had 
been suspended ; the people had just stacked their 
arms, at the command of a superior physical power; 
the changes wrought by the revolution in the personal 
status of the people could not be ascertained in a mo- 
ment; the patriot could not be distinguished from the 
traitor, so as to adopt a civil policy to suit each ; so, 
accordingly, Military Governors were appointed by the 
Executive, instructed to improvise such Government 
as might be adequate to the changed condition of the 
people, until such time as circumstances might fit the 
people to again resume relationship with the Govern- 
ment which they had abandoned. (See ''Reconstruc- 
tion.") 

The flight of the assassins from the Capital was as 
remarkable as the desperation of the deed. Soon the 
vigilant police and active military were upon their 
track. Booth and some of his confederates had escaped 
into Marjdand, and were received by their friends. His 
progress had been retarded by a fracture of his leg, 
received in leaping from the box to the stage of the 
theatre. On the night of the 26th of April, twelve 
days after the murder, his pursuers discovered him and 
his confederate, Harold, concealed in a barn near Port 
Royal. On demand of his pursuers. Booth refused to 
surrender, and displayed his firearms, and declared 
that he would not be arrested. The bixrn was fired. 
Harold came out and gave himself up, but Booth still 



386 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

remained within. The cavahy (New York) that dis- 
covered him, formed themselves in a circle round the 
barn, and, either from impatience, fear of his escape, 
or dread of personal injury from the menacing attitude 
of Booth, who was leveling his Colt's revolver at them, 
Boston Corbet, a young man of English birth, belong- 
ing to the cavalry, drew his rifle upon Booth, and shot 
him. He died in a few hours. His body was taken 
to "Washington and surrendered to the United States 
authorities. It was disposed of secretly. The curi- 
osity of the public to know the locality of the remains 
of the assassin are likely never to be gratified. The 
reports that he still lives are as unfounded as many 
others that distract the minds of curious people. 

Nine of those immediately connected with this mur- 
derous affair, were tried before a Court Martial, in the 
City of Washington; and on the 6th day of July, 1865, 
Mrs. Surratt, Harold, Atzerott, and Payne, w^ere exe- 
cuted by order of President Johnson, on approval of 
the fmdingc of the Court Martial. O'Laughlin, Arnold, 
and Dr. Mudd were imprisoned for life, and Spangler 
for six years. 

At the trial of these persons, circumstances pointed 
strongly against Jefferson Davis and many leading 
Democrats, as being implicated in the schemes of as- 
sassination. But, so far, no trial or conviction of them 
has been had. 

On the 2d of May, 1865, the following proclamation 
was issued by President Johnson: 

" Whereas, It appears, from evidence in the bureau of MiHtaiy 
Justice, that the atrocious murder of the late President, Abra- 
ham Lincoln, and the attempted assassination of the Hon, W. 
H. Seward, Secretary of State, were incited, concerted, and 
procured by and between Jefferson Davis, late of Eichmond, 
Va., and Jacob Thompson, Clement C, Clay, Beverly Tucker, 



XXL] Johnson's pardon proclamation. 387 

George N. Sanders, "W. C. Cleary, and other rebels and trait- 
ors against the Government of the United States, harbored in 
Canada. 

"Now, therefore, to the end that justice may be done, I, 
Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, da offer and 
promise, for the arrest of said persons, or either of them, within 
the limits of the United States, so that they can be brought to 
trial, the following rewards: $100,000 for the arrest of Jefferson 
Davis; $25,000 for the arrest of Jacob Thompson, late of Missis- 
sippi; $25,000 for the arrest of George N. Sanders; $25,000 
for the arrest of Beverly Tucker; and $10,000 for the arrest of 
William C. Cleary, late clerk of Clement C. Clay. The Provost 
Marshal-General of the United States is directed to cause a de- 
scription of said persons with notice of the above rewards to be 
published." 

On the 4th day of July, 1868, President Johnson 
issued an amnesty proclamation very sweeping in its 
nature. The policy of this act has been much doubted 
by some who believe that the spirit of Rebellion was. 
still fresh in the breasts of the leaders of the late Con- 
federacy. But the. freedom of America is safe in the 
hands of the masses t^ ho rescued it from the Slave 
Power. America can afford to be magnanimous. 

Following is the proclamation: 

"Whereas, In the month of July, Anno Domini, 1861, in 
accepting the condition of civil war which was brought about 
by insurrection and rebellion in several of the States which con- 
stitute the United States, the two Houses of Congress did solemnly 
declare that war was not waged on the part of the Government 
in any spirit of oppression nor for any purpose of conquest or 
subjugation; nor for any purpose of overthrowing or interfering 
with the rights or esLablished institutions of the States, but only 
to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution of 
the United States, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, 
equality and rights of the several States unimpaired, and that 
so soon as those objects should be accomplished the war, on the 
part of the Government, should cease; 

*'And whereas. The President of the United States has hereto- 

25 



388 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

fore, in the spirit of that declaration, and with the view of 
securing for it ultimate and complete effect, set forth several 
proclamations offering amnesty and pardon to persons who had 
been or were concerned in the aforenamed Rebellion, which proc- 
lamations, however, were attended with prudential reservations 
and exceptions then deemed necessary and proper, and which 
proclamations were respectively issued on the 8th day of Decem- 
ber, 1863; on the 26th day of March, 1864; on the 29th day of 
May, 1865; and on the 7th of September, 1867; 

"And whereas, The said lamentable civil war has long since 
altogether ceased, with an acknowledgment by all the States of 
the supremacy of the Federal Constitution and of the Govern- 
ment thereunder, and there no longer exists any reasonable 
ground to apprehend a renewal of the said civil war, or any for- 
eign interference, or any unlawful resistance by any portion of 
the x)eople of any of the States to the Constitution and laws of 
the United States; 

"And whereas. It is desirable to reduce the standing army and 
to bring to a speedy termination military occupation, martial 
law, military tribunals, abridgment of the freedom of speech 
and of the press, and suspension of the privilege of habeas corpus 
and of the right of trial by jury, such encroachments upon our 
free institutions in time of peace being dangerous to public lib- 
erty, incompatible with the individual rights of citizens, contrary 
to the genius and spirit of our Republican form of Government 
and exhaustive of the national resources; 

"And whereas, It is believed that amnesty and pardon will 
tend to secure a complete and universal establishment and prev- 
alence of municipal law and order, in conformity with the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and to remove all appearances 
and presumj: tions of a retaliatory or vindictive policy on the part 
of the Government, attended by unnecessary disqualifications, 
pains, penalties, confiscations and disfranchisements, and on the 
contrary to promote and procure complete fraternal reconcilia- 
tion among the whole people, with due submission to the Con- 
stitution and laws. 

" Now, therefore, be it known that I, Andrew Johnson, Presi- 
dent of the United States, do, by virtue of the Constitution, and 
in the name of the people of the United States, hereby j^roclaim 
and declare, unconditionally and without reservation, to all and 
to every person who, directly or indirectly participated in the 



I 



XXL] Johnson's pardon proclamation. 389 

late insurrection or rebellion, except sucli person or persons as 
may be under presentment or indictment in any Court of the 
United States having competent jurisdiction upon a charge of 
treason or other felony, a full pardon and amnesty for the ofi'ense 
of treason against the United States, or of adhering to their 
enemies during the late civil war, with restoration of all rights of 
property, except as to slaves, and except also as to any property 
of which any person may have been legally divested under the 
laws of the United States. 

" In testimony whereof, I have signed these presents with my 
hand and have caused the seal of the United States to be here- 
unto affixed. 

" Done at the City of Washington, the fourth day of July, in 
the year of our Lord 1868, and of the Independence of the 
United States of America the 93d. 

"Andbew Johnson. 
"By the President: 

*' Wm. H. Sewakd, Secretary of State." 



• CHAPTER XXII 

BECONSTRtJCTIOK.— STATUS OF THE EEBEL STATES.— THE PEESEDENT'S POLICY, 
—ATTITUDE OF THE DEMOCKACY.— ACTION OF CONGEESS.— AMENDIMENTS TO 
THE CONSTITUTION.— CIVIL EIGHTS BILL. 

At the close of the war, the States of the conquered 
Confederacy were destitute of all Civil Government. 
Whatever sort of laws or forms of Government they 
had maintained during the period of the Hebellion 
were in opposition to the Federal Constitution, and 
upon the fall of Davis' Government the soil was the 
property of the United States, and the people in the 
same position as they were before the Rebellion, with 
this exception — that their voluntary acts of treason 
had attainted them, and rendered them unfit to parti- 
cipate in the affairs of Government, or to perform the 
acts and fulfill the offices of citizens. The Govern- 
ments, Constitutions and laws of the States were com- 
pletely prostrated, by reason of the people having lost 
their right of citizenship. To reconstruct these Ter- 
ritories into States, and give them a position in the 
Union, with Governments Republican in form, and also 
to restore the people to citizenship, devolved upon the 
Federal Government new and important duties. 

On the establishment of Federal authority over these 
States and people, they were in the exact position of a 
conquered foreign nation, save that the people owed alle- 
giance to the Government of the United States, of which 
they could not divest themselves so long as they re- 
mained upon the soil of the Union ; and to recognize any 
other principle would be contrary to the customs of all 



XXII.] STATUS OF THE REBEL STATES. 391 

civilized nations ; an abandonment of the strictest rules 
of international law; an acknowledgment of the lack 
of power in the National Federal Government to hold 
the several parts Oi the nation together, by measures 
sufficient to guarantee a Republican form of Govern- 
ment and a perpetuity of the Union. 

The maintaining of de facto Governments for four 
years in the Slave States; their building and keeping 
afloat a navy ; equipping and supporting an army which 
prosecuted a vigorous offensive and defensive war 
against the United States; an acknowledgment of their 
belligerent power ; exchange of prisoners, and the 
establishment of National and State Governments for- 
eign and opposed to the laws of the United States, and 
in violation of the constitutional powers binding the 
several States to the Union, gave them, so far as acts 
of hostility were concerned, the position of a foreign 
enemy ; and this character they maintained for four 
years, and abandoned it only for the want of physical 
force longer to maintain it. 

On the cessation of hostilities, the military power of 
the Nation stepped in under the authority of the Execu- 
tive and the laws of war, to lend protection to the peo- 
ple, until such time as civil government could be 
established. The whole civil power of these States 
was prostrate, and the writ of habeas corjms suspended; 
and the regulations of the military forces, under the 
direction of Executive authority, was the only law of 
the land. 

At the close of the Rebellion the President had ap- 
pointed Military Governors in the States, and under 
their directions local elections were held, and other 
civil acts performed, tending to alleviate the condition 
of the people and prepare them for affiliation in the 



392 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

great body politic of the Republic. It was soon found 
that these elections resulted in returning to ofiFice 
those who had been foremost in the Rebellion. Ard 
as they were a majority of the inhabitants, they had 
complete control of every office in the State; and in 
most cases a necessary qualification of the candidate 
was his persistent opposition to the Federal Govern- 
ment during the war. All those who had maintained 
a neutral position, or who advocated the Union cause, 
were ostracized from society, or expelled from the 
State, and considered ineligible to office. Elections 
were at once held for Congressmen and Senators to the 
National Councils of the Republic, which resulted in 
the return of those who in 1860 and 1861 had, in vio- 
lation of their oaths, left the Congress of the Nation 
to join the Southern Confederacy, and who had acted 
as the highest officials in the civil and military depart- 
ments of the rebel Government. These persons in due 
time presented themselves at the National halls for 
admission. At this point commenced the second phase 
of the RMlion. If these men were to enter the Legis- 
lative Department of the Government, the fruits of 
victory of the four years' struggle would have been 
lost; the Proclamation of Emancipation would have 
been overthrown; the legislation prohibiting Slavery 
in any and all the territory under the jurisdiction of 
the United States, would have been repealed; the 
whole war debt of the so-called Confederacy at home 
and abroad, with every dollar of loss sustained by the 
States and people of the Slave States, with the value 
of ever}'' slave who had gone over to the Union, or had 
been lost by the operations of the war, would liave 
been ordered paid, and the people of the North taxed 
for its liquidation. This conclusion is justified by 



XXIL] RECONSTRUCTION OF REBEL STATES. 393 

the acts and avowals of the leaders of the South, who 
ofi'ered no regret for their past conduct, nor would give 
.any guarantee for the future, save declarations of open 
hostility to the Federal Government. 

The National Congress refused to admit these peo- 
ple upon the powers granted it by the Federal Consti- 
tution, which in Article I, Sec. 5, says: "Each House 
shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifi- 
cations of its own members." The Congress said that 
many, if not all, of those voting for these persons were, 
by acts of treason against the Government of the 
United States, disqualified to vote, as were also the 
persons elected, and that therefore the elections were 
illegal and void, and that the persons claiming admis- 
sion to Congress were not qualified to take seats there 
because they were attainted of treason; and until such 
elections could be had as would be in conformity with 
the laws of the Nation, and such persons should pre- 
sent themselves as Congress should deem qualified. 
These people, and the territory upon which they re- 
sided, must remain under the general laws of Congress, 
as other territories of the Republic. To this proposi- 
tion the people of the rebellious States demurred, as 
did also the whole Democratic party of the country, in 
which they were joined by the President, who dis- 
avowed any power in the Legislative Department of the 
Nation to prescribe terms of admission to the States 
lately in rebellion, or to the people of these States, 
respecting their qualifications. 

Congress also said that by the acts of rebellion of 
the people, they had canceled all rights to representa- 
tion; that their former State Constitutions were dead, 
and that until they adopted new ones. Republican in 
form, they could not participate in National legislation. 



394 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

To this also did the President, the people of the South, 
and the Democrats in and out of Congress protest. 
Congress again invoked the Federal Constitution. 
Article I, Sec. 1, saj^s: "All legislative powers herein 
granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United 
States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of 
Representatives." The regulation and re-admission of 
the States lately in rebellion, they said, was a purely 
legislative regulation, and within the exclusive power 
of Congress. 

Chapter IV, Sec. 3, of the Constitution, says: "New 
States may be admitted by the Congress into the 
Union." It is clear by this, that Congj^ess must assent 
to their return as States, if they had been out of the 
Union. The same chapter and section also say : 
" Congress shall have power to dispose of and make 
all needful rules and regulations, respecting the terri- 
tory or other property, belonging to the United States." 
Congress justly determined that under this clause, 
they could treat the States lately in rebellion, as they 
could treat other territory or property belonging to the 
United States; and upon this point there can be no legal 
doubt but that Congress was correct. When they 
were conquered, they were no longer "Foreign Na- 
tions;" they were not States in the Union, for they had 
no State Governments — the United States owned the 
soil, and the people were amenable to the laws of 
Congress. 

Chapter IV, Sec. 4, of the Constitution, also says: 
"The United States shall guarantee to every State in 
this Union, a Republican form of Government." Con- 
gress said tliat the United States meant the people, 
through the three branches of the Government, each 
discharging its peculiar functions within its sphere; 



XXII. ] RECONSTRUCTION OF REBEL STATES. 395 

the Legislative malcing tlie laws, the President executing 
them, and the Judiciary determining their ^validity. 
That those communities in the South did not have any 
State Governments RepuUicmi in form or otherwise in 
conformity with the laws of Congress, and that until 
they saw fit to adopt Constitutions within the require- 
ments of the National Constitution, they must remain 
in a territorial condition. To this the people of the 
South objected; the whole Democratic party of the 
country sided with them, and the President assured 
them that he alone had the power of restoration ; that 
Congress in its position, was assuming the duties of 
the Executive, dangerous to the institutions of free 
Government; that it was "no Congress, but a body 
hanging upon the verge of the Government." Thus 
encouraged by the Executive and the Democracy, the 
people of the rebellious States became defiant of Fed- 
eral authority, and instituted a reign of terror through- 
out the South, resulting in serious riots and assassi- 
nation of the advocates of the Congressional views. 
Here Congress and the President came to a dead lock 
against each other; and throughout his whole admin- 
istration, to its close, every bill of importance enacted 
by Congress was opposed by the Democratic members 
and by the President, and had to be carried over the. 
veto of the latter. 

At no time in the history of the Republic was dan- 
ger so apparent, resulting from legislative and execu- 
tive conflict, as during the winter and spring of 1868, 
when the violation of the Constitution and an attempted 
subversion of the Government to his own will, put 
Andrew Johnson upon his trial of impeachment for 
high crimes and misdemeanors. 

In support of the position taken by Congress that 



396 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

in it was vested the exclusive power under the Consti- 
tution to ^regulate the political affairs of the rebel 
States, I shall here introduce the views of President 
Lincoln, the Judiciary Committee of the Senate of the 
United States, and the opinion of the highest judicial 
officers of the Republic. 

President Lincoln, in recognition of the illegality of 
the State Governments of the seceded States, on the 
12tli of April, 1865, directed Major-General Weitzel, 
then in command at Richmond, Virginia, to withdraw 
any authority for the insurgent Legislature to meet. 

Conformable to this view, the Judiciary Committee 
of the Senate, at the Second Session of the Tliirty- 
eighth Congress, (Senate Reports, 127) reported that, 
in their opinion, the admission of Representatives from 
the rebel States could not be entertained ''till, by 
some joint action of both Houses, there shall be some 
recognition of an existing State Government acting in 
harmony with the Government of the United States, 
and recognizing its authority." 

In the case of Luther v. Borden (7 Howard's Re- 
ports), Chief Justice Taney says: "Under the Consti- 
tution, it rests with Congress to decide what Govern- 
ment is the established one in a State; for, as the United 
States guarantees to each State a Republican Govern- 
naent, Congress must necessarily decide ichat Government 
is established in a State before it can determine whether 
it is Republican or not; and when the Senators and 
Representatives of a State are admitted into the coun- 
cils of tlie Union, the authority of the Government 
under which they are appointed, as well as its Repabli- 
oan character^ is recognized by the proper constitutional 
authority, and its decision is binding on every other depart- 
ment of the Government. ^^ 

"Undoubtedly, a Military Government, established 



XXII.] PECONSTRUCTION OF REBEL STATES. o97 

as a permanent Government of a State, would xiot be a 
Republican Government, and it would be the duty of 
Congress to overthrow it." (Fleming v. Page, 9 How- 
ard, 615; Cross V. Harrison, 16 Howard, 194; Feder- 
alist, 69, 85; Halleck's International Law, 785.) 

No further argument is necessary to show the exclu- 
sive authority of Congress to regulate the affairs of the 
seceded States, at least so far as legislating for them 
while they remained in a territorial condition; and, to 
judge of the character of their Governments, it is 
clear, also, that the United States being bound by the 
Constitution to guarantee to every State a Republican 
form of Government, that the right to propose or sug- 
gest such forms of State Constitution, or other acts to 
be performed by these disorganized States, to give 
them a RepuUican status, was vested in Congress; and 
if these communities did not see fit to adopt them, then 
they would remain as do other territories of the coun- 
try. 

The Thirteenth Amendment, abolishing Slavery, 
having been adopted by a constitutional majority of 
the States, it became binding upon the seceded States 
as they came into the Union. Besides requiring of 
them to adopt new Constitutions, Republican in form, 
as a further condition before their admission, they 
were required to adopt the Fourteenth Amendment to 
the Federal Constitution. (See Constitution, Appen- 
dix.) This also was proclaimed by the President and 
the Democratic party as unconstitutional, tyrannical 
and oppressive. Congress being the judge of what is 
a Republican form of Government, and deeming this 
a necessary step to enable these disorganized States to 
become Republican, had undoubted legal authority for 
this act. 



398 REPUBLICA^ISJI IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

The great olDJection to this, besides the claim that 
Congress was assuming authority not delegated to it, 
was that it forced negro suffrage upon the South. In 
this its application will extend to every State in the 
Union admitted from the public territory, if Congress 
sees fit to exact it. But the amendment is not im/per- 
ative^ as will be seen by an examination of the second 
section of the amendment, and any and every State in 
the Union has the right to disfranchise any class they 
choose, black or white; and in most of the Western 
and Middle States proscriptions are still retained in 
their Constitutions against negroes exercising the right 
of suffrage ; and no doubt so soon as a sufficient rvhite 
element prevails in the Southern States, they will dis- 
franchise the negro. The result being in all cases that 
when any State disfranchises any of its male inhabit- 
ants 21 years of age, being citizens of the United 
States, and not disqualified by acts of crime, then the 
representation of such State in Congress shall be re- 
duced in the proportion that such restrictions are to 
the whole male population 21 years of age. This ap- 
plies to every State in the Union, but w^as intended to 
abolish the long continued unequal advantage of the 
Southern States over the Free States, by their having 
a representation in Congress based upon the white 
population and ihree-fiftlis of the slave population. 
This amendment is indeed a step up the great ladder 
of American freedom and progress, and one that no 
man who loves justice can object to. It has purged 
the National Congress of the odious and Anti-Repub- 
lican custom of a representation based upon prcrperty, 
and in that one respect, at least, places every State in 
the American Union upon an equal footing. 

The passage of a law by the First Session of the 39th 



XXIL] ciTiZENsriir in the republic. 399 

Congress in 18GG, declaring all persons born in the 
United States and not subject to any foreign power, 
citizens of the Republic, and also extending to every 
person in America equal rights before the law, brought 
forth fierce opposition from the whole Democratic 
party in and out of Congress, who declared thi't the 
tyranny of placing the negro upon an equality with 
them, was destructive of American liber tj' and the con- 
stitutional guarantees to the people of the sovereign 
States. The whole Democratic power in Congress 
voted against the measure, and President Johnson sent 
in his veto against it. It was carried over the veto, 
however, by the Pvepublicans. The leading feature of 
the Act reads as follows: 

" That all persons born in the United States and not subject 
to any foreign Power, excluding Indians, not taxed, are hereby 
declared to be citizens of the United States; and such citizens oi 
every race and color, without regard to any previous condition 
of Slavery, or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for 
crime whereof the paz'ty shall have been duly convicted, shall 
hove the same right in every State and Territoiy in the United 
States to make and enforce contracts; to sue, be parties, and 
give evidence; to inherit, pui chase, lease, sell, hold, and convey 
real and personal property; and to full and equal benefit of all 
laws and proceedings for the security of person and property as 
is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punish- 
ment, pains, and penalties, and to none other, any law, statute, 
ordinance, regulation, or custom, to the contrary notwithstand- 
ing." 

This law, the principal features of which are now a 
part of the Federal Constitution, at once places the 
National authority above the positions assumed by the 
States, in regulating and controlling the civil rights of 
the citizens of America. It at once broke down the 
despotism of those communities called States, which 
has from the formation of the Union dehed and ignored 



400 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the fundamental principles of our National Govern- 
ment, by depriving large classes of the people of a 
participation in the affairs of the Nation, ignoring, on 
account of color, birth-place and religion, the right to 
maintain suits in law or equity, to testify in the Courts 
of the country, or to be eligible to ofiice of trust or 
profit. 

It took a long and bloody struggle for the friends 
of freedom to erect the monument of equal rights 
before the law, and to define, even in its present im- 
perfect form, citizenship in the Republic. But the 
beautiful structure as it now stands, the conservator of 
the liberties of the people, marks the era of the tri- 
umph of the principles of the Republican party, and 
the decay of the barbarism of the Democracy of Amer- 
ica, and the legislation of the Thirty-ninth Congress 
of 1866, long to be remembered by the friends of 
progress and human freedom. 

The leading question absorbing public attention 
and the National Congress, from the close of the Re- 
bellion to the present time, was the status of the 
seceded States and their people. This seemed to be 
paramount to all else. Statesmen and jurists of the 
highest standing in the Republic, have exhausted their 
legal knowledge upon the subject. Directly opposite 
views had been taken by men of acknowledged ability 
and integrity. The political importance attached to 
the subject, has undoubtedly to a considerable degree, 
shaped the opinions of some men upon the subject; it 
would be doing injustice to human nature to suppose 
otherwise = 

In discussing the subject of the status of the rebel- 
lious States and their people, which I shall do briefly, 
I shall endeavor to be guided by the best legal light 



XXII.] RELATION OF STATES TO THE UNION. 401 

before me, and by the application of those rules 
adopted by European nations since the formation of 
civil government 

The reader has already seen, in preceding chapters 
of this volume, what my views are upon the relation 
that the States hold to the Union : that they are but 
parts of the Nation, and have no sovereignty whatever, 
when that term is used in its usual meaning as applied 
to nations; and the reasons lor my conclusion upon 
this subject have been fully set forth already. The 
remaining questions are: Were the States out of the 
Union, and what was the status of their inhabitants 
at the close of the war ? 

The States composing the Union are all alike subor- 
dinate to the laws and Constitution of the Nation, and 
any infraction of them may be redressed by the means 
pointed out by the laws themselves, or by such other 
measures as the circumstances may require. Congress 
is bound by the Constitution to guarantee to every 
State in the Union a Republican form of Government. 
If, therefore, any State should, by any Legislative act, 
so change its organic State laws that it would no longer 
be Republican in form, or fail to maintain a Republi- 
can Government, then it would be the bounden duty 
of Congress to declare the existing Government not 
Repuhlican; to refuse it admission or representation 
in the National councils; to suspend the State Gov- 
ernments, and, through the Executive, declare martial 
law, or the general laws of the Nation, to be the only 
laws in force ; and if those laws were resisted, then to 
call the armies of the Nation to enforce them; and, 
until such time as Congress recognized the State 
Government as being Republican, they would not be 
States in the Union. But then, say some, if they are 



402 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

not States in the Union, then they must be States out 
of the Union, or out of the Union as foreign nations. 
I answer, no. It is immaterial whether a State holds 
the position of a suspended State, through Legislative 
acts of the National Government, or by the force of 
anns of the same Government. If for a time a State 
is able to maintain a sufficient resistance to the General 
Government, that the rights of belligerents be recog- 
nized and accorded to the people during the period of 
the iivil war; if it assume that character, they are un- 
questionably out of the Union or Nation of which they 
were a member; and if they maintain their independ- 
ence, their right to it w^ould be recognized from the 
time that they successfully maintained their opposition 
and their separate Government; but if they /(2i^, how- 
ever protracted the contest, they assume the position 
of conquered provinces. They cannot enter upon a 
voluntary war to maintain their separation, and after a 
contest of arms, and failure to gain their independence, 
assume the status of States as they were when they 
entered into Rebellion, no more than they could, in 
defiance of Federal authority, assume the position of 
States without a Republican form of Government, when 
they were suspended for not being Republican, as the 
Constitution requires. And even if their State Consti- 
tutions were Republican when they entered into revolt 
against the National authority, they could not resume 
their former position at the close of the contest. First, 
because, by their acts of rebellion or civil war, they 
abrogated the former ties — the State Constitution — 
which bound them to the Union, and they could not 
now pick up the Constitution, together with the frag- 
ments of State laws, and return to the Union. Sec- 
ondly: by their rebellion they had lost their status of 



XXII.] ALLEGIANCE OF THE CITIZEN. 403 

citizenship, and that could be restored only by Execu- 
tive authority, by pardon, or by the Legislative power 
removing such disabilities, and permitting them to par- 
ticipate either in State or National affairs. 

It may be argued by some that these States and 
people were completely out of the Union, and that the 
allegiance of the people to the United States ceased 
so soon as they became the subjects or citizens of 
another Nation. This view is neither in harmony with 
the principles of law nor reason. In one event only 
could such a position be tenable, and that is in the case 
where the revolutionists would maintain their inde- 
pendence and be acknowledged as a nation by estab- 
lished Governments. 

In addition to the views already expressed upon this 
subject, it would be well to call the attention of the 
intelligent reader to the fact, that while the Constitu- 
tion and Government of a State may lie prostrate from 
either acts of rebellion, or, because of Anti-Republican 
tendencies, the land is not affected ; it is onlij the people 
that are affected. The sovereignty of the soil rests in the 
Federal Government; and through whatever changes, 
politically, the affairs of the State pass, it still remains 
there until some foreign power asserts, and maintains, 
a right to it, and enters into acknowledged possession.. 

If, by acts of war, the rebels are subjugated, upon 
their laying down their arms, they are civiliter mor- 
tuus; and so far as citizenship is concerned, as if by 
disease, or in corijbat, every man in the State was 
physically dead. And were this the case, the soil, its 
rivers, forests, ports, lakes and seas, would still be 
the lawful property of the sovereign. This teas the exact 
condition of both States and people, in the rebel States, tvhen 
the war ended. 

But further, the people were not as if dead, in regard 

26 



404 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

to their alleg"*ance which they owed to the Federal Gov- 
ernment, for so long as they remained, or were found 
upon any portion of the soil of the Republic, State or 
Territory, they were amenable to the law for their acts 
of treason, subject to the laws of the State, where they 
might reside, and subject to the Federal and military 
laws of the Union, in any and all States and Territories, 
including the soil upon which they rebelled; liable to 
taxation, and subject to draft and military duty. Their 
allegiance to the Federal Government was in no w?y 
abridged; they had lost their own political rights by 
acts of their own, but tliey could not deprive the 
National Government of its rights over them, so long 
as they remained upon American soil. They could 
throw off their allegiance to the Government only by 
removing to a foreign Nation, and there becoming citi- 
zens, renouncing their allegiance to the United States. 
But even this would not release them from future pains 
and penalties for treason, committed against the United 
States, by acts while on its soil, and of which they 
were not relieved before they left the country, should 
they ever return. 

Outside of the legal status of the people of the 
rebellious States, much has been said in favor of their 
admission into the Union, upon the score of equal 
justice, and humanity; and that all that was necessary 
was for the people to lay down their arms and return 
to their former pursuits, and enjoy all the rights of 
citizens. It is difficult to conceive upon what hypoth- 
esis of equal justice this argument can be made, unless 
treason and rebellion be regarded as worthy of hire 
and salary. But such is not the case; for neither the 
National Government, nov the patriotic millions who 
fought for its preservation, could take to their embrace 
and fellowship, those who, of their own voKtion, in 



I 



XXII.] ALLEGIANCE OF THE CITIZEN. 405 

the calm and peaceful repose of the Xation, while she 
slept — lulled to rest in confidence of the patriotism of 
these same people — did steal upon her, at the still 
hour of the night, plunge their daggers into her breast, 
and only desisted when, after four years of reckless 
and cruel war, they had slain hundreds of thousands 
of their fellow citizens; had incurred a national debt 
that must continue to oppress the people for a century ; 
had invaded and menaced the National Capital ; butch- 
ered Union soldiers in cold blood; confined them in 
filthy prison pens, where they famished and died of 
disease and starvation, by thousands; entered into 
conspiracies to burn the homes and cities of the peo- 
ple of the loyal States; employed scientific fiends to 
poison the aqueducts and springs of water within the 
Free States ; and to spread the virus of contagious and 
malignant disease in the tents and hospitals of wounded 
and dying patriotic soldiers; had dotted the whole 
land with new-made graves, over which the sorrowful 
face of the mother and child wept in despair; had 
broken the family circle of every household in the 
land; draped the Nation in mourning, and had nigh 
overturned the foundations of the American Republic, 
and established a foreign Government upon its ruins. 
That these people should, so soon as their weapons 
were taken from their hands by superior force of the 
armies of the Government which they had thus 
offended, without any guarantees for the future or re- 
pentance for the past, unpurged of their high crimes 
a^^ainst the Nation and its people, establish State Gov- 
ernments, and enter the National halls of legislation to 
accomplish there what they failed to accomplish by 
force of arms, would neither be consistent with the 
instincts and teachings of human nature, nor the pres- 
ervation of national liberty. 



40G REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

But it is neither the policy, nor is it consistent with 
the genius of American Republicanism to inflict severe 
pains and penalties. The law of the land prohi1)its 
corruption of blood, or forfeiture of estate, even for 
treason — save during the life of the offender ; and the 
lenient hand of the Government toward those eno;ao;ed 
in the late Rebellion, not exacting the life of a single 
individual, and gradually lifting the burden of their 
offenses from them, and baptizing them anew in the 
fountain of ximerican citizenship, is a sublime spectacle 
of the majesty of freedom, when entrusted to the 
keeping of an educated and patriotic people. 

The burden of political infidelity is now removed 
from the great mass of the people of the rebellious 
States, and one by one, as each offender will return, all 
will again march beneath the National banner, proud 
of the greatness and freedom of their country. 

The States, lately in rebellion, whose restless com- 
motion distracted their equilibrium, and obscured their 
light from mightiest telescopic view through the dense 
clouds of political disaster, have, obedient to a law of 
nature, gravitated in their orbs, and again, like w^an- 
dering stars, that had passed through the shock of the 
darkness of night, when the celestial artillery had 
ceased its roar, and the smoke of contending ele- 
ments had given place to a clear sky, appear among 
the National galaxy, polished in the conflict, and shin- 
ing with new lustre; their citizens wiser, and, it is to 
be hoped, better people — content to seek happiness 
within the sphere of the laws and institutions of the 
Federal Government, where they will find it much 
cheaper and easier obtained, than dreaming over the 
phantom of the Lost Cause, or clinging to the un- 
substantial fabric of State Rights and Squatter Sov- 
ereignty. 




^M,A^DDEUS STEV--^" 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

FEDERAI, UNION.— CONSTITUTIONS OF THE SEVEKAL STATES.— ELECTIVE FRAN- 
CHISE IN THE SEVERAL ST.\TES.— WHO AKE ELIGIBLE TO OFFICE.— COLO- 
NIAL ROYAL CHARTEES.— ADOPTION OF STATE CONSTITUTIONS.— OF THE 
FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.— ADMISSION OF STATES INTO THE UNION. 

In considering the political affairs of the American 
Republic, one important fact must always be kept in 
view, namely: that the people constitute the Govern- 
ment; that unlike other nations whose Governments 
are conducted by a small class of the inhabitants, pre- 
sided over by an hereditary Monarch, in America every 
office is filled by popular vote. True, in judicial and 
other positions, appointments are made by the Presi- 
dent and Cabinet; but the President who makes the 
nomination is elected, and in so far as he regards his 
political standing and chances for future success, he 
is amenable to the people; and the Senate, which con- 
firms and acts in the appointments, is also elected. 
Besides, all officers are liable to impeachment, be they 
elected or appointed; and the Court to preside over 
such impeachment, in matters connected with the 
Federal Government, is the United States Senate, the 
members of which are elected. 

The division of the people of the Nation into polit-. 
ical bodies, known as States, is for the more conven- 
ient administration of municipal government, just as 
counties are created within States, and cities within 
counties. It is a political absurdity to denominate 
these political societies Sovereign States, unless we 
acknowledge sovereignty to belong to every body politic 



408 REPUBLICANISM i:," AMni'iCA. [Chap. 

that is not absolutely beneath the dignity of a village 
corporation. 

That the thirteen Colonies were " sovereign and in- 
dependent States " before the adoption of the Articles 
of Confederation, no one versed in the history of the 
country, or in the science of government, will dispute; 
but on the adoption of that instrument, they relin- 
quished their highest political rights, and handed them 
to the United States, which became the paramount legis- 
lative and executive head of all the States ; not in all 
things, but in all such powers as were specifically dele- 
gated, and those were the highest political functions 
of the States. 

By Article VI, Sec. 1, of the Articles of Confedera- 
tion, "No State shall send any embassy to, or receive 
any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agree- 
ment, alliance or treaty with any King, Prince, or 
State." 

Section 2d, of the same article, clearly indicates, 
that even under the Articles of Confederation, the 
States did not retain the position of Sovereign States, 
and that not a vestige of nationality existed in them, 
save in their being fractions of the sovereign power 
the United States created by the general laws binding 
them too-ether. The section alluded to reads as fol- 
lows: "No two or more States shall enter into any 
treaty, confederation, or alliance whatever between 
them, without the consent of the United States in 
Congress assembled." 

It is most difficult to see where the "sovereignty" 
or "nationality " of these States were, after the adop- 
tion of the above. By Article IX, Sec. 1, " The United 
States in Congress assembled " had the sole power of 
declaring war, concluding peace, and of sending and 
receiving Embassadors. 



I 



XXIIL] SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES. 409 

The several States were fully divested of every prin- 
ciple of sovereignty that was ever attached to them by 
the adoption of these articles; and all that the adop- 
tion of the Federal Constitution did, was to more fully 
define the powers of the National Government. 

In my examination of the powers vested by the Con- 
stitution in the different branches of the Government, 
in a preceding chapter, the subject of the powers of 
the General Government over the States, will be found 
pretty fully discussed; also in the chapter relating to 
Reconstruction. 

The Federal Government existing under the Con- 
stitution and laws of the Nation is eminently RepvMi- 
can in letter, spirit, and practice. The Civil Rights 
Bill and the Xlllth and XlVth amendments to the 
United States Constitution, have completed its Repub- 
lican character. But tlie political latitude assumed by 
many of the States, has, within their jurisdiction, com- 
pletely subverted the Republican form of Government, 
as defined by the Federal Constitution, and established 
within their limits Governments ranging all the way 
from semi-Republicanism to despotism. It indeed 
seems strange that the people of America could have 
so long tolerated communities within the General 
Government so destitute of anything approaching Re- 
publicanism as had existed from the adoption of the 
Constitution up to 1860, and as exists up to this day 
in some of the States. 

That the reader may fully understand my views upon 
this important subject, I shall arrange in chronological 
order the rights of citizens under the Constitutions 
and laws of the several States in the Union. The 
arrangement will be made in the order in which the 
States entered the Union, and as they were January 



410 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

1st, 1869, except those of the seceded States, which 
are given as they were at the close of the Rebellion, 
in April, 1865. 

Delaware. — One of the original thirteen States, re- 
ceived a royal charter in 1682, adopted a Constitution 
in 1776, and was the first of the States to adopt the 
Federal Constitution, December 7th. 1787. Her pres- 
ent Constitution was adopted December 2d, 1831. 

Electors. — Free white male citizens 21 years of age, 
having resided one year in the State, and one month 
in the county where voting, and having paid a county 
tax within two years. Also, white male citizens 21 
years of age, and under 22 years, may vote without 
having paid a tax. 

Governor. — Holds his office for four years; must be at 
least 30 years of age ; a citizen and inhabitant of the 
United States 12 years, and 6 years an inhabitant of 
the State. 

Pennsylvania. — One of the original thirteen States, 
received a royal charter in 1681, adopted her first 
Constitution in 1776, a new one in 1790, and again 
another, her present one, in 1838. She adopted the 
Federal Constitution December 12th, 1787. 

Electors. — White freemen of the age of 21 years, who 
have resided in th. State one year, and who have 
within two years paid a State or County tax. Also, 
white freemen between the ages of 21 and 22, without 
having paid a tax. Ariicle IX, Section 3, of her Con- 
stitution, says: "That no human authority can, in any 
case whatever, control or interfere with the rights of 
conscience." Section 4, of the same Article, declares 
that "persons not believing in a future state of rewards 
and punishments may not hold any office or place of 



XXIIL] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 411 

trust or profit under this Commonwealth." These sec- 
tions are certainly in direct opposition to each other, 
and the last one Anti-Republican, according to the 
Federal Constitution, whicli declares that "Congress 
shall make no law respecting an establishment of re- 
ligion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." This 
is the stmdard set up by the Federal Government upon 
this suljject for a Republican form of Government. 
The Constitution of Pennsylvania, therefore, is not 
Republican, and her State Government should be sus- 
pended l)y Congress until a State Constitution, Repub- 
lican in form, is adopted. -..^ 

Governor. — Holds his office for three years ; must be 
30 years of age, and a citizen and resident of the State 
for seven years. 

New Jersey. — This was also one of the original thir- 
teen States. This State received a royal charter in 
16G5, and a second one in 1G75; adopted a Constitu- 
tion in 177G; adopted the Federal Constitution De- 
cember loth 1787, and adopted her present Constitu- 
tion June 29th, 1844. 

Elmtori,. — Every white male citizen of the United 
States, residing in the State one year. 

Goverrcor. — Holds his office for three years ; must be 
a citizen of the United States for twenty years, and of 
the State for seven years. 

Georgia. — Georgia, one of the original thirteen 
States, received a royal charter in 1732; adopted her 
first Constitution in 1777; adopted the Federal Consti- 
tution January 2d, 1788; adopted a new State Consti- 
tution in 1785, and her present one on the 30th of 
May, 1798. 

Ekctors. — White male citizens 21 years of age, who 



412 REPUBLICANISM IN AJIERICA. [Chap. 

have paid taxes, inhabitants of the State, and residents 
in the county six months. State Senators must be 
25 years of age, and nine years citizens of the United 
States, three years inhabitants of the State, and must 
possess a freehold estate of the value of $500, or taxa- 
ble property worth $1,000 in the county of his resi- 
dence. Representatives in the Legislature must be 21 
years of age, and possessed of a freehold estate of the 
value of $250, or taxable property worth $500; must 
have been seven years citizens of the United States, 
and three years inhabitants of the State. 

Governor. — Holds his office for two years ; is elected by 
the Legislature; must be a citizen of the United States 
twelve years, and an inhabitant of the State six years; 
thirty years of age, and must be possessed of 500 acres 
of land in his own right, within the State, and other 
property to the amount of $4,000, clear of all debts. 

Connecticut. — Connecticut, one of the original thir- 
teen States, received a charter in 1662 from Charles 
II, which was confirmed by England in 1688. She did 
not adopt a State Constitution until December 15th, 
1818. She adopted the Federal Constitution January 
9th, 1788. 

Electors. — All white male citizens of the United 
States 21 3^ears of age, who shall reside in the State 
for one year, and shall sustain a good moral character, 
and be able to read any Article of the Constitution, or 
any Section of the Statutes of tho State. 

Govemoi'. — Holds his office for one year; must be 30 
years of age, and an elector. 

Massachusetts. — This State, one of the original thir- 
teen States, received a royal charter in 1620; another 
in 1692. Adopted her first and jDresent Constitution 



XXIIL] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 413 

in 1780. Adopted the Federal Constitution February 
6th, 1788. 

Electors. — Every male citizen 21 years of age, who 
has resided in the State one year ; has p?id a tax within 
two years; "can read the Constitution of this Common- 
wealth in the English language, and can write his 
name ; but these last requirements shall not apply to 
persons physically disabled to perform such offices." 

Gomrnor. — Is elected annually; must have been an 
inhabitant of the State for seven years. 

Maryland. — Maryland, one of the original thirteen 
States, received a royal charter in 1G32, another in 
1650; adopted a Constitution in 1776; adopted the 
Federal Constitution April 28th, 1788, and her pres- 
ent Constitution May 13th, 1851. 

Electors. — Free white male citizens twenty-one years 
of age, having resided one year in the State, and six 
months in the county. 

Governor. — Holds his office for four years, must be 
thirty years of age, five years a citizen of the United 
States, five years a resident of the State, and three 
years a resident of the district from which he is elected. 
Article III, Sec. 2, of the Constitution says: "No min- 
ister or preacher of the gospel of any denomination, 
shall be eligible as Senator or Delegate." Article 
XXXIII of the Declaration of Rights to the same Con- 
stitution, says: "That it is the duty of every man to 
worship God, in such manner as he thinks most ac- 
ceptable to him. All persons are equally entitled to 
protection in their religious liberty; wherefore, no 
person ought by any law, to be molested in his person 
or estate, on account of his religious persuasions or 
professions, or for his religious joractices." How can 



414 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the good people of Maryland reconcile these two sec- 
tions, when they do, b}^ the first, deprive a man of his 
rights, liberty, and privileges for the exercise of his 
religious belief. This Constitution is Anti-Republican. 

South Carolina. — This State was also one of the 
original thirteen States. Her Constitution was adopted 
in 1775. She adopted the Federal Constitution May 
23d, 1788, and her present Constitution in 1790. 

JSkctors. — Free white men twenty-one years of age 
and citizens of the State, having resided therein two 
years, and having a freehold of 50 acres of land, or 
owning a town lot ; not possessing the former property, 
the payment of a tax of three shillings sterling enti- 
tles them to vote for members of the Legislature. To 
hold a seat in the House of Representatives, must be 
a free white man twenty-one years of age, and a citi- 
zen and resident of the State for three years ; must be 
possessed of a freehold of 500 acres of land and ten 
negroes, or of real estate of the value of fifty pounds 
sterling clear of debt. State Senator must be thirty 
years of age, a free white male citizen, and resident of 
the State for five years; if a resident in the electoral 
district, he must hold a freehold of the value of three 
hundred pounds sterling; if not a resident of the dis- 
trict, ho must own a freehold of the value of one 
thousand pounds sterling. 

Governor. — Holds his office for two years; is elected 
by the Legislature; must be thirty years of age; a 
citizen and resident of the State for ten years, and be 
possessed of a freehold estate of fifteen hundred 
pounds sterling. 

New Hampshire. — One of the original thirteen States; 
adopted her first Constitution in 1784 ; adopted the 



XXIII.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 415 

Federal Constitution January 21st, 1788, and adopted 
her present Constitution February, 1792. 

Electors. — All male inhabitants twenty-one years of 
age, having 'Hown privileges;" also the "inhabitants" 
who shall be required to assess taxes upon themselves 
for the support of the Government. (It would accom- 
modate the public if they could know what the ''town 
privileges" of New Hampshire are, also who are "in- 
habitants required to assess taxes upon themselves," so 
they might know who can vote.) 

Governor. — Is elected annually; he shall be "Ji inhab- 
itant of the State for seven years, and thirty years of 
age. Part I, Sec. 5, of the Bill of Rights, declares 
that " every individual has a natural and inalienable 
right to worship God according to the dictates of his 
own conscience and reason." Section 6, same Article, 
says : "And every denomination of Christians, demean- 
ing themselves quietly and as good citizens of the 
State, shall be equally under the protection of the 
law." Is not this a departure from the doctrine in the 
first Article quoted, extending the protection of the 
law to Christians only? What of the hundreds of 
other denominations, are they not all embraced within 
the clause giving to ever}^ individual the right to wor- 
ship God according to the dictates of his conscience ? 
Why not they, too, be protected, if they be " good 
citizens ?" 

Virginia. — One of the original thirteen States; re- 
ceived a royal charter in 1606, and another in 1609. 
She adopted a Constitution in 1776; adopted the Fed- 
eral Constitution June 26th, 1788; adopted a new 
State Constitution in 1830, and another in 1851. 

Electors. — White male citizens twenty-one years of 
age, who ha.e resided in the State two years. 



416 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Governor. — Must be thirty years of age, a native born 
citizen of the United States, and resident of Virginia 
five years. Senators, twenty-five years of age; Kepre- 
sentatives, twenty-one. 

New York. — One of the original thirteen States; 
received o royal charter in 1664; adopted a Constitu- 
tion in 1777, and adopted the Federal Constitution 
July 26th, 1788; adopted another State Constitution 
in 1822, and her present one October 9th, 1846. 

Electors. — Every male citizen twenty-one j^ears of 
age, who has resided in the State one year, and has 
been a citizen for ten days. Colored persons must 
have been citizens of the State for three years, and 
possessed of real estate to the value of $250, free of 
all incumbrances. 

Governor. — Holds his office for two years; must be 
thirty years of age, a citizen of the United States, and 
resident of the State for five years. 

North Carolina. — One of the original thirteen 
States; received a royal charter in 1630, and another 
in 1663; adopted a Constitution in 1776; adopted the 
Federal Constitution November 21st, 1789. 

Electors. — ^White male citizens twenty-one years of 
age, who pay a tax, and shall be possessed of fifty 
acres of land. 

Governor. — Shall hold his office for two years, must 
be thirty j^ears of age, a resident of the State five 
years, and possessed of a freehold in the State, of the 
value of one thousand povmds sterling. 

Representatives. — Must reside one year in the county 
they represent and possess 120 acres of land. 

Senators. — ]\-UBt reside in their district one year, and 
be possessed of 300 acres of land. Section 19, of their 
Declaration of Rights, says: ''That all men have a 



XXIII.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 417 

natural and inalienable right to worship Almighty 
God according to the dictates of their own con- 
sciences." 

Section 34, of the Constitution, says: ''That there 
shall be no establishment of any reli-ious church or 
denomination in this State in preference to any other;" 
and that ''all persons shall be at liberty to exercise 
their own mode of worship." 

It is singular with what impunity the people who 
could write and adopt such language as has been 
quoted here, in the face of this, could have disfran- 
chised a portion of their citizens for the exercise of 
conscience, and establish a religious prescription, in 
violation of the principles of the Constitution of 'the 
United States. Section 2, Article IV, of the amend- 
ments to the Constitution of North Carolina, says: " Xo 
person who shall deny the truth of the Christian re- 
ligion, or the divine authority of the Old and New 
Testament, shall be capable of holding any office, or 
place ol trust, or profit, in the civil department within 
this State." 

This Constitution did not afford the people a Re- 
publican form of Government, and undoubtedly the 
State Government could have been suspended by the 
Congress of the United States, and their Representa- 
tives refused admission to the National Legislature. 
^ Section 31, of her Constitution, disfranchises her 
citizens on account of the exercise of religious belief. 
It says: "No clergyman or preacher of the Gospel of 
any denomination, shall be capable of being a member 
of cither the Senate or House of Commons, or Council 
of State." 

KnoDE Island.— The last of the thirteen oridnal 



418 REPUBLICA^^iSM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

States that entered the Union, received a royal char- 
ter in 1GG3; adopted the Federal Constitution May 
29th, 1790, and her present Constitution November 
23d, 1842. 

Electors. — Native male citizens twenty-one years of 
age. ' Also, naturalized citizens twenty-one years of 
age, who own real estate worth $134 over all incum- 
brances, or which rents for $7 per annum. 

Governor. — Is elected annually. 

Vermont. — This was the first State, after the original 
thirteen, that came into the Union. She adopted a 
Constitution in 1777, was admitted into the Union 
March 4th, 1791, and adopted her present Constitu- 
tion July 9th, 1793. 

Electors. — Male citizens twenty-one years of age, who 
have resided in the State one year, are of a quiet and 
peaceable behavior, and will make oath tliat they will 
cast their vote according to their consciences for the 
best interests of the State of Vermont, "without fear 
or favor of any man." 

Oovernor. — Is elected annually; must have resided in 
the State four years. 

Senators. — Must be thirty years of ago, and freemen. 

Representatives. — Shall reside two years in the State. 

Kentucky. — Adopted a Constitution in 1790 ; another 
in 1799; admitted into the Union June 1st, 1792; 
adopted her present Constitution June 11th, 1850. 

Electors. — Free white men twenty-one years of age, 
citizens of the United States, and citizens of the State 
two years, and one year in the county where they vote. 

Governor. — Is elected for four years ; is ineligible for 
the next four years; muot be a citizen of the United 
States; thirty-five years of age, and been a resident of 
the State six years. 



XXIII.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 419 

Senators. — Must be thirty years of age, resident in 
the State six years, and in the district one year. 

JRepresentatwes. — Must be twenty-four years of age, 
reside in the State two years, and one year in the 
county they represent. Section 5, of the Bill of Rights, 
declares: "That all men have a natural and indefea- 
sible right to worship Almighty God according to the 
dictates of their own consciences; that no human au- 
thority ought, in any case whatever, to control or in- 
terfere with the rights of conscience, and that no 
preference shall ever be given by law to an}^ religious 
societies or modes of worship." Article III, Sec. 6, of 
the same Constitution, says: "No minister of any re- 
ligious society shall be eligible to the office of Gov- 
ernor:" and Article II, Sec. 27: "No person, while he 
continues to exercise the functions of a clergyman, 
priest, or teacher of any religious persuasion, society, 
or sect, skall be eligible to the General Assembly." 
These last sections are in direct derogation of the dec- 
laration of the Bill of Rights of the State, and opposed 
to the Federal Constitution, and are Anti-Republican. 
Kentucky cannot have a Republican form of Govern- 
ment under such prescriptions, and the National Con- 
gress has an undoubted constitutional power to sus- 
pend her State Government, refuse her Representatives 
seats in the Congress, and hold the State under Fed- 
eral laws as one of the Territories until she adopts a 
Government Jlepublican in form. 

Tenntissee. — Adopted a State Constitution in 1796; 
admitted into the Union June 1st, 1796, and adopted 
her present Constitution August 30th, 1834. 

Electors. — Free white male citizens twentj^-one years 
of age, ha\dng resided six months in the county where 

27 



420 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

thej^'vote; also all colored men, who are competent 

witnesses in a Court of J ustice against a white man. 
Goveriwr. — Holds his office for two years; must be 

thirty years of age, a citizen of the United States and 

of the State for seven years. 

Senators. — Must be thirty years of age and citizens 

of the State three years. 

jReprPsentatives. — Must be twenty-one years of age 
and citizens of the State three years. 

In tlie Constitution of Tennessee the Declaration of 
RigJits, Article I, Sec. 3, says: "No human authority 
can in any case whatever, control or interfere with the 
rights of conscience ; and that no preference shall 
ever be given by law to any religious establishment or 
mode of worship," Section 4: "That no religious test 
shall ever be required as a qualification to any office, 
or public trust under this State." Article IX, Sec. 1, 
of the same Constitution, says: "No minister of the 
gospel or priest of any denomination whatever, shall 
be eligible to a seat in either House of the Legisla- 
ture." This section is in direct conflict with the 
Declaration of Rights, is opposed to the letter and 
spirit of the Federal Constitution, and is Anti-Republi- 
can. The Federal Congress had undoubted legal au- 
thority to suspend the State Government of Tennes- 
see, ?nd to refuse her representatives admission, until 
she adopted a Constitution Republican in form. 

Ohio. — Admitted into the Union November 29th, 
1802; adopted her present Constitution March 10th, 
1851. 

Electors. — ^White male citizens twenty-one years of 
age, who have resided in the State one year. 

Governor. — Is elected for two years. Senators and 



I 



XXIIL] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 421 

Representatives are elected for two years; must have 
resided in their counties or districts one year. 

Being a citizen and a voter is the only qualification 
necessar}^ to be eligible to any office in the State. 

Louisiana. — Adopted State Constitution in 1812; 
admitted into the Union April 8th, 1812; adopted 
another State Constitution in 1845, and another July 
31st, 1852. 

Electors. — Free white male citizens twenty-one years 
of age, who have resided in the State one year. 

Governor. — Is elected for four years, must be twenty- 
eight years of age, and a citizen and resident of the 
State for four years. 

Senators and Representatives are elected for two years ; 
all legal voters are eligible as Senators and Represen- 
tatives. 

Indiana. — Adopted a Constitution in 1816; admitted 
into the Union December 11th, 1816; adopted her 
present Constitution February 10th, 1851. 

Electors. — White male citizens twenty-one years of 
age, having resided in the State six months. Also 
aliens, being males and twenty-one years of age, who 
have made their declaration to become citizens of the 
United States, having resided in the United States one 
year, and in the State six months. 

Governor. — Is elected for four years; must have been 
for live years a citizen of the United States, and resi- 
dent of the State five years, and be thirty years of age. 

Senators. — Are elected for four years; must be twen- 
t^^-five years of age ; citizens of the United States ; resi- 
dents of the State for two years, and inhabitants of 
the county or district for one year. 

Representatives. — Are elected for two years; must be 



422 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United 
States. 

Mississippi. — Adopted a Constitution in 1817; was 
admitted into the Union December 16th, 1817. 

Electors. — Free white male citizens twenty-one years 
of age, who have resided in the State one year, and the 
county for four months. 

Governor. — Holds his office for two years; must be 
thirty years of age; a citizen of the United States for 
twenty years; a resident of the State five years, and 
sliall not be capable of holding the office more tlian 
four years in any term of six years. 

Senators. — Are elected for four years; must be thirty 
years of age ; citizens of the United States ; inhabitants 
of the State four years, and of the district one year. 

Representatives. — Are elected for two years; must be 
twenty-one years of age; citizens of the United States; 
residents of the State two years, and of the district one 
year. 

The Declaration of Rights of Mississippi, Article i. 
Sec. 3, says: " The exercise and enjoyment of religious 
profession and worship, without discrimination, shall 
forever be free to all persons in this State." Section 
4: "No preference shall ever be given by law to any re- 
ligious sect or mode of worship." Section 5: ''That 
no person shall be molested for his opinions on any 
subject whatever, nor suffer any civil or political inca- 
pacity." Article YII, Sec. 5, says: "No person who 
denies the being of a God, or a future state of reward 
and punishment, shall hold any office in the civil de- 
partment of this State." How can tliese sections be 
harmonized? And is not this last one in direct viola- 
tion of the declared rights of conscience, as expressed 



XXIII.] CITIZENSniP IN THE STATES. 423 

in Sections 3, 4, and 5 of the Bill of Rights? If it is 
not interfering with the right of conscience, and de- 
priving a person of civil rights, to disqualify them from 
holding any civil office, and remove them from office if 
they should be elected or aj^pointed, because they 
would not make solemn oath that they believed in a 
"future state of rewards and punishments," then I do 
not understand what the gracious people of Mississippi 
would denominate an interference with tlie right of 
conscience. The National Congress had a right also 
to suspend the State Government of this State, as be- 
ing in derogation of the Federal Constitution, and 
Anti-Republican and despotic. 

Illinois. — Adopted a Constitution in 1818; was ad- 
mitted into the Union December 3d, 1818; adopted 
her present Constitution August 31st, 1847. 

Electors. — White male citizens twenty-one years of 
age, having resided in the State one year. 

Governor. — Is elected for four years; must be thirty- 
five years of age ; a citizen of the United States for 
fourteen years, and resident of the State ten years ; he 
shall not be eligible more than four years in any term 
of eiglit years. 

Senators. — Are elected for four years ; must be thirty 
years of age; citizens of the United States; for five 
years citizens of the State, and one year of the county 
where elected. 

Hejyresentatives. — Are elected for two years; must be 
twenty-five years of age; citizens of the United States, 
and of the State for three years, and one year of the 
county. 

Xo person shall be elected or appointed to any office 
in the State, civil or military, who is not a citizen of 



421 



IM'irilllMCANISM IN AMKIMC^A. 



[(.Miap. 



lli(> I'liilcd Sl:ilt'S, mill wlio shall nol- liavc resided in 
ili(^ Slate om^ year iinmedialely ludore such elc^ction or 
n]>|)()iiil iiieiil. 

Al.miama. Ad()j)ted liei" ( Jonstitiilioii llios(HU)n(l duy 
of Aiii;iis(, I SI!); vvuH adinitled into ilu) Union J)(s 
cemher Mill, I SID. 

AV('(7o/'s. While niaJe eili/ens (weiily-one years of 
a^e, ha\'ing resid(Ml in I he Slater one; year. 

(t^orcnior. Is ehn^ted for 1. wo years; is ineliti;il)le for 
more llian lour years in any Icrin ol" six years; must 
be Ihii'ly years of ai;'e and a, naiive ol" Ihe I'niled 
Stales, and shall ha\'e resided in the Slale I'onr years. 

^"^ciutfors. Are elected for three yeai's ; mnst 1k» 
white male eiti'/ens twenly-seven years of a<j;e, inhab- 
itants of (he State two years, and one year of the dis- 
trict where th(>y are (dios«Mi. 

/ii'/)r('f<ciif<t(ipffi. -Mnst bo wdiite male citizens iwonty- 
one yeai's of »!;■(»; inhabitants of the State two years, 
and the county in whicdi they are ehn'ted Tor one year. 

Maink. Ado|)(ed a, (\)ns(itn(ion OclolxM- 2l)(h, J819; 
wasadmitled into lh(> Union Nbirch l^lli, ISliO. 

/vV('(7()/-s. Mvery n\ale cili/en ol" Ihe l-niled Stales 
twenly-one years of a«;"e, luiving resided in Ihe Stato 
three* montlis; also Indians \\\\on taxed. 

(lOirnior. —\s elcM'ted I'or one \'ear; nuisl be a. native 
boi'H I'ili/.eu oC the I'nitiMl Stales, thirty years ol" aj;v, 
and \\\v years a resident of tlu' Slale. 

iScnafors. — Are ehn'ted for one year; must be Iwenty- 
fivo yc^irs of a<i;e, citi/cMis of the United Stat(>s live 
years and i-(\sidents in tlu* Slate om* year, and for 
three months in th(> district tht>v I'l^pri'sent . 

Ju'presentatlreH. — Must be twenty-one years o^ ai;-e, 
citi/ens of tlu* HnittMl Statt*s for liv(* \'ears. residents 



XXI II. j (!i'I'izi;n,siiii' in 'iiii'; statks. '125 

of llic Sl.iil.c one yciii', iiiid l.lir(M; iiioiiHim in llic cdiinLy 
wIk'Ic clcclcd. 

Missoiilti. — Adopted :i, (loiiHliriilioii in I H2 I ; lulnnl,- 
tO(J in(.) llic Union Aii;j;iis(, lOlii, \H'1\. 

h'hiors. — Vv(>(\ while iiiiiJc (•ilr/ciis iwciily-oiH' yciirH 
of u^j^c, liiLvin*^ resided onu yciii- in llic SIjiIc iind tlirco 
liioiilJiH ill Mi(! coiiiily or <liHlricl, wlicrc I, hey vol/(>. 

Oomrnor. — Ih (dccl,(!d for lour ycjirn; he Nh;dl he iri- 
clijiildc for Mk; n(!\l/ lour y<!iU'H nflcr Ihclcini (»!" his 
ollico ; Hhall he n. iV(!(i whilf; cili/cn of l,h<! UniliMJ 
StatoH for l-cn yciti-H, and of llic Sl;i.l-c of MiHsoiiri at 
leaHl/ live yc;i,rs; Ik; hIkiII he Ihirl.y ycurM (d" njj;*'. 

tS('ji/Uor», — Ar(5 ohicd-cd Coi- lour y(!arH; inusr, ]h\ l,hirl-y 
yourH ol' a^<^, free while ni;i,le eili/ciiH of iJii; IJnil,(!(J 
Htai(!H, iiili:d>il.iUilM of Mie Sl.:il<! four ycarH and of Iho 
(liHiricl for one ycM', Jitid hii.vc; paid a Stale or eoiinly 
tax OIK! y<'iir hcl'ore (dccdion. 

/i<'pn',H(',n/,(Ulimn.—A\-i' (deeled lor two yoaPH; niUHt 1)0 

tw(!nly-roiir y(;arH of Ji;i;c, IVet! wliit(! nisilr; eiti'/ens oT 

th(; United Stat(>H, inhiihitiiritH ol" IIh; Stii,t(! for two 

♦ 

years, ;ind of the eoiinly or distriid, they r('pre,-;ciit 
orn! y(.'ar. 

Tlu! Declaration of H,i^;litM, Artiedc; XI, S(;e. ^, of 
tli(! Stii,t(! ( "on.stitiition, s:iyH : " tliiit ;ill men liiive 
a iiatiinil iind iiMhd'eiiHihh; ri^;lit to worship y\ lini;.';hl,y 
(jiod aeeordin^ to the diet;i,t(!S of I heir own eon- 
H(;ieneeH." Se'edJon 5^ of th<! Hariu; Artieh;, HJiys: " That 
no ])(!rHon on afjeoiint of his ndi^ioiis ofiinions, eaii 
be reii<l(!r(!(l irieligihh! to any oni<;(! (d* trust or jirolit 
under this State." Articde III, Se<',tion I. '5, (d" Hie 
CoriHtitutioii, sayn: "No p(!rHoii, wliih he eonlinii";i to 
ox(;reise th<; fune,iions of a hisliop, |)iiest, or e|f;i-gy- 
man, or teacher of iiriy r(di<i;ious perHuasioii, deuojuiua- 



426 REPUBLICAiaSM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tion, society, or sect whatever, shall be eligible to the 
office of Governor, Lieut.-Governor, or to either House 
of the General Assembly, nor to the office of Judge in 
any Court of Record." These provisions of the Con- 
stitution are in direct conflict with each other. The 
last one quoted deprives the citizen of his rights, on 
account of his religious opinions and practices, and as 
a religious test for office, is in violation of the solemn 
declaration of the Federal Constitution. The National 
Congress in the case of this State, had legal authority 
to suspend the State Government until a Constitution 
Republican in form was adopted. 

Arkansas. — Adopted a Constitution in 1836; admit- 
ted into the Union June loth, 1836; adopted another 
State Constitution November 17th, 1846. 

Governor. — Is elected for four years, and shall not be 
eligible for more than eight years in an}^ term of the 
twelve years; shall be thirty years of age, and a native 
born citizen of Arkansas, or a native born citizen of 
the United States, or a resident of Arkansas ten years 
previous to the adoption of the Constitution, if not a 
native of the United States; and shall have resided in 
the State four years. 

Electors. — Free white male citizens of the United 
States, twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the 
State six months. 

Senators. — Are elected for four years; must be thirty 
years of age, free white male citizens of the United 
States, inhabitants of the State one year. 

Representatives. — Are elected for two years, must be 
twenty-five years of age, and free white male citizens 
of the United States. 

Article II, Section 3, of the Declaration of Rights, 



XXIIL] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 427 

says: "That all men have a natural and mdefeasible 
right to worship Almighty God, according to the dic- 
tates of their own conscience." Section 3, of Article 
IX, of the Constitution, says: "No person who denies 
the being of a God, shall hold any office in the civil 
department of this State, nor be allowed liis oath in 
any Court." Whether the belief in a Great Spirit 
permeating space, or a belief in a physical body, will 
satisfy the good people of Arkansas, is not defined. 
This Constitution is Anti-Republican, in conflict with 
the Federal Constitution; and the National Congress 
had legal power to suspend the State Government, 
because it was not Republican in form. 

Michigan. — Was admitted into the Union Januarj' 
26th, 1837; adopted her present Constitution August 
15th, 1850. 

Electors. — White male citizens, and white male in- 
habitants, residing in the State on the 24th of June, 
1835, and white male inhabitants residing in the State 
on the 1st of January, 1850, who have declared their 
intention to become citizens of the United States; and 
every civilized male inhabitant of Indian descent, a 
native of the United States, and not a member of any 
tribe. All voters must be twenty-one years of age, 
and residents of the State three months. 

Governor. — Is elected for two years; must be thirty 
years of age; a citizen of the United States for five 
years, and a resident of the State two years. 

Senators. — Are elected for two years. 

Representatives. — Are also elected for two years. 
Senators and Representatives shall be citizens of the 
United States, and qualified electors. 

Florida. — Adopted a Constitution December 3d^ 
1 838; admitted into the Union March 3d, 1845. 



428 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Medors. — Free white male citizens of the United 
States twenty-one 'years of age, who have resided in 
the State two years, and six months in the county 
where they vote. 

Governor. — Is elected for four years ; he shall not be 
eligible for the next four years after the expiration of 
his term ; must be thirty years of age ; must be a citizen- 
of the United States for ten years, and a resident of 
the State five years. 

Senators. — Are elected for two years; must be white 
male citizens of the United States; inhabitants of the 
State two years, and be twenty-live years of age. 

Representatives. — Must be white male citizens of the 
.United States; inhabitants of the State two years; the 
last year in tho county from which they are elected, 
and shall be twenty-one years of age. 

Article VI, Sec. 10, says: "No minister of the Gos- 
pel shall be eligible to the office of Governor, Senator, 
or member of the House of Representatives of this 
State." The Constitution of Florida in this was Anti- 
Republican, and its State Government could have been 
suspended by the National Congress until a Constitu- 
tion Republican in form would be adopted. 

Texas. — Adopted a Constitution August 27th, 1845; 
admitted into the Union December 29th, 1845. 

Electors. — Free male citizens of the United States 
twenty-one years of age, having resided in the State 
one year, and in the county where they vote six 
months. Also, citizens of the Republic of Texas, and 
Indians, if taxed. Africans and their descendants are 
excluded. 

Governor. — Is elected for two years ; must be thirty 
years of age; a citizen of the United States, and resi- 
dent of the State two years. 



XXIII.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 429 

Senators. — Are elected for four years; must be thirty 
years of age ; citizens of the United States, or citizens 
of the Republic of Texas at the adoption of the Con- 
stitution, and inhabitants of the State three years, and 
one year in the district. 

Representatives. ~Kyq elected for two years ; must be 
4wenty-one years of age; citizens of the United States, 
or citizens of the Republic of Texas at the time of the 
adoption of the Constitution, and inhabitants of the 
Stiite two years. 

Iowa. — Adopted a Constitution in 1844; was admit- 
ted into the Union December 28th, 1846. 

Electors. — White male citizens of the United States 
twenty-one years of age, who have resided in the State 
six months next preceding the election, and sixty days 
in the county. 

Governor'—Rold^ his office for two years; must be 
thirty years of age ; a citizen of the United States for 
two years, and a resident of the State two years. 

Senators. — Are elected for four years; must be twen- 
ty-five years of age ; white male citizens of the United 
States; inhabitants of the State one year, and of the 
county or district sixty days. 

Representatives. — Are elected for two years; must be 
twenty-one years of age ; free white male citizens of 
the United States; inhabitants of the State one year 
next preceding their election, and sixty days in the 
county. On the 3d of November, 1868, Iowa amended 
her Constitution by striking out the word wJiite in the 
qualification for electors, thus adopting universal suf- 
frage. 

Wisconsin. — Adopted a Constitution February 1st, 
1848; admitted into the Union May 29th, 1848. 



430 REPUBLiCANis:>i IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Electors. — 1st. White citizens of the United States. 
2d. White persons of foreign birth, who shall have de- 
clared their intention to become citizens. 3d. Persons 
of Indian blood, who have been declared citizens of 
the United States by law of Congress. 4th. Civilized 
persons of Indian descent, not members of any tribe. 
In all cases must be twenty-one years of age, and have^ 
resided in the State one year next preceding election. 

Governor. — Is elected for two ^^er.rs; one year's resi- 
dence in the State, and being a qualified elector, is the 
only qualification required. 

Representatives. — Are elected for one year; one year's 
residence in the State, and boing qualified electors, is 
the only qualification required. 

California. — Adopted a Constitution JSTov. 13th, 
1849; admitted into the Union September 9th, 1850. 

Electors. — White male citizens of the United States, 
and white male citizens of Mexico, who have elected 
to become citizens of the United States, under the 
treaty of Queretaro, of the thirtieth of January, 1848, 
of the age of twenty-one years, who have resided in 
the State six months next preceding any election, and 
in the county or district wherein he votes, thirty days. 
The Legislature may admit Indians or the descendants 
of Indians to the right of suffrage. 

Governor. — Is elected for four years; must have at- 
tained the age of twenty-five years, be a citizen of the 
United States, and resident of the State for two years 
next preceding the election 

Senators. — Are elected for four years, must be citi- 
zens and inhabitants of the State for one year, and of 
the county or district from which they shall be chosen, 
six months next preceding the election. 

Representatives. — Are elected for two years ; must be 



XXIIL] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 431 

citizens and inhabitants of the State for one year, and 
of the county or district for which they are chosen, 
six months next before their election. 

Minnesota.— Adopted a Constitution in 1857; was 
admitted into the Union December, 1857. 

Electors. — Every male person of the age of twenty- 
one years -or upwards, belonging to either of the fol- 
lowing classes, who shall have resided in the United 
States one year, and in the State four months next 
preceding any election. 

1st. White citizens of the United States. 2d. 
White persons of foreign birth who have made a dec- 
laration of citizenship. 3d. Persons of white, mixed, 
or Indian blood. 4th. Persons of Indian blood resid- 
ing in the State, who have adopted the language, 
customs, and habits of civilization, who after an exam- 
ination before a District Court of the State, shall be 
pronounced capable of enjoying the rights of citizen- 
ship. On the 3d day of iVovember, 1868, the Con- 
stitution of Minnesota was amended by strikino- out 
the word icJdte in the qualifications for electors, thus 
adopting universal suffrage. 

Governor. — Is elected for two years ; must be twenty- 
five years of age, a citizen of the United States, and 
resident of the State one year. 

Senators. — Are elected for two years; qualifications 
of a legal voter is all that is required to be eligible. 

Representatives. — Are elected for two years, and being 
legal voters is the only qualification necessary. 

Opegon. — Adopted a Constitution September 18th, 
1857; was admitted into the Union in December, 1858. 

Electors. — ^White male citizens twenty-one years of 
age, who have resided in the State six months next 
before election; also white males twenty-one years of 



432 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

age, of foreign birth, who have made a declaration to 
become citizens of the United States; who have re- 
sided in the United States one year, and in the State 
six months immediately preceding election. 

Governor. — Is elected for four years, must be a citi- 
zen of the United States, thirty years of age, and a 
resident of the State three years next preceding his 
election; no person is eligible for more than eight 
years in any period of twelve years. 

Senators. — Are elected for four years ; must be 
twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States, 
residents of the State one year, and inhabitants of 
the county or district where elected. 

Representatives. — Are elected for two years; same 
qualifications as Senators. 

Kansas. — Adopted a Constitution July 29th, 1859; 
admitted into the Union in March, 1862. 

Electors. — White male citizens of the United States 
twenty-one 3'ears of age; also persons of foreign birth, 
who have made a declaration to become citizens of the 
United States, being white males twenty-one years of 
age; a residence of six months in the State, and of 
thirty days in the township or ward, is all that is re- 
quired in either case. 

Governor. — Is elected for two years. The Constitu- 
tion of Kansas does not require any qualification for 
the office of Governor; it, however, says: "No mem- 
ber of Congress or officer of the State, or of the United 
States, shall hold the office of Governor, except as 
herein provided." 

Senators. — Are elected for two years. 

Representatives. — Are elected for one year ; the term 
may be changed by law. The only qualification in 
either case is that of a qualified elector. 



XXIII.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 433 

West Virginia. — Adopted a Constitution February 
18th, 18G3; admitted into the Union April 20th, 18G3. 

Electors. — White male citizens twenty-one years of 
age, who have resided one year in the State, and thirty 
days in the county where they vote. 

Gomrnor. — Is elected for two years; must be tliirty 
years of age ; must have the qualifications of an elector, 
and have resided in the State five years preceding his 
election. 

Senators. — Are elected for two years ; must be twen- 
ty-five years of age ; have the qualifications of electors, 
and have been residents of the State five years. 

Representatives. — Are elected for one year ; the quali- 
fication of an elector is all that is required, 

Nevada. — Adopted a Constitution July 28th, 1864; 
admitted into the Union in 1864. 

Electors. — White male citizens twenty-one years of 
age, who have resided six months in the State. 

Governor. — Is elected for four years; must be a 
qualified voter; twenty-five years of age, and a resident 
of the State two years. 

Senators. — Are elected for four years ; must be quali- 
fied electors. 

JRepresentatives. — Are elected for two years; must be 
qualified electors. 

Nebraska. — Adopted a Constitution February 9th, 
1866; admitted into the Union March 1st, 1867. 

Electors. — White citizens of the United States. 
Also white persons of foreign birth who shall have de- 
clared their intention to become citizens, conformable 
to the laws of the United States. 

Governor. — Is elected for two years 

Senators and Representatives are elected for two years. 



434 



REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. 



[Chap. 



The qualification of an eleptor is the only quaiifiea- 
tion prescribed by the Constitution for any office 
within the State. 

The following States elect Lieutenant-Governors: 
Massachusetts, Vermont, Rhode Island, Connecticut, 
New York, Virginia, South Carolina, Keniucky, Ohio, 
Indiana, Louisiana, Illinois, Missouri, Michigan, Texas, 
Iowa, Wisconsin, California, Minnesota, and Kansas. 

The following States do not elect Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernors: xllabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Geor- 
gia, Maine, Maryland, Mississippi, New Hampshire, 
New Jersey, North Carolina, Oregon, Pennsylvania, 
Tennessee, West Virginia, Nevada, and Nebraska. 

The following table will show the Capital of each 
State, date of State elections, meeting of Legislatures, 
and salary of Governors : 



states, 
(■i'i.) 



Capitals. 



Legislature Meets. 



State Election, 



Sal. 
of 
Gov. 



Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Connecticut. . . 
Delaware . . . 

Florida 

Georgia 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi . . . 

■Missouri 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

N. Hampshire. 
New Jersey. . . 

New York 

North Carolina 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania 
Khode Island. 
South Carolina 
Tennessee . . . 

Texas 

Vermont 

Tirffiuia 

'V\'i'st 'N'ir.'jiuia 
"Wisconsin . .. 



Montgomery 

Little liock 

Sacrsmeiito , 

Hertford & New Haven 

Dover 

Tallahassee 

MiUedgeville 

Springfield 

Indianapolis 

Des Moines 

Topeka 

Frankfort 

Baton Eouge 

Augusta 

Annapolis 

Boston 

Lansing 

St. Paul 

Jackson 

Jcfl'erson City 

Omaha 

Carson City 

Concord 

Trenton 

Albany 

Baleigh 

Columbus 

Salem 

BfUTisburg 

Newport & Providence 

('blumbia 

Nvsliville 

Austin 

Montpclier 

Richmond 

Jlorganstown 

Madison 



*2d Mon. in November: 

1st Mon. in November | 
*lst Mon. in December 

1st Wed. in May 

*lst Tues. in January.. 
*lst Mon. in November 

1st Th. in November. 

2d Mon. in January. . . 

1st Wed. in January. . 
*lst Mon. in January. . 

Id Th. in January 

*lst Mon. in December 
*3d Mon. in January. . . 

1st Wed. in January. . 

1st Wed. in January. . 

1st Wed. in January. . 
*lst Wed. in January. . 
*lst Tues. in Januarj-.. 
•'Ist Mon. in January. . 
*Last Mon. in December 



1st Mon. in January. . 

1st Wed. in Jime 

2d Tues. in January. . 

1st Tues. in January. . 
*od Mon. in November 
*lst Mon. in January. . 
*2d Mon. in September 

1st Tues. in January.. 

May and January 

3d Wed. in October . . 
*lst Mon. in October. . 
*lst Mon. in November 

2dTh. in October 

*2d Mon. in Janu.iry. . . 

3d Tues. in January. . 

2d Wed. in Januarj-. . . 



1st Mon. in August 

1st Mon. in August.. . . 
Ist Wed. in September 

1st Mon. in April 

1st Tues. in November 
1st Mon. in October. . . 
1st Wed. in October. . . 
1st Tues. in November 
2d Tues. in October. . . 
2d Tues. in October. . . 
1st Tues. in November 
1st Mon. in August.. . . 
1st Mon. in November 
2d Mon. in September 
1st Tues. in November 
1st Tues. in November 
1st Tues. in November 
3st Tues. in Novimber 
Ist Mon. in October. . . 
1 st Tues. in November 
1st Tues. in October. . . 
1st Tues. in November 

2d Tues. in March 

Ist Tues. in November 
1st Tues. in November 

2d Th. in August 

2d Tues. in October. . . 

1st Mon. in Juno 

2d Tues. in October. . . 

1 st Wed. in A]iril 

4th Mon. in November 

1st Th. in August 

1st Mon. in August 

1st Tues. in September 

1th Th. in May 

4th Th. in October 

Ist Tues. in November 



$2,500 
2,500 
7,000 
1,100 
1,330 
1,503 
3,000 
1,500 
3,000 
2,200 
2,500 
2,500 
4,000 
1,500 
3,C00 
5,000 
1,500 
2,500 
3,000 
5,000 



6,000 
1,000 
3,000 
4,000 
4,000 
1,800 
1,500 
5,000 
1,000 
3,500 
3,000 
4,000 
1,000 
6,000 
2,000 
1,250 



*Meet biennially. 



XXIII.] ELECTION OF FEDERAL OFFICERS. 435 

Those entitled to the elective franchise in the sev- 
eral States, and the qualifications necessary under the 
State Constitutions for the various State officers, where 
qualifications are necessary, have already been given, 
without going into unnecessary details of minor affairs. 

It now remains to give the qualifications necessary 
to hold office under the Federal Constitution in the 
offices of the United States Government where qualifi- 
cations are required. In all cases, both State and 
Federal, where there is no qualification prescribed by 
the Constitution or laws, the presumption is, and the 
practice has been, that citizens, using the term in its 
political sense, are eligible to office. 

The President of the United States must be a natural 
born citizen of the United States, an,d have attained 
thirty-five years of age, and been fourteen years a resi- 
dent of the United States; he is elected for four years, 
and is Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of 
the United States. 

The Vice-President of the United States is elected at 
the same time and in the same manner, and for the 
same term as tlie President; he must have the same 
qualifications as the President. 

United States Senators. — Two Senators from each 
State are elected by the Legislature for the term of 
six years; must have attained the age of thirty years, 
and have been nine years citizens of the United States; 
also be inhabitants of the State for which they are 
chosen. 

Representatives to Congress are elected by the peo- 
ple for two years ; must have attained twenty-five 
years of age, have been seven years citizens of the 
United States, and inhabitants of the State in which 
they are elected — no other qualifications can be im- 
posed by any State. 

28 



436 EEPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

Judges of the United States Courts are appointed by 
the President and Senate, and hold their office " dur- 
ing good behavior." (See Constitution of the United 
States, Appendix.) 
^ The Constitution of the Federal Union is eminently 

Republican, and the Government of the Union under 
it well adapted to promote and perpetuate the freedom 
of the American people. But the changes which have 
been and are still being made in their social and polit- 
ical affairs, demand corresponding changes in the 
fundamental law of the land. The hand printing 
press has given Avay to the steam power; the mud 
wa^'on to the steam car ; the dull hulk that floated 
lazily at the mercy of winds and tides to the steam- 
ship; the post-boy to the electric current that en- 
circles the globe, and places us in immediate commu- 
nication with the extreme ends of the earth ; the flint- 
lock musket to the breach-loading repeating rifle; the 
hand-loom to the mighty power loom, whose shut- 
tles never cease; the rush and tallow candle to the 
brilliant gas; the dull rumbling omnibus to the street 
car; the sheep-skin in the window to plate glass; the 
painter's pencil to the camera of the photographer; 
religious bigotry and intolerance to a just appreciation 
of the rights of conscience; the wager of battle and 
the star chamber to trial by jury; soothsaj^ing, proph- 
ecy, miracles, and sorcery, to a comprehension of na- 
ture's laws; ignorance, prejudice, and superstition to ed- 
ucation, intelligence, and scientific knowledge. In the 
march of this great train of progress, laws and consti- 
tutions must conform to the times; and the Federal 
Constitution in its improved condition keeps pace with 
the age. 

To the American citizen and statesman, the follow- 



i 



XXIIL] ELECTION OF FEDERAL OFFICERS. 437 

ing changes must press their claims, that the affairs of 
the Government may still keep pace with the progress 
of the times, and in harmony with the Republican 
spirit of our Government. 

The present mode of election of the President of 
the United States should be changed, making the 
direct vote of the "people the rule, dispensing with the 
unnecessary machinery of the "Electoral College," 
and the unrepublican-lilce system now ixi practice — the 
person receiving tlie greatest number of votes to be 
elected; the same system to apply to the Vice-Presi- 
dent, each being voted for seperately, and directly by 
the people. 

The present mode of electing United States Sena- 
tors by the State Legislatures should be abolished, and 
the Senators elected by the direct vote of the people of 
their States. There is no subject in the whole range 
of political affairs in the United States, so prejudicial 
to American liberty, as the system of Senatorial elec- 
tions. Candidates for this position, through them- 
selves and their accomplices, corrupt the political foun- 
tains to their very centre; and under the practices of 
caucuses and conventions, manipulate the State Legis- 
lative ticket to suit their ends, by selecting, under the 
pressure of pecuniary and other interests, such toolsas 
will do the bidding of their masters. By this means it 
too often happens, that the one having the most money, 
the most efficient " strikers," corruptionists, and polit- 
ical "wire-workers," will be the successful man; while 
the competent, modest, honest, or impecunious aspir- 
ant, remains at home. The people are cheated out of 
their votes by this indirect method; the Legislature 
is packed with hireling.^ of the aspirant Senator ; the 
State is defeated out of honest legislation, because the 



438 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

members were not elected with regard to their fitness 
for Legislative business, but solely upon t\\Q\Y pkdges to 
vote for United States Senator. 

When a Senator is thus elected, he is under obliga- 
tions, and they must be fulfilled ; captains and leaders of 
the "ring" that elected him must be paid, so the Federal 
patronage must liquidate his promises. The " slate" 
at the Federal Capital is wiped clean on the arrival of 
the new Senator, and a new list is substituted for his 
State; National legislation has to be neglected by the 
Senator, who finds himself besieged by his political cred- 
itors, so that, one by one, incumbents in Government 
offices are thrust aside, and the friends of the new Sen- 
ator step in. But the corruption does not end here. 
During the six years of his administration, he has well 
stocked every Federal office in his State (so far as he 
can) with men pledged to his future support; and as 
another election is to take place in his State, he leaves 
the National Capital and opens his "office," where the 
same process as before is gone through with, only 
upon an enlarged and more scientific scale. Thus, 
from election of Governor to Constable, all i^ manipu- 
lated, controlled, and moulded, by this greatest source 
of political corruption in America. 

The Federal Constitution should be amended also in 
relation to the period of the office of Judges of the 
United States. By the Constitution as it now is, Judges 
" hold their office during good behavior." A person 
ma}' exhibit very excellent hehavior, and yet be very 
far from being a competent and honest Judge. The 
present mode of appointment is the safest to insure 
competent and honest men; but the time of holding 
office is the objectionable feature. If the term of 
office was limited to, say ten years, the public could 



XXIII. ] ELECTION OF FEDERAL OFFICERS. 439 

once in a while bo relieved of some superannuated or 
corrupt incumbent without going through the tedious, 
expensive and uncertain process of impeachment; 
besides the prospect of future appointment would be 
an incentive to good behavior. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



CONSTITUTION OP THE UNITED STATES.— AJIENDIIENTS TO. — POWEKS AND 
DUTIES OF OFFICEKS UNDER.- CITIZENSHIP.— LAWS OF SOUTH CAEOLINA. 
—ATTEIVIPT TO SELL BRITISH SUBJECTS. 



The Constitution of the United States is to the 
American Nation what Magna Charta is to the British 
Empire. It is the sheet anchor of American freedom 
g^nd nationality. Upon it rest the foundations of the 
Republic. The laws, treaties, and institutions of the 
Nation are all dependent upon it. Each department 
of the various branches of the Government held 

submissive to it. It l:|ilances the power, regulates the 
extent and sphere of action of the Legislative, Execu- 
tive, and Judicial branches of the Government. It 
keeps in motion and regulates the action of the several 
States that gravitate around the common centre, where 
abide the life and perpetuity of the Republic. It pos- 
sesses within itself the elements of its own preserva- 
tion. It is susceptible of amendment, addition, and 
even of repeal or abrogation of its own parts. But this 
must be accomplished by the methods prescribed 
within itself; and when attempted to be done other- 
wise, is void. (The Constitution, with all its amend- 
ments, will be found in the Appendix of this volume.) 

The Federal Constitution was adopted September 
17th, 1787, by the Convention assembled pursuant to 
resolution of the Continental Congress, and was rati- 
fied by the requisite number of States January 21st, 
1788, and by all the States May 29th, 1790. The first 



XXIV.J GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 441 

Congress under it met on the first Monday in March, 
(4th,) 1789. At this session the first ten amendments 
to tiie Constitution were proposed, and duly ratified 
by the States in due course of time. The eleventh 
amendment was proposed in 1794, the twelfth in 1803, 
and both, duly ratified by the States, became a j^art of 
the Constitution. From this period down to the 
breaking out of the Rebellion, in 18G1, no amendment 
had been added. Since that period the thirteenth 
and fourteenth amendments have been adopted. 

The Constitution was adopted by the people of the 
United States, and no act of any State can divest the 
people of the Union formed by them, or of the guar- 
antees and protection of it. Its adoption by the peo- 
ple bound the State Governments, and held them re- 
sponsible and amenable to the laws and treaties made 
in conformity with its provisions. 

" The Constitution was ordained and established, not hy the 
States in their sovereign capacity, but emphatically, as the pre- 
amble declares, by the people of the United States. Martin v. 
Hunter's Lessee, 1 "Wheaton's Reports, 324." " It required not 
the affirmance, and could not be negatived by the State Govern- 
ments. When adopted it was of completed obligation, and 
bound the State Sovereignties. McCullough v. Maryland, 4 
Wheaton's Reports, 404." 

The Government of the United States is a body cor- 
porate, and cannot be dissolved by the act of any less 
number of its people than that that formed it. It is 
capable of attaining the objects for which it was cre- 
ated, and has the power to use all necessary means to 
maintain the supremacy of the laws, and the perpetuity 
of the Nation by legislative or other measures. 

Section ten, of Article first, says: "No State shall 
enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation.' Yet 



442 REPUBLICANISM IN AilERICA. [Chap. 

Southern statesmen have said that they could constitu- 
tionally^ as "Sovereign States," peaceably leave the 
Union and "confederate" as they saw fit. It is diffi- 
cult to conceive how language could be framed more 
effectually to prohibit specific acts, than is this lan- 
guage of the Constitution. 

A subject of great I^ational interest during the Ad- 
ministration of President Johnson was as to tlie pow- 
ers guaranteed to the Executive by the Constitution; 
and the latitude assumed by him (Johnson) at one 
time seriously threatened the safety of the country, 
and induced Congress to more fully define, and to some 
extent, prescribe Executive authority. 

Article second, of the Constitution, relating to the 
office of President, his duties and powers, would seem 
to be sufficiently specific, and was all-sufficient to guide 
the actions of the Executive department through the 
earlier periods of the Government. But the exigencies 
of the times, since the breaking out of the Rebellion 
in 1861, and the new issues and demands upon the va- 
rious branches of the Government, have developed 
new phases, upon which the Executive assumed author- 
ity totally at variance with all precedent, and subver- 
sive of the laws and Constitution of the Republic. 

Indeed, so complicated and varied are his func- 
tions, so closely allied with and almost inseparable 
from the other branches of the Government, that it is 
difficult to conceive how legislation can confine the 
Executive within any very limited sphere of action 
upon subjects not specifically defined by the Constitu- 
tion. The present incumbent, (1868) Andrew John- 
son, has assumed so many new positions — Legislative. 
Executive, and Judicial — has gone so far beyond his 
powers, as defined by the Constitution, that serious 



XXIV.] POWERS OF THE PRESIDENT. 443 

alarm for the safety of the country, from his unlimited 
assumption of powers, was not without foundation. 
His assumption of the Legislative duties of the Repub- 
lic in the matter of reconstructing the rebel States, 
was an arrogance unparalleled in the history of Republi- 
can Government. His positive refusal to execute laws 
of Congress, stating as his reason his opinion that they 
were unconstitutional, was a judicial assumption, dan- 
gerous to the Nation, and destructive of the liberties 
of the people. Ilis wholesale pardoning of the leaders 
of the Rebellion, thus fitting them to accomplish by 
legislation what they failed to accomplish by arms, 
was equally reprehensible and dangerous. The unlim- 
ited use of the veto power against every important leg- 
islative act of Congress, his assumption of the exclusive 
power of appointment and removal, during the session 
of the Senate, are features new and novel in the Ameri- 
can Government. 

Article II, Section 2, oi the Constitution, says, 
(speaking of the Executive) : 

" And be shall nominate, and by and "with the advice and con- 
sent of the Senate, shall appoint Embassadors, other public 
Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all 
other officers of the United Sbates, whose appointment is not 
herein otherwise pi'ovided for, and which shall be established by 
law. * * The President shall have power to fill up all 
vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by 
granting commissions, which shall expii'e at the end of their 
next session." 

Citizenship in the Republic is a subject of vital in- 
terest, but one which has been grossly abused by State 
Constitutions and State laws, which have, in many in- 
stances, ignored ail the rights of the American citizen 
by proscribing his suffrage to the laws and limits of 



444 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the State where he might reside, and in many cases, 
not only depriving him of participating in State elec- 
tions, but depriving him of voting for United States 
officers, unless he was of a certain class, thus subvert- 
ing the high position of the American citizen to the 
narrow limits of State citizenship. 

In the Slave States, and those also under Democratic 
rule at the North, the elective franchise has been re- 
served in the hands of an aristocratic class, in direct 
opposition to the spirit and philosophy of Republican 
Government. But the days of such usurpations are 
drawing to a close, and like the other heresies of State 
Rights, Sovereign States, and Squatter Sovereignty, 
practiced by the Democracy, must give place to the 
doctrine of Manhood Suflrage, as advocated by the 
Republican party. 

Article IV, Section 2, of the Federal Constitution, 
says: "The citizens of each State shall be entitled to 
all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the sev- 
eral States." 

The phraseology of the above clause would seem to 
convey the idea that citizens from one State going into 
another and making their domicile and residence there, 
would be entitled to all the rights of citizens of the 
State which they had entered. But if such be the 
intent of this clause, the practice has been in direct ojj- 
position to it in many of the States. The highest 
Courts of the Republic have held that the " privileges 
and immunities" mentioned in this clause, extend only 
to those general privileges enjoyed by the citizens of 
one nation while traveling or domiciled in another — 
protection in their business, the privilege of the writ 
of habeas corpus, and of appearance in Courts of Justice 
— thus placing the American citizen of any of the 



XXIV.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 445 

States or Territories, so far as the local privileges and 
the rights of a citizen are concerned, should he move 
into another State, on about the same basis as that of 
an alien; indeed, in many of the States where, under 
the local and liberal State laws the adopted citizen has 
enjoyed all the privileges of the native born, he is 
surprised to find himself completely disfranchised and 
a foreigner still, when he moves into States which by 
their laws proscribe the adopted citizen from the rights 
of citizenship. So, too, with the native born, who, 
moving across the line of his State into another State 
of the Union, finds that ten, twelve, or twenty years 
residence in the State is necessary to enable him to hold 
offices of profit or trust, and that the profession of 
some particular religious faith, or belief in hell, or some 
other institution, must be sworn to before he can enjoy 
the rights of a citizen. 

Notwithstanding the construction of Courts upon 
the clause above alluded to, the depriving a citizen 
of his political rights by State laws, on account of 
his having been a resident of another State of the 
Union, or on account of his religious opinions, or 
the place of his birth, is Anti-Republican; and it 
is competent, under the Federal Constitution, for the 
National Congress to legislate such contracted and 
illiberal doctrines out of existence; and to assert and 
maintain that tlie rights, privileges and immunities of 
the citizen shall comprehend all tJie political jmvikges of 
the citizen in any State, without regard to former 
place of birth, residence, or religion, thus equaliz- 
ing citizenship in the whole Republic. Taking the 
most liberal State as the standard of what Congress 
will acknowledge to be Republican in form, (Massa- 
chusetts would be a good model,) and conforminsr all 



446 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

others to that, a death-blow would be struck at the 
petty despotisms now existing under the name of State 
Governments, and the citizen of the State would be a 
citizen of the Republic, and would be entitled to all 
the rights, privileges and immunities, equally, in all of 
the States. 

The hardships formerly endured from the species of 
State authority over the citizen was most intolerable. 
The citizens oi" the Free States, on going into the Slave 
States, were completely disfranchised. In some cases, 
twenty years residence was necessary to enable them to 
discharge the office of a citizen; in others, large prop- 
erty in land or negroes was necessary, in other cases 
religious tests. And these Deinocratic privileges only 
began to disappear as the Federal Congress began to 
reconstruct the Sovereign States of the South. Such 
evils, however, still exist in some of those States under 
Democratic rule. (See Constitutions.) 

This subject will be illustrated by the Act of the Leg- 
islature of South Carolina, passed on the 20th day of 
December, 1820, which applied to "colored citizens." 
The Act is entitled "■ An Act for the better regulation 
of Free Negroes and Persons of Color, and for other 
purposes." Section third is in these words: 

" That if any vessel shall come into any port or harbor of this 
State from any other State, or foreign port, having on board any 
free negroes, or persons of color, as cooks, stewards, or mariners, 
or in any other employment on board of said vessel, such free negroes 
or persons of color, shall be liable to be seized and confined in 
jail, until such vessel shall clear out, and depart from tiiis State. 
And that when said vessel is ready to sail, the captain of said 
vessel shall be bound te carry away the said free negro or free 
person of color, and to pay the expense of his detention ; and 
in case of his neglect or refusal so to do, he shall be liable to 
be indicted, and on conviction thereof, shall be fined in a sum 
not less than one thousand dollars, and be imprisoned not less 



XXIV.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 447 

than two months. And such free negroes or persons of color 
shall be deemed and treated as absolute slaves, and Kold in con- 
formity to the provisions of the Act, passed on the 20th of De- 
cember, 1820, aforesaid." 

The reader will observe some of the features of this 
law. " If any vessel " — this does not even except the 
naval ships of the United States, or of any Foreign 
Nation — " shall come into any port or harbor of this 
State, * * bringing in free colored persons," such 
persons are to become " absolute slaves." And all this 
to be done without the form of a trial, or allowing the 
unfortunate ''person of color" to be heard in his own 
behalf By the Act, too, "they are to be sold," and 
by the next clause, the Sheriff is vested with absolute 
power to carry this law into effect; and he is to receive 
one-half of the proceeds of the sale. 

The " Sovereign State " of South Carolina had freely 
indulged in capturing and selling the citizens of the 
United States and other countries; but was brought 
to grief in 1823, by attempting to put through the 
process of capture, imprisonment and sale, a British 
subject, Henry Elkinson, of Liverpool, England. He 
was taken from on board the British ship Homer, lying 
in Charleston harbor, and put in prison and hold by 
the Sheriff of the city. He was a native subject of 
Great Britain, and was in addition a " colored person." 
But as Great Britain never classified her subjects by 
color, and her colonics had long since abandoned the 
microscope, in determining the atatus of her subjects, 
color did not enter into the consideration of this affair 
so far as England was concerned ; and to the honor of 
the British Empire, with that characteristic energy 
which she hcts always exhibited, and that determina- 
tion that has ever been the rule of her action in i^ro- 



448 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tecting the rights of the humblest of her subjects, she 
demanded, through her Consul, the delivery of Mr. 
Elkinson, who was surrendered after the interfer- 
ence of the United States Government. The subject 
came nigh leading to a war between England and 
America. 

Some remarkable cases are to be found under this 
statute, where whole ships' crews were placed in prison 
even in the absence of the Captain, and the ships left 
to the mercy of circumstances, without a man on board. 

The case of the British subject alluded to is reported 
in the second volume of ''Wheeler's Criminal Cases," 
edition of 1851, page 56, as it came before Justice 
Johnson, of the United States Circuit Court, on habeas 
corpus^ August, 1823. Henry Elkinson v. Francis G. 
Deli. 

Citizenship in the Republic, under the wholesome 
legislation of the Republican party, has, within a few 
years, been so defined and regulated that the imprison- 
ment and sale of men on account of color no longer 
exists. The measures adopted by the Congress of the 
Nation, in reference to the admission of States into the 
Union, and defining their Republican status, together 
with the thirteenth and fourteenth amendments to the 
Constitution,have at last placed the rights of the citizen 
and the powers of the Federal Union in their true po- 
sition. 

The admission of States into the Union is purely a 
constitutional power vested in the Federal Congress. 
In the palmy days of the Pro-Slavery and Squatter 
Sovereignty doctrines of the Democracy, the admission 
of a State was a great event, sometimes occupying the 
whole Democratic party for years in active service, as 
will be seen by reference to the debates upon the ad- 
mission of Missouri, Texas, and California. 



XXIV.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 449 

Section 3, of Article IV, of the Constitution, says: 
"New States may be admitted by the Congress into 
this Union." And again: "The Congress shall have 
power to dispose of and make all needful rules and 
regulations respecting the Territory or other property 
belonging to the United States." Section 4 says: 
"The United States shall guarantee to every State in 
this Union a Republican form of Covernment, and shall 
protect each of them against invasion." 

In noticing the first of these sections of the Consti- 
tution, it is evident that the sole power of admitting 
Stixtes is exclusively in the National Congress, and any 
attempt to admit States by any other process, so long 
as that clause of the Constitution is in force which 
says, "New States way be admitted by the Congress 
into this Union," is a direct violation of its provisions, 

"The United States shall guarantee to every State 
in this Union a Republican form of Government." 
This Section does not define, nor indeed does any part 
of the Constitution even mention, what is necessary to 
constitute a Republican form of Government. If the 
existing Governments of the several States at the adop- 
tion of the Federal Constitution, be regarded as a rule, 
the great inequality and almost Anti-Republican con- 
dition of some of them at that period, would but ill 
suit the progressive notions of what should be Repub- 
lican at this time, and what standard of Republicanism 
should be guaranteed and enforced, should an}^ of 
the original States, in the lapse of time, become di- 
vested of their Republican qualities, or remain. sta- 
tionary while other States in the march of Freedom 
left them behind, as stumbling blocks, obstructing and 
retarding Republican progress. (See Reconstruction.) 

Article 1, of the lirst amendment to the Constitu- 



450 EEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tion, establishing religious freedom and religious equal- 
ity, exhibits the wisdom of its authors. It is the 
safety-valve of Republican Freedom, Any encroach- 
ment upon it would endanger the very existence of the 
Nation. In obedience to the law of God, it leaves all 
men free to worship as to them may seem best; and 
wherever this sacred right of man is invaded, liberty 
cannot exist. The enlightened and truly religious al- 
ways accord to others what they themselves demand; 
but the ignorant, superstitious, and selfish prescribe 
limits for their fellow beings, but demand the right of 
conscience for themselves. No nation or people can 
be free where the laws establish and maintain forms of 
worship. Religion is divine in its origin, and operates 
through the conscience and sympathies of our nature, 
and is not dependent upon force for its quantity or 
quality. 

The Thirteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitu- 
tion is a master-piece in the history of American leg- 
islation. By this the last relic of barbarism was anni- 
hilated, and an end forever put to the traffic in men, 
and its attendant evils, that had so long and so sorely 
aJQfiicted the country. By it four millions of human 
beings were guaranteed continued liberty to them- 
selves and their posterity forever, and the American 
Nation became a Republic in fact as well as in name. 

This amendment was proposed in the United States 
Senate on the 1st day of February, 1864. It came to 
a vote on April 8th, 18G4 — 38 for it, all Republicans, 
6 against it, all Democrats; so it was carried in the 
Senate. It went before the House for action on the 
31st day of January, 18G5. The vote was, for the 
amendment, 103 Republicans, also 16 Democrats, mak- 
ing in all 119; against it, 56 all Democrats; not vot- 



XXIY.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 451 

ing 8, all Democrats ; so it passed the Ilouse, and was 
in due time ratified by 27 States, the necesssry legal 
majority, and took effect as a part of the Constitution 
on the 18th day of December, 18G5. The amendment 
is as follows: 

" Section 1, Neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex- 
cept as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have 
been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any 
place subject to their jurisdiction." 

The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was 
proposed in the House on the 30th day of April, 18G7. 
It went before the Senate for action on the 8th day 
of June, 18G7. The vote for it was 33 Republicans; 
against it 11 — all Democrats. It went before the 
House for action, January 13th, 1807. The vote was 
as follows: for it 138 — all Republicans; against it 36 
— all Democrats. So it was carried in the Congress. 
Andrew Johnson did not veto either of these amend- 
ments, solely because the veto does not extend to 
Constitutional amendments. But on the 22d of June, 

1807, he sent a communication to Congress expressing 
his displeasure with the proposed Fourteenth Amend- 
ment. 

This amendment went to the States for action, as is 
provided by the Federal Constitution, and in July, 

1808, the Secretary of State made official announce- 
ment of the necessary number of States having rati- 
fied it, and that it was a part of the Constitution of 
the United States, and of the laws of the land. 

The amendment is another step up the ladder of 
National greatness; it defines who are citizens of the 
United States. It declares that " all persons born or 
naturalized in the United States, and subject to the 
iurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States 

29 



452 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

and of the State wherein they reside." By the 2d 
Section, any State may deny the right to vote to any 
cLass of its inhabitants. Bat if they do so, then their 
representation shall be reduced in the National Con- 
gress, in the proportion that such persons so disfran- 
chised shall bear to the whole male population in such 
State 21 years of age and upwards. 

Doubtless the American people will soon see the evils 
of thus tampering with the sacred rights of the citizen, 
in leaving to the States the power to disfranchise Ameri- 
can citizens, and will by further amendment to the Fed- 
eral Constitution place citizenship where it belongs, 
under the exclusive control of the National Congress 
and the Federal Constitution, and no longer leave the 
highest privileges and liberties of the American citizen 
to be frittered away by dominant factions in the commu- 
nities called States. Had the Fourteenth Amendment 
gone to the extent of guaranteeing to every citizen in 
tlie Republic the right to vote at all elections, it would 
have dispelled the hope now entertained by the sub- 
jeccs of the late Confederacy, of some day disfran- 
chising large classes of the citizens of the Southern 
States, and have saved the Republic the political, and 
it may be the physical, struggle that must eventually 
take from the people of the States a power which they 
never should have held — which belongs, and must at 
no distant day be controlled by the National Govern- 
ment — that of guaranteeing to every citizen of the 
Republic the exercise of the franchise in every elec- 
tion, State and Federal, within the Union. 



CHAPTER XXY. 

TOTAL AKEA AND POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES.— F0BEIGNER3 lU 
AMEKICA.— THEIK NUJIBEKS, INFLUENCE, POLITICS, PECULIARITIES, CON- 
DITIONS.— ABCHBISHOP HUGHES AS A CITIZEN.— HIS LETTEK. 

No uation on the globe possesses so cosmopolitan o 
population as does the Republic of America. The 
enumeration of the population made by Federal au- 
thorit}^ every ten years, presents many interesting facts 
connected with the composition of our population. 

The vastness of the American Republic, now reaching 
from the Atlantic seaboard to Behring Straits, affords 
an inviting field for exploration and the founding of new 
States. But, as if the American idea of national bound- 
aries had no limit, the rock-bound and snow-clad 
regions of Alaska, with 578,000 square miles of terri- 
tory, has been added. And now, between the new ter- 
ritory of the north and the advancing civilization of 
the new States forming along the northern American 
boundary toward the Pacific, British royalty in Canada 
and in British Columbia is being hard pressed for an 
early acquiescence in the decreed confederation. 

Still seeking to widen the area of tlie Republic, Mex- 
ico, with its genial climate, great natural resources, and 
internal political disorders, is looked to as a j)recious 
boon of acquisition ; and the tropical island of Cuba, 
vSan Domingo, St. John's and St. Thomas invite alike 
the attention of profoundest statesman and wildest ad- 
venturer, as future members of a Republic destined, 
eventually, to embrace the whole area of North America. 

With the acquisition of Alaska, in 1867, the area of 



454 REPUBLICj^NISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the thirty-seven American States, and all the Territories, 
is 3,580,000 square miles, and the population about 
40,000,000 at the end of the year 1870. 

Of the total area of the United States and Territo- 
ries in 1860, the States had 1,02,649,848, and the Ter- 
ritories 400,872, acres of improved land, making 163,- 
110,720 acres of cultivated land in farms ; and the States 
had 241,943,671, ajid the Territories 2,158,147 acres 
of land in farms unimproved, making 244,101,818 acres 
of unimproved land in farms. In the States there 
were 17 inhabitants to each square mile, and in the Ter- 
ritories there were more than four square miles to each 
inhabitant. The total population of native born in all 
the States and Territories of the Union in 1860, was 
27,300,187 of all classes, black and white, free and 
slave; and the total foreign population at the same 
time, of all classes, was 4,136,175. (See Appendix.) 

A most interesting feature of the American Nation 
is the influence of the foreign element upon the social, 
industrial, and political affairs of the country. For 
centuries the Kingdoms of Europe have had but lim- 
ited contributions to their numbers from foreign na- 
tions. Their growth depends mainly upon the increase 
of the parent stock. Russia, Austria, Great Britain, 
France, and Spain are, as nations, as exclusively managed 
in their political affairs by the native born, as if each 
were the only nation on the globe. They receive con- 
tributions in population from those countries immedi- 
ately adjacent; but as the great mass of the people do 
not have a voice in political affairs, the immigrant sel- 
dom becomes naturalized, and rarely takes any part in 
the affairs of his adopted country. This rule, too, 
applies to the smaller nationalities of Europe, many of 
which have a less area than some counties in the States 



XXV.] FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 455 

of America. And even in these, where a few hours' 
journey will take the traveler into a foreign nation, 
they remain to this day almost uninterrupted by any 
strange face seeking a home among them. Year after 
year, and century after century, the hereditary Princo 
steps upon the throne of his 'ancestors, and the great 
mass of the people, almost unconscious of the existence 
of a Government, pass along, paying submissive hom- 
age to those whom they believe are ordained as their 
superiors, and born to rule them, paying taxes and 
performing military service with the submission of 
slaves. 

Great Britain, of all the nations of Europe, is tho 
most cosmopolitan ; and while in many districts in all 
parts of the Empire, the habits and customs of tho 
people are local and distinct, yet in the large cities a 
mixture of every race may be found. Still in political 
affairs few foreigners gain admission to the rights of 
citizens, or participate in political affairs. 

In most parts of Europe the native population is 
stationary. It changes but little from one section of 
the country to another. The same communities and 
families have lived for generations in the same locality, 
and continue to follow the same occupations as their 
ancestors. And thus the masses live a quiet, unosten- 
tatious, and even unambitious life, happy in the repose 
in which they find themselves. Religious and political 
prescriptions are looked upon as matters of little con- 
cern. The military service to which they are sum- 
moned at the tap of the drum, arouses little opposition. 
They are, as they believe, in the discharge of a duty. 
All they have they account as coming to them from 
their King, who cannot err. 

How dissimilar is the American Republic to the Na- 



456 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tions of Europe. America may be said to have no local 
population or customs; her population roam over her 
broad States of the whole Union, and into her remote 
and expansive Territories; always changing, building 
up new cities and new States, only again themselves 
and their children to seek still other homes. The 
people of each State are continuously passing to and 
fro from one State to another, intermarrying, and in- 
terchanging ideas and customs, until it may well be 
said, that in costume and physical appearance, edu- 
cation, manners, and accent, there is no provincial- 
ism in America. The great cosmopolitan mass of 
human beings that form the aggregate of American 
population, seem to all appearance to be upon a social 
equality, and but one large family. The constant con- 
tact in which they are brought by the affairs of busi- 
ness, and the discharge of their political rights, jostling 
each other not only at the polls, but in the highest 
offices in the land, to which all citizens are eligible, 
has completely shaken off the hide-bound ideas of a 
''Divine right" for man to govern his fellow men. 

The foreigner, when he arrives in America, at once 
discovers the broad field open to him for participa- 
tion in the pursuits and positions to which he was a 
stranger in the land of his birth; caste and conditions 
depending upon family, wealth, or position, are all 
swept away, save in a few instances of State proscrip- 
tions, and into the busy scene of activity he must 
plunge, and battle his way to wealth and eminence if 
he can. If he be a white man, twenty-one years of age, 
on his becoming a citizen he will, according to law, be 
entitled to discharge every duty, and hold any office 
in the Republic, save that of President and Vice-Presi- 
dent of the Nation. This is the law under the Federal 



XXY.] FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 457 

Constitution — State laws, however, render this rulo 
void in many instances. (See State Constitutions.) 

There is no more sublime spectacle of the beauties 
of the Republican Government, than the facility with 
which men from every land enter upon the business 
and political affairs of life in America. Customs, 
habits, and diversified languages, are, as if by magic, 
obliterated; and a few years residence in their new 
homes, in most cases, completely reconstructs the new- 
comer into a full-fledged American. The peculiar phy- 
siological type and conditions may be retained, a little 
foreign accent may still remain; but one generation 
will obliterate these, and the child of the foreigner 
born in America is, in all things, as much an American 
as if his ancestors had lived on the soil since the days 
of the Revolution. 

The two leading foreign elements in America, are 
German and Irish; the first predominates largely iii 
numbers. In 18G0, the census showed 1,899,518 Ger- 
mans; besides these, there were 227,061 Prussians; 
150,105 Bavarians; 112,835 subjects of Baden; 95,400 
of Hesse; 81,330 of Wurtemburg; 53,327 of Switzer- 
land; 43,995 of Norway; 28,281 of Holland; 25,001 
of Austria; 18,025 of Sweden; 10,000 of Nassau; 9,902 
of Denmark; 9,072 of Belgium; 7,298 of Poland; 
making a total of 2,772,593 — all of whom are, by Amer- 
icans, generally called Germans. There were at the 
same time within the Union, 1,011,304 Irish; so that 
basing the German population upon those popularly 
called Germans in America, there were 1,101,289 more 
Germans than Irish in the Union, or almost double as 
many Germans as there were Irish; or, basing the cal- 
culation upon those from Germany proper, there would 
:Still be 288,214 more Germans than Irish; but the 



458 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap.. 

computation showing the larger figures is correct, as 
to what Americans understand to be the German pop- 
ulation. The i^art that these two leading elements of 
foreign birth act in American affairs, is important and. 
powerful. 

Germans. — Most of these people soon become natu- 
ralized citizens, and enter upon the pursuits of busi- 
ness and pleasure with great alacrity. In business, 
they soon lead far ahead of many of the native born. 
They carr}' into their affairs the frugality and industry 
practiced by them at home, and as they acquire the 
language and habits of the American people, and sur- 
vey tlie vast field for enterprise before them, they soon 
become leaders in the mercantile affairs of the coun- 
try — if in cities, and towns, or in the farming regions^ 
they are models of industry and prosperity; in either 
case, always easy, unassuming, courteous, and seem- 
ingly liappy. They love to read the favorite authors 
of tlieir native land ; and wherever a few Germans are 
assembled, the air is redolent with festivity, and the 
songs sang by their fathers upon the Rhine are echoed 
by their children throughout the broad free Republic 
of America. Their habits are marked by sobriety, in- 
dustry, and virtue. Phj^sically, they are perhaps the 
hardiest citizens of America. Their love of liberty 
has been demonstrated by their patriotism and valor,. 
as they rallied to uphold the Federal Constitution and 
laws of their adopted country, during the late Rebel- 
lion. 

The German mind is analytical; when they read, 
they comprehend; as a people, they are lovers of 
learning, and searchers after truth ; they are eminently 
fitted by nature to be the citizens of a Republic ; they 
are active cooperators in the affairs of the nation, in 



XXV.] FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 450 

their new homes. Tliey are capable of appreciating 
freedom, are a power in America, and the keeping of 
the liberty entrusted to them is in safe hands. 

Irish. — Next in numbers and importance to the Ger- 
mans in America, are the Irish. They, like the Ger- 
mans, soon become citizens, and enter into active 
operations in business and politics; few of them, com- 
paratively, make their way into the country; they 
generally prefer to locate in the large cities, although 
there is scarcely a settlement in America in which Irish- 
mon may not be found. Their presence and influenco 
are felt throughout the land. 

The mass of the Irish in America are hard-working 
and industrious. They bring with them from their 
native land, and long retain here, many of the charac- 
teristics of their race — activity of body and mind. Their 
genial warm-heartedness and impulsive natures, often 
lead them into difficulties, and cause those who little 
understand them, to attribute to design that which is 
the result of impulse. 

In mercantile pursuits, and in the learned profes- 
sions, the Irish in America are unequaled. They accu- 
mulate wealth with surprising rapidity, and become- 
leading land owners in the cities, and extensive busi-^ 
ness operators ; as writers and speakers they are forci- 
ble and eloquent, possessed of talents that cannot be- 
easily counterfeited. The combative organs of the 
race have been rubbed up by British oppression to. 
such an extent, that the whole people have become 
pugnacious, carrying the elements of opposition into all 
their affairs. They love rivalry and contact with op- 
posing forces. An Irishman anywhere is more likely 
to wear out than rust out. 

As a people, they enter with more zeal into political 



460 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

affairs than do the native born Americans. They 
attach themselves to a party, and to that they will 
stick; although, to their credit be it said, they will not 
stick to a political party after they know that it is 
wrong. Republicans, however, think that it takes 
them some time to see the error of their way, in at- 
taching themselves to the Democratic party. 

It has been a source of much speculation with the 
party of progress in America, how it comes that the 
great mass of the Irish should be attached to the Dem- 
ocratic party, as that party stands in the exact position 
of the party in England who have always trampled 
upon the rights of Ireland, and who in America co- 
operated with the rebellious States of the South to 
destroy the American Republic and the liberties that 
Irishmen as well as others love so well. This is the 
more astonishing, too, when we consider that in the 
free North, the great mass of the Irish have found 
homes, friends, peace and plenty, and that religious 
and political freedom denied them in their native land 
and by the Democracy of America. In the free North, 
as soon as they are citizens, they can partake of all 
the rights of the native born American ; in most of the 
Southern States, as they were before and at the break- 
ing out of the Rebellion, they were ineligible to office, 
on account of the high property qualifications, and 
the "native born" clause in their Constitutions. 

That the sympathy of the Irish went towards the 
South, is strange indeed; no material aid had ever 
gone from that section to the afflicted of their native 
land. Charleston and New Orleans did not send ships 
with provisions, to relieve the famishing of Ireland; 
but New York, Boston and Philadelphia did. Nor did 
the Slave States ever have any Government than the 



XX Y J FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 401 

kind that Irishmen had been battling against in Britain 
— a Government of caste, of property, of religious 
proscriptions and intolerance — where the poor man, 
and particularly the poor foreigner, could never aspire 
to office or influence; nor had any great number of 
their countrymen found homes in the Slave States, 
nor a place in the sympathies of the Democracy, for 
of the 1,011,304 Irish in America at the breaking 
out of the Rebellion, but 181,845 were in t-he fifteen 
Slave States and the District of Columbia, while there 
were in the State of New York 498,072; and in the 
little State of Massachusetts 185,434, or 3,589 more 
than upon every foot of slave territory within the 
limits of the Republic. Irish immigration, enterprise 
and industry, found no encouragement there; and of 
all places in the world, from which the down-trodden 
of their land could expect assistance or sympathy, the 
Slave States of America were the least likely to afford 
it. There, labor was despised; the leaders of their 
aristocratic Government went into the National Capitol 
sneering at what they termed the laboring masses — 
"mud-sills" and "greasy mechanics" — and throughout 
the entire Slave States the poor man, who had to 
make his living by any of the trades, or by labor, was 
as completely disfranchised as he is to-day by the 
aristocracy of England. 

Notwithstanding that 1,429,459 Irish had their 
homes upon the free soil of America, where they had 
become prosperous and happy, their children educated 
at free schools, and their desolate homes in Ireland 
rendered happy by prosperity in their new abode, when 
the States of the South, without cause or provocation, 
undertook to break down the Government in America, 
and to establish, as they said, a Government whose 



4C2 REPUBLICANISM IN AMEKICA. [Chap. 

cornor-stone slioiild bo laid upon men held to service 
and labor, and when a large number of the Democracy 
of the Free States aided and abetted the South, 
and opposed the Federal Administration by all means 
within their power, the Irish, fresh from the hated tyr- 
anny of the Jh'itish throne, as a people, retained their 
position in the ranks of the Democratic party, shouted 
lustily for their cause — cooperated, voted with, and 
continue in large numbers to vote with that party. It 
is not my i)urpose to assign causes for this course of 
political action. All men in this free land have the 
right to exercise these privileges as to them may seem 
best. And no doubt these men can see good reasons 
for their actions that others cannot see nor compre- 
hend. 

But all the Irish in America did not oppose the 
Union party in putting down the Ilobellion. Many 
thousands of them entered the ranks of the Union 
army, and added new lustre to their fame for bravery 
and endurance upon the field of battle. Such have 
built for themselves a monument upon American soil. 
They have hung upon the pillars that adorn the temple 
of American Freedom, laurels that will be looked up 
to by their countrymen with pride for all time. 
Thc}^ have shown themselves worthy to be called kins- 
men of Edmund Burke, Charles James Fox, Robert 
Emmett, Thomas Francis Meagher, Michael Corcoran, 
and last, but not least, of the devout Christian, scholar, 
humanitiu'ian, and good man, John Hughes, Archbishop 
of New York, who, neither ashamed nor afraid to step 
from his exalted position as a teacher of Christianity, 
did stand firm by the principles of Freedom, and pro- 
claim his determination to support the laws and pro- 
tect the Hag ol' his adopted country. 



XXV.] FORIilfJNEUS IN TIIK HKinjliUC. 4G3 

Tlie following lottor, addressed to the President of 
a Republican mass meeting, will show the views of the 
Rev. J3ishop Hughes upon the subject of his devotion 
to his adopted country: 

* " New YoTiK, April 20tli, 1801. 

" Dear Sir: Unablo to attend tlio meotinf( at Union Sqnaro in 
consoquenno of indisposition, I l:)cg loavo to ntato my sentiments 
on tbo subject of your coming together, in tlio following words: 

" Ministers of religion and ministers of peace, according to the 
instructions of their Divine Master, have not ceased to hope and 
pray that peace and Union might bo preserved in this great and 
free country. Afc present, however, that question has been taken 
out of the hands of the peace-makers, and it is referred to the 
arbitrament of a sanguinary contest. I am not authorized to 
speak in the name of any of my fellow citizens. I think, so far 
as I can judge, there is the right principle among- all those 
whom I know. It is now fifty years since, a foreigner by birth, 
I took the oath of allegiance to this country, under its title of 
the United States of America. (Loud cheers.) As regards con- 
science, patriotism, or judgment, I have no misgiving. Still de- 
sirous of peace, when tlio Providence of God shall h'avo brought 
it, I may say that since the period of my naturalization I have 
known but one country. In reference to my duties as a citizen, 
no change has come over my mind since then. The Government 
of the United States was then, as it is now, symbolized by a 
National flag, popularly called the ' Stars and Stripes.' (Loud 
applause.) This has been my flag, and shall bo to the end. 
(Cheers.) I trust it is still destined to display in the gales that 
sweep every ocean, and amid the gentle breezes of many a dis- 
tant shore, as I have seen it in foreign lands, its own peculiar 
waving lines of beauty. May it live and continue to disjjlay 
these same Avaving lines of beauty, whether at homo or abroad, 
for a thousand years, and afterwards as long as Heaven permits, 
without limit of duration. 

"John Huaniis, 
"Archbishop of New York." 

Enrjlhili. — Next in numbers, after the Germans and 
Irish, come the English. At the breaking out of the 
Rebellion 431,092 Engiisli liad their liomes in the 



464 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap, 

United States; and they, like the great mass of the 
Irish, were opposed to the Republican party, and did 
all they could to aid the South, the onl}^ difference 
being that but few of them become naturalized, and 
therefore can not turn elections in favor of either 
political party. 

An Englishman in America is as much an English- 
man as if he were in London. The power of his native 
land, and the glory of being a British subject^ are con- 
stant themes of conversation with him. To him the 
British Empire is the world; and unlike the Irishman 
and German, he looks upon Republican Government 
as a farce, declares that the masses of the people are 
not fit to govern themselves, and tliat sooner or later 
a King must rule America. He lives in America be- 
cause he can do better ; embarks in trade or a profes- 
sion with strict conformity to the requirements of 
whatever lie follows; is just, and no man is more hon- 
orable in business or word than an Englishman. Their 
success in whatever they undertake is equal to any 
people in the Nation. Like all other people, there are 
exceptions among them politicall3^ Many of them 
have, during the late Rebellion, been strong Republi- 
cans, and have entered the army and nav}^ of the 
United States, where they exhibited skill and gallantry 
and love of freedom. But as a people, one generation 
must pass away after they arrive in the United States 
before they can be called American, even in name. 

British Americans. — The colonies of British America 
supply the United States with the next largest num- 
ber of foreign population. There were 249,970 from 
these provinces in the Republic at the beginning of 
fhe Rebellion, in 1861. These people, owing to their 
proximity to the United States, and the extensive com- 



XXV.] FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 465 

mercial relations and constant communication between 
them, are soon prepared to participate in the affairs 
of their adopted country. The mass of them are the 
descendants of English, Irish, and Scotch, who have 
settled in these provinces. They are no more English 
than if they had never heard of the British Empire. 
They soon become naturalized citizens, and enter into 
the politics and the general interest of the country. 
They are soon absorbed in the American element, and 
after a few years' residence, cannot be distinguished 
from the native born. They are generally active, ener- 
getic, and industrious, and in business jDursuits are not 
behind any class of people in the Republic. 

French. — Next in numbers to the British Americans 
come the French. In 18G0 they numbered 109,870. 
What has been said politically of the English in 
America, can be said of the French. They carry with 
them their vivacity and sparkling champagne ; they 
long retain their native language, and in many instan- 
ces utterly refuse to adulterate it with the smallest 
particle of English. They rarely become naturalized, 
and take but little interest in politics; seldom engage 
in agriculture, but confine themselves chiefly to the 
cities and towns, where they engage in mercantile or 
other pursuits, always keeping within the line of goods 
manufactured in their own country, if possible, if in 
trade. They have their own hotels and places of 
amusement and resort; have their "French dinners," 
at which they smoke choice cigars and drink cham- 
pagne alternately, amid a continuous clatter of tongues 
and physical gesticulations peculiar to the French lan- 
guage. They rarely intermarry with Americans or 
other foreigners, and profess to know but little of the 
political affairs of their adopted country. Frenchmen 



466 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

may glory in the name of BepuUicanism — the names of 
Washington and other American patriots may have 
charms for them — but as the memory of tlie Eing of 
Conquerors looms up before them, all else gives way 
to the inspiring thought, which breaks forth at regular 
intervals, vive Napoleon! They are active and shrewd 
in business, quiet and inoffensive, and make good 
American inJiahitants, for the great mass of them never 
become Americanized. Indeed, it requires two or 
three generations before a sufficient amount of the 
physical and mental type disappears to entitle them to 
the name of Americans. 

Scotch. — Next in numbers after the French, come the 
Scotch. At the beginning of the Rebellion in ISGl, 
108,518 of them had their homes in the United States. 
They differ materially from the English, although born 
under the same flag and upon the same soil; their 
interests are but feebly enlisted in the glory of the 
British Empire. The compromise through which their 
country became a portion of Uer Britannic Majesty's 
dominions, is to this day looked upon as a cheat, by 
which they were robbed of the lustre of their ancient 
prowess, and is considered a stain upon the heraldry 
of their chiefs, of whose chivalry they are so justly 
proud ; particularly so is this the case with the lligh- 
land Scotch, who can no more be made British sub- 
jects than a North American Indian can be made a 
slave. 

On their arrival in America, they generally enter 
quietly into business; few of them engage in manual 
labor, some in trades; or learned or scientific profes- 
sions engage their attention. They disperse broadcast, 
and in a short time become citizens, and affiliate in all 
things with the native born. In commerce and finance, 



XXY.] FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 40 T 

they are imequalecl; sober, industrious, and peaceable; 
and throughout the manufacturing districts of the Re- 
public they take the lead. It is astonishing to know 
how many important manufacturing establishments are 
either owned or managed by Scotchmen and their de- 
scendants in the United States. In literary pursuits, 
as editors and writers, more than five to one of them 
are engaged, to either the native born or any other 
foreigners. In politics, the majority of them have 
been identified with the Republican party. They are 
eminently progressive ; are slow to act until they have 
fully investigated. Scotchmen in America do not seem 
to have lost any of the analytical powers of their an- 
cestors, nor do they soon forget Auld Scotland ; its war- 
riors, statesmen, orators, bards, poets, and scholars, 
afford them just pride. At the breaking out of the 
Rebellion, the majority of them, in the large cities, 
were with the Union party. They raised regiments ex- 
clusively Scotch, and at the sound of the Slogan they 
marched to the rescue of Republican freedom. 

Chinese. — Of the 35,565 Chinese in America in 1860, 
nearly the whole number were in California. Their 
advent into the country dates from the discovery of 
gold on the Pacific coast. Politics they have none. 
It is doubtful if one of them has ever been naturalized 
in the Republic. There is no amalgamation between 
them and any other people; few of them become 
Christians; and in all the towns where they congre- 
gate, they erect and worship their Joss^ and believe in 
Buddha as the Divinity. Their business men are shrewd, 
and succeed in making money ; the laboring class are 
good domestic servants. The number of Chinese has 
greatly increased on the Pacific side of the Republic 
since 1860. They can no more become Americanized 
than a leoj^ard can change his spots. 



468 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Mexicans. — Few of the Mexicans in the United States 
become naturalized; generally, they live exclusively 
among themselves. Their tendencies are towards Re- 
publicanism; and most of them who can vote, are with 
the Republican party. They numbered 27,446 in 
18G0. 

Italians. — The Italians in the United States soon learn 
to appreciate the institutions of the country. They 
become naturalized, and generally act with the party 
of freedom. The educated of them have shown them- 
selves zealous students of American politics. In 18G0 
they numbered 10,518 in the Republic. 

For the other component parts of the foreign resi- 
dents in America, at the breaking out of the Rebel- 
lion, the reader is referred to the tables in the Ap- 
pendix of this volume, where a full list of the foreign- 
ers in the Republic, from every part of the world, is 
fully set forth. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

NATtJRALIZATION LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.— DECISIONS OF UNITED 
STATES AND STATE COURTS UPON.— PRE-EMPTION LAWS OF THE UNITED 
STATES.— PvIGHTS OF ALIENS TO SETTLE UPON AND HOLD LANDS.— UNITED 
STATES AND STATE COULIT DECISIONS ON. 

The steady and increasing immigration ol foreigners 
from all parts of the world into the United States, and 
the facility with which they acquire American customs 
and fraternize with the native population in the gen- 
eral affairs of the country, is strong evidence in favor 
of the influence of Republican Government to harmon- 
ize the families of men into one great political Union. 

It has been the policy of the American Government 
from its origin to the present day, to encourage and 
aid the inhabitants of all nations to seek homes and 
protection within the Republic. To this end provis- 
ion has been made in the Federal Constitution and the 
Federal laws extending to the adopted citizen every 
political and civil privilege enjoyed by the native born, 
with the exception of eligibility to the oifices of Presi- 
dent and Vice-President. 

The achievement of the independence of America 
was the result of a cooperation of all of the people of 
the Colonies, regardless of birthplace, and their subse- 
quent formation into a body politic upon the broad 
principles of equality, at once broke down the ancient 
barriers that had defined the unnatural limits between 
King and subject, and opened up a new field for the 
enjoyment of those fundamental rights of man, the ex- 
ercise of which is attainable only in a Republican Gov- 



470 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

emment, and to the end that in all future time all 
citizens might participate in the affairs of the ISTation, 
the most liberal laws have been enacted to aid the 
adopted citizen in enjoying the greatest freedom. 

Nowhere in the Constitution or laws of the Ameri- 
can Nation is the slightest proscription interposed be- 
tween the naturalized and the native born citizen, save 
in the single exception in the Constitution, which pro- 
vides that none but natural born citizens shall be 
President or Vice-President of the United States. To 
this wise provision no objection can be offered by the 
adopted citizen, who if he loves the institutions of free 
government must see greater safety to the Nation in 
this than would result from placing the Executive 
power of the Republic in hands that might, in time of 
foreign wars or other National difficulties, be influenced 
favorably towards the land of his birth rather than 
towards the land of his adoption. 

That the reader may the better understand the 
modus operandi by which a foreigner may become a citi- 
zen in America, the laws upon the subject of natural- 
ization are here given, together with decisions upon 
important points; also the laws relating to the pre- 
emption of public lands, the right of aliens, and the 
law of expatriation. 

Act of April 14th, 1802: 

" Section 1. That any alien, being a free white person, may 
be admitted to become a citizen -of the United States, or any of 
them, on the following conditions, and not otherwise: 

"First. That he shall have declared, on oath or affirmation, 
before the Suj)reme, Superior, District or Circuit Court of some 
one of the States, or of the Territorial Districts of the United 
States, or a Circuit or District Court of the United States, three 
years at least before his admission that it Avas bona, fide his inten- 
tion to become a citizen of the United States, and to renounce 



XXVL] NATUKALIZ^iTlON LAWS. 471 

forever all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, poten- 
tate, state or sovereignty whatever, and particularly, by name, 
the prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whereof such alien 
may, at the time, be a citizen or subject. 

"St'condJy. That he shall at the time of his application, to be 
admitted, declare on oath, or affirmation, before some one of 
the Courts aforesaid, that he will support the Constitution of 
the United States, and that he doth absolutely and entirely re- 
nounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to every foreign 
prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whatever, and particularly, 
byname, the prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whereof he 
was before a citizen or subject; which proceeding shall be re- 
corded by the Clerk of the Court. 

"Thirdhj. That the Court admitting such alien shall be satis- 
fied that he has resided within the United States five years, at 
least, and within the State or Territory where such Court is at 
the time held, one year at least; and it shall further appear 
to their satisfaction that, during that time, he has behaved as a 
man of good moral character, attached to the principles of the 
Constitvition of the United States, and well disposed to the good 
order and happiness of the same; provided, that the oath of the 
applicant shall, in no case, be allowed to prove his residence. 

"Fourthly. That in case the alien, applying to be admitted to 
citizenship, shall have borne any hereditary title, or been of any 
of the orders of nobility in the kingdom or state from which he 
came, he shall, in addition to the above requisites, make an ex- 
press renunciation of his title or order of nobility in the Court 
to which his application shall be made, which renunciation shall 
be recorded in the said Court; provided, that no alien who shall 
be a native citizen, denizen or subject of any country, state or 
sovereign with whom the United States shall be at war at the 
time of his application, shall then be admitted to be a citizen of 
the United States; lyrovided also, that any alien who was residing 
within the limits, and under the jurisdiction of the United 
States, before the 29th day of January, 1795, may be admitted 
to become a citizen on due proof made to some one of the Courts 
aforesaid, that he has resided two years, at least, within and 
under the jurisdiction of the United States, and one year, at 
least immediately preceding his application, within the State or 
Territory Avhere such Court is at the time held; and on his de- 
claring on oath or affirmation, that he will supjoorfc the Constitu- 



472 REPUBLICANISM IN AilERICA. [Chap. 

tion of the United States, and that he doth absolutel}' and 
entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any 
foreign prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whatever, and 
particularly, by name, the prince, potentate, state or sovereignty, 
whereof he was before a citizen or subject; and, moreover, on 
its appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that, during the 
said term of two years, he has behaved as a man of good moral 
character, attached to the Constitution of the United States, and 
well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same; and 
where the alieii, applying for admission to citizenship, shall have 
borne any hereditary title, or been of any of the orders of nobil- 
ity in the Kingdom or State from which he came, on his more- 
over making in the Court an express renunciation of his title or 
order of nobility, before he shall be entitled to such admission; 
all of which such proceedings, required in this proviso to be j^er- 
formed in the Court, shall be recorded by the Clerk thereof ; and 
provided also, that any alien who was residing within the limits, 
and under the jurisdiction of the United States at any time be- 
tween the said 29th day of January, 1795, and the 18th day of 
June, 1798, may, within two years after the passing of this Act, 
be admitted to become a citizen, without a compliance with the 
first condition above specified. 

" Sec. 2. And whereas, doubts have arisen whether certain 
Courts of Record in some of the States, ai-e included within the 
description of District or Circuit Courts; be it further enacted, 
that every Court of Record in any individual State, having com- 
mon law jurisdiction, and a seal and Clerk orProthonotary, shall 
be considered as a District Court within the meaning of this Act; 
and every alien who may have been naturalized in any such 
Court, shall enjoy, from and after the passing of this Act, the 
same rights and privileges, as if he had been naturalized in a 
District or Circuit Court of the United States. 

" Sec. 3. The children of persons duly naturalized, under any 
of the laws of the United States, or who, previous to the passing 
of any law on that subject, by the Government of the United 
States, may have become citizens of any one of the said States, 
under the laws thereof, being under the age of twenty-one years, 
at the time of their parents being so naturalized or admitted to 
the rights of citizenship, shall, if dwelling in the United States, 
be considered as citizens of the United States, and the children 
of persons who now are, or have been citizens of the United 



XXYL] NATURALIZATION LAWS. 473 

States, shall, thougli born out of the limits and jurisdiction of 
the United States, be considered as citizens of the United States; 
proinded, that the right of citizenship shall not descend to per- 
sons whose fathers have never resided within the United States; 
provided also, that no person heretofore proscribed by any State, 
or who has been legally convicted of having joined the army of 
Great Britain, during the late war, shall be admitted as a citi- 
zen, as aforesaid, without the consent of the Legislature of the 
State in which such person was proscribed. 

" Sec. 4. All acts heretofore passed respecting naturaliza- 
tion, be and the same are hereby rejpealed." 

Act of March 26th, 1804: 

" Sec. 5. That any alien, being a free white person, who was 
residing within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the 
United States, at any time between the 18th day of June, 1798, 
and the 14th day of April, 1802, and who has continued to re- 
side within the same, may be admitted to become a citizen of 
the United States without a compliance with the first condition 
specified in the first Section of the Act entitled, ' An Act to es- 
tablish a uniform rule of naturalization, and to repeal the Acts 
heretofore passed on that subject.' 

" Sec. G. When any alien who shall have complied with the 
first condition specified in the first Section of the said original 
Act, and who shall have pursued the directions prescribed in the 
second Section of the said Act, may die before he is actually 
naturalized, the widow and the children of such alien shall be 
considered as citizens of the United States, and shall be entitled 
to all rights and privileges as such, upon taking the oaths pre- 
scribed by law." 

Act of March 13th, 1813: 

" Sec. 7. That no person who shall arrive in the United States 
from and after the time when this Act shall take effect, shall be 
admitted to become a citizen of the United States, who shall not 
for the continued next term of five years preceding his admis- 
sion as aforesaid, have resided in the United States. 

"Sec. 8. That if any person shall falsely make, forge, or 
counterfeit, or cause or procure to be falsely made, forged, or 
counterfeited any cei'tificate or evidence of citizenship referred 



474 ■ REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Clllip. 

to in tliis Act, or shall pass, utter, or use as true any false, 
forged, or counterfeited certificate of citizenship, or shall make 
sale or dispose of any certificate of citizenship to any person 
other than the person for Avhom it was originally issued, and to 
whom it may of right belong, every such person shall be deemed 
and adjudged guilty of felony; and on being thereof convicted 
by due course of law, shall be sentenced to be imprisoned and 
kept to hard labor for a period not less than three, or more than 
five years, or be fined in a sum not less than five hundred dol- 
lars, nor more than one thousand dollars^ at the discretion of 
the Court taking cognizance thereof." 

Act of March 22d, 1816: 

" Sec, 9. Nothing herein contained shall bo construed to ex- 
clude from admission to citizenship any free white person who 
was residing within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the 
United States at any time between the 18th day of June, 1798, 
and the 14th day of April, 1802, and who, having continued to 
reside therein without having made any declaration of intention 
before a Court of Record as aforesaid, may be entitled to be- 
come a citizen of the United States, according to the Act of the 
2Gth of March, 1804, entitled, ' An Act in addition to an Act en- 
titled an Act to establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and 
to repeal the Act heretofore jjassedon that subject.' "Whenever 
an}' person without a certificate of such declaration of intention 
as aforesaid, shall make application to be admitted a citizen of 
the United States, it shall be jDroved to the satisfaction of the 
Court that the applicant Avas residing within the limits and under 
the jurisdiction of the United States before the 14th day of April, 
1802, and has continued, to reside within the same, or he shall 
not be so admitted. And the residence of the applicant within 
the limits and under the jurisdiction of the United States for at 
least five years immediately preceding the time of such applica- 
tion, shall be proved by the oath or af&rmation of citizens of the 
United States, which citizens shall be named in the record as 
witnesses. And such continued i-esidence within the limits and 
under the jurisdiction of the United States, when satisfactorily 
proved, and the place or places where the applicant has resided 
for at least five years, as aforesaid, shall be stated and set forth, 
together with the names of such citizens, in the record of the 
Court admitting the applicant; otherwise the same shall not en- 



XX VI. J NATURALIZATION LAWS. 475 

title him to be-considered and deemed a citizen of the- United 
States." 

Act of May 26tli, 1824: 

" Sec. 10. That any alien, being a free white person and a 
minor, under the age of twenty-one years, who shall have resided 
in the United States three years next preceding his arriving at 
the age of twenty-one years, and who shall have continued to 
reside therein to the time he may make application to be admit- 
ted a citizen thereof, may, after he arrives at the age of twenty- 
one years, and after he shall have resided five years within the 
United States, including the three years of his minority, be ad- 
mitted a citizen of the United States without having made the 
declaration required in the first condition of t.ie first Section of 
the Act to which this is an addition, three years previous to his 
admission; provided, such alien shall make the declaration (herein 
at the time of his or her admission, and shall further declare, on 
oath, and prove to the satisfaction of the Court, that for three 
years next preceding, it has been the bona fide intention of such 
alien to become a citizen of the United States, and shall, in all 
other respects, comply with the laws in regard to naturalization, 

" Sec. 11. That the declaration required by the first condi- 
tion specified in the first Section of the Act to which this is in 
addition, shall, if the same has been bona fide made before the 
Clerks of either of the Courts in the said condition named, be 
valid as if it had been made before the said Courts respectively. 

" Sec. 12. That a declaration by anj^ alien, being a free white 
person, of his intended application to bo admitted a citizen of 
the United States, made in the manner and form prescribed in 
the first condition sj)ecified in the first Section of the Act to 
which this is in addition, two years before his admission, shall 
be a sufficient compliance with said condition; anything in the 
said Act, or in any subsequent Act, to the contrary notwith- 
standing," 

Act of May 28th^ 1828: 

" Sec, 13, That any alien, being a free white person, who was 
residing within the limits and under the jurisdiction of ihe 
United States between the 14th day of April, 1802, and the 18th 
day of June, 1812, and who has continued to reside within the 



476 REPUBLiaiNisM IN A3IERICA. [Chap. 

same, may be admitted to become a-citizen of the United States 
without having made any previous declaration of his intention 
to become a citizen; provided, that whenever any person, with- 
out a certificate of such declaration of intention, shall make ap- 
plication to be admitted a citizen of the United States, it shall 
be proved to the satisfaction of the Court that the applicant was 
residing within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the 
United States, before the 18th day of June, 1812, and has con- 
tinued to reside within the same, or he shall not be so admitted; 
and the residence of the applicant within the limits and tinder 
the jurisdiction of the United States for at least five years imme- 
diately preceding the time of such ajDplication, shall be proved 
by the oath or affirmation of citizens of the United States, which 
citizens shall be named in the record as witnesses; and such con- 
tinued residence within the limits and under the jurisdiction of 
the United States, when satisfactorily jDroved, and the place or 
places where the applicant has resided for at least five years, as 
aforesaid, shall be stated and set forth, together with the names 
of such citizens, in the record of the Court admitting the appli- 
cant; otherwise the same shall not entitle them to be considered 
and deemed a citizen of the United States." 

Act of June 26th, 1848: 

" Sec. 14. That the last clause of the 12th Section of the 
Act hereby amended, consisting of the foUoAving words, to wit: 
' without being at any time, during the said five years out of 
the territory of the Unitecl States,' be, and the same is hereby 
I'epealed." 

Act of February 10th, 1855: 

" Sec. 15. That persons heretofore born, or hereafter to be 
born, out of the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, 
whose fathers were or shall be at the time of their birth, citizens 
of the United States, shall be deemed and considered and are 
hereby declared to be citizens of the United States; j^'^orided, 
however, that the rights of citizenship shall not descend to joer- 
sons whose fathers never resided in the United States. 

"Sec. 16. That any woman who might lawfully be naturalized 
under existing laws, married, or who shall be married to a 
citizen of the United States, shall be deemed and taken to be a 
citizen." 



XXVI.] LAW OF EXPATRIATION. 477 

Act of July 17th, 18G2: 

** Sec. 17. That any alien, of the age of twenty-one years 
and upwards, who has enlisted or shall enlist in the armies of 
the United States, either the regular or the volunteer forces, and 
has been or shall be hereafter honorably discharged, may be 
admitted to become a citizen of the United States, upon his peti- 
tion, without any previous declaration of his intention to become 
a citizen of the United States, and that he shall not be required 
to prove more than one year's residence within the United States 
previous to his application to become such citizen; and that the 
Court admitting such alien shall, in addition to such proof of 
residence and good moral character as is now provided by law, 
be satisfied by competent proof of such person having been 
honorably discliarged from the ser\ice of the United States, as 
aforesaid." 

The law of expatriation (so called) is one of interest 
to the citizens of all nations. How far, and in what, 
can the subject or citizen of a country, being natural- 
ized in another country, throw off his allegiance to the 
country of his birth, or the country in which he has 
been once or last naturalized, has formed a subject of 
great national agitation. The doctrine of England is, 
that the natural born subject owes an allegiance to the 
place of his birth that is perpetual, and which cannot 
be released or divested by any act of his own. Xo 
judicial decision in the United States has altered this 
common law rule, which seems to be the law in the 
United States and all European countries. The liard- 
ships experienced by naturalized citizens of America 
when returning to their birthplace in Europe, and 
being there conscripted and forced into military service, 
has aroused a strong prejudice in America against this 
doctrine. A better rule, undoubtedly, upon this very 
important subject, would be, that the citizen or subject 
of any nation, native born or naturalized, sliould be 



478 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

at liberty to renounce all allegiance to the land of his 
birth or the country of his adoption, and become a 
citizen to the fullest extent, of any country in which 
he misrht reside and of which he became a citizen. 
In America, under the Federal Constitution and Fed- 
eral laws, the greatest liberty and protection is ex- 
tended to all citizens, regardless of birtliplace or former 
condition; and the practice of European nations in 
ignoring the rights acquired by naturalization, and 
enforcing the common law rule of perpetual allegiance 
to the country of nativity, if not harmonized in con- 
formity with the spirit of the progressive liberty of 
the age, will be a most fruitful source of international 
discord ; and sooner or later must be settled either by 
treaty or by physical force. Neither the philosophy 
of Republicanism, nor the temper of the American 
people, can submit to see citizens, who have by solemn 
oath renounced all allegiance to all foreign Govern- 
ments, States and rulers, and who have sworn to obey 
the laws and protect the Government of tlieir adop- 
tion, look in vain towards America while they sigh 
within prison walls, or march as conscripts under the 
banner of a nation whose laws they despise, and from 
whose Government they have relinquished all allegi- 
ance by adopting another. The best rule upon this 
subject is, as well for the safety and peace of nations 
as for the liberty of the citizen, that the naturalized 
citizen at home or abroad owes allegiance only to the 
country of which he is a citizen or subject, amenable 
only to the local laws where he may reside; and while 
he is in the land of his birth or elsewhere, if he bo a 
citizen of another country by adoption, is entitled to 
all the protection of a native born citizen of the coun- 
try of which he is a citizen, and wherever he can see 



XXYI.] NATURALIZATION LAWS. 479 

the flag of the country of which he is then a citizen, he 
sliall claim and receive its protection regardless of 
place of birth or former allegiance. 

The American Government has always leaned tow^ards 
this doctrine, which has found zealous advocates in the 
progressive Republican party; and an acquiescence in 
it, recently, by some of the European powers, encour- 
ages the hope that ere long all civilized nations will 
see the justice of adopting this rule, and that it will 
become the acknowledged law of all nations. 

In further illustration of the features of the natu- 
ralization laws of the United States, and the rights of 
citizens, a few of the judicial decisions upon certain 
points of practical interest are here given: 

"A married •woman may be naturalized. Ex parte Mareanne 
Pic, 1 Cranch's Circuit Court Reports, 372; and that Avithout 
the concurrence of ber husband. Priest v. Cummings, IG Wen- 
dell's Reports, G17." 

The oath of allegiance, Avithout waiting for the five 
years to elapse to take out final papers of citizenship, 
entitles the person to the protection of a citizen before 
the law. '• The oath when taken, confers the rights of 
a citizen. Campbell v. Gordon, 6 Cranch's Reports, 
page IVG." 

This does not mean that a person on taking the oath 
is entitled to all the rights and immunities of a citizen. 
It only places him under the protection of the Govern- 
ment which he has sworn to support, and entitles him 
to the rights of a citizen hefore the law^ without extend- 
ing to him any of the j^oUtlcal lights of a citizen. 

The residence of five years need not be continuous 
and uninterrupted. The Act of June 26th, 1848, makes 
this so. See Section 14 of the Act alluded to. Also 
Ih i^arte Pasquett, 1 Cranch's Circuit Court Reports, 
page 243. 



480 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

~ " An individual, wliose father appears to have been a resident 
in this country, and to have been married and had children born 
here, is presumed to be a citizen, although he himself was born 
subsequently to his fathers removal to a foreign country, there 
being nothing else to show his father to have been an alien." 
Campbell v. Wallace, 12 New Hampshire Reports, j^age 3G2. 

" The naturalization of a father, ipso f ado, makes his son then 
residing in the United States, and under twenty-one years of 
age, a citizen." State v. Pennery, English's Reports, page G21. 

"An American citizen who goes into a foreign country, al- 
though he owes local and temporary allegiance to that country, 
yet if he performs no other act, changing his condition, is enti- 
tled to the protection of his own Government; and if without the 
violation of any municipal law, he should be oppressed, he would 
have a right to claim that protection and the interposition of his 
Government in his favor." Murray v. The Charming Betsy, 2 
Cranch's Reports, page G4; 1 Cond. Reports, 358. 

" A native citizen of the United States cannot throw off his al- 
legiance to that Government without a law authorizing the same." 
United States v. Gillis, Peters' Circuit Reports, page 159. 

" In this country expatriation is conceived to be a fundamen- 
tal right. As far as the principles maintained and the practice 
adopted by the Government of the United States are evidence of 
its existence, it is fully recognized. It is constantly exercised, 
and has never been in any way restrained. The general evi- 
dence of expatriation is actual immigi-ation, with other concur- 
rent acts, showing a determination and intention to transfer 
allegiance." Stoughton v. Taylor, 2 Paine's Circuit Court Re- 
ports, page 655. 

" The Act of Congress of 1802, enacted that every Court of 
Record in any individual State, having common law jurisdiction, 
a seal, and Clerk or Prothonotary, shall be considered as a Dis- 
trict Court, within the meaning of this Act, and such Courts 
have power to naturalize." Ex parte Knowles, 5 California Re- 
ports, i)age 300. 

The right of aliens to possess and hold real estate 
in the several States is a matter of State law, wliich 
can be ascertained by reference to the statutes of the 
several States. 



XXVI.] RIGHTS OF ALIENS. 481 

The public lands of the United States in all the 
States and Territories are open to pre-emption and 
settlement by foreigners or native born citizens alike; 
and aliens may inherit lands in any of the States in 
the absence of any legislation upon the subject to the 
contrary. 

"An alien may hold real estate against every one, and even 
against the Government, until office found." 3 Black, 259; 13 
Wendell, 546; 3 Wheaton, 563; 5 California, 373. 

"Aliens may be entitled to pre-empt under this act, (Pre- 
emption Act of the United States of May 29th, 1880,) especially 
■where the local law authorizes them to hold real estate." 3 Opin- 
ions of the Chief Justice, page 90. 

" By the terms settlers and occupants used in the Pre-emp- 
tion Acts, is meant those who personally cultivate and reside on, 
or who i^ersonally cultivate, manage, and use the jDublic lands. 
Actual residence on the land is not indispensable ; yet with cul- 
tivation, it is the highest evidence of the personal connection 
which is indispensable." 3 Opinions of the Chief Justice, pages 
182, 309, 313. 

By a statute of the United States of September 4tb, 
1841, aliens must make a declaration of citizenship 
before they can enter or hold certain described sur- 
veyed lands of the United States. This Act is ex- 
pressly confined to the surveyed lands. 3 California, 
page 370. 

Among the many advantages that foreigners enjoy 
in America is that of settling upon the public domain. 
The millions of acres of rich agricultural and timbered 
lands of the United States are thrown open to them 
alike with the native born. These lands generally cost 
one dollar and a quarter per acre, and the terms of 
payment are easy. Since the issuing of paper money 
("Grreenbacks") by the Government, in 1801, up to 
the present time, and so long as paper money of the 



482 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Government is in circnlation, it will be taken at 
par in payment for these lands. It will thus be seen 
that as tliis species of money could be bought ranging 
from 38 to 75 cents on the dollar in gold, these lands 
would only cost ninety cents in gold per acre, calculating 
"greenl)acks" at 72 cents on the dollar. 

In many parts of the Union mechanics receive from 
four to eight dollars per day in currency ("greenbacks"). 
At these rates an industrious mechanic may land in an 
American port without a dollar, go to work, support 
himself, and at the end of two months have paid for 
and own, in fee, simple^ a farm of one hundred and sixty 
acres of the best agricultural land in the world. He 
could not purchase one acre in most parts of Europe 
for the same amount of labor. 



f 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

ABRAIGNMENT OF ANDEEW JOHNSON, PRESIIHSNT OF THE UNITED STATES, ON 
CHARGES OF HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS. FINAL VOTE. 

The arraignment of Andrew Johnson, President of 
the United States, before a Court of Impeachment for 
high crimes and misdemeanors, forms an epoch in the 
history of the Gov^ernment of America. Judges and 
other high functionaries had been held to appear upon 
charges of high crimes and misdemeanors ; but the Ex- 
ecutive head of the Nation had now, for the first time, 
been cited before his peers, for the solemn announce- 
ment of "guilt}^" or "not guilty." 

The history of America has never presented so fla- 
grant a case of abandonment of party and party prin- 
ciples, as does the career of Mr. Johnson, He was 
elected in 1864 as Yice-President, at the same time 
that Abraham Lincoln was elected President for the 
second time. Mr. Johnson, who is a native of North 
Carolina, and a citizen of Tennessee, has been a " life- 
long Democrat;" his only claim upon the Republican 
party was the firm stand which he took in favor of the 
Union in 1860-1. At that time he was a Senator in the 
United States Senate from the State of Tennessee; 
and when the Senators and Representatives of the 
Slave States abandoned their posts, and in the councils 
of the Nation proclaimed their adhesion to a foreign 
Nation, and bade farewell to the Republic of America, 
Mr. Johnson took a firm stand in favor of the Union. 
Soon he was appointed military Governor of Tennes- 



484 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

see, where he underwent jjersecution at the hands of 
the Democratic leaders. His nomination to the Yice- 
Presidency was brought about in the hope that as 
he was a Southern man and a Democrat, he would 
bring strength to the Republican party; and upon the 
spur of the excitement incident to the war then raging, 
and the fact that he had stood firm to the principles 
of the Republican party for four years, made him nn 
available candidate. But Mr. Johnson did not brinsr 
any strength to the party in wdiich he found himself ; 
at the South he had but little influence, the leaders 
there were all for rebellion; and besides, they had 
always looked uj^on and proclaimed Mr. Johnson a 
man who in politics could not be relied upon; that he 
Was a self-willed, stubborn, stiff-necked demagogue 
and political trickster — all of which, the party who 
had tlie misfortune to make him Vice-President, feel 
fully prepared to indorse. 

Mr. Lincoln had served but one month of his second 
term as President, when he was assassinated; and, 
under the law, Andrew Johnson became President of 
the United States. The Republican party, then in 
power in every branch of the Administration of the 
Government, fresh from the blood}^ field of a long war 
now crowned with victory, found themselves deprived 
of the al)le and faithful services of the man v/ho liad 
guided the ship of State over the turbid sea of carnage, 
and safely into the haven of national security and re- 
pose, and his place occupied by an untried man. at 
least in the school of Republicanism as understood by 
Mr. Lincoln and the Republican party. 

The war being at an end, new and important sub- 
jects presented themselves, demanding firmiiess, wis- 
dom and patriotism upon the part of the Executive 



I 



XXVIL] Johnson's reconstruction policy. 485 

tiiid Legislative branches of the Government. Many 
Republicans doubted Johnson's abilit}^, fidelity, and 
patriotism, for the discharge of these high offices; but 
his first acts gave promise of his sincerity to carry out 
the doctrines of the party that elected him. His dec- 
laration that he would " make treason odious," and his 
ludicrous pledge to the freedmen, tliat he would be 
their ]\Ioses, gave hope that he, at least, would en- 
deavor to follow in the steps of his illustrious prede- 
cessor; but in this, the country has been sadly disap- 
pointed. 

Mr. Johnson had, early in his Administration, ap- 
pointed provisional Governors in the States lately in 
rebellion, under whose directions elections were held, 
resulting in the return to State and Federal offices of 
the leaders of the Rebellion. (See this subject under 
the head of Reconstruction.) Congress objected to 
the admission of these persons to the National Coun- 
cils, and declared that the legislative branch of the 
Government was the proper department to adjust and 
regulate the re-admission of these States, and to judge 
of the qualifications of members of Congress. John- 
son held that all that was necessary was for the people of 
the States lately in rebellion to take an oath of allegiance, 
and proceed at once to enter upon the duties and offices 
of State and National legislation. Congress reasoned 
that those who so deliberately violated their oaths and 
entered into rebellion, would take the oath with im- 
punity; and that some guarantees for the protection 
of the rights of those lately held as slaves, and loyalty 
to the Federal Union, were necessary. Against all this, 
Johnson protested. The rebels now seeing a new cham- 
pion in their cause, entered upon a crusade against all 
loyal men in the Slave States ; enacted State laws again 



486 EEPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA, [Chap. 

returning the negroes to service and labor, and became 
turbulent and defiant of Federal authorit3\ At this 
point, Johnson ceased to indorse the views of the Na- 
tional Congress, abandoned the party that elected him, 
gravitated back to his native element, the Democratic 
party, where he remained as the chief barrier to the 
restoration of peace and good order in the South, and 
a vexatious stumbling-block in the way of national 
legislation. 

The Executive prerogative of the veto power had, 
during three-quarters of a century of National Execu- 
tive authority, existed only in name, until Mr. John- 
son introduced it as the leading feature of his Admin- 
istration, wherein, with the reckless hand of a bigot 
and despot, in which he has exhibited the ill-natured 
and dogged traits accorded to him by those who claim 
to have had a personal acquaintance with him from his 
boyhood, he has brought that wholesome Executive 
power into disrepute. 

The whole history of the Administration of this man 
has been marked by a reckless disregard of public in- 
terests, and the gratification of his own self-will. No 
man in America, professing to be a Union man, of 
whatever school of j^olitical faith, has been so persist- 
ent an enemy to the progressive spirit of Republican 
Government and the constitutional liberties guaranteed 
to the people, as has been Andrew Johnson during the 
period of his Administration as President of the United 
States. Undoubtedly James Buchanan was a greater 
public enemy, but he did not profess to be a Union 
man; on the contrary, a disunionist^ as is fully evi- 
dent by the enunciation in his last message, that Con- 
gress had no constitutional power to hold the States 
tocrether — that each State was a sovereign and inde- 



XXYII.] DIPEACHMENT OF JOHNSON. 487 



pendent nation. Johnson's term of office once ended, 
and he will pass into political obscurity, which will 
increase with each succeeding year, until no hand will 
be found to write his epitaph. 

The people and the National Congress, goaded on to 
desperation by the j)ersistent opposition of Johnson to 
the principles of the Republican party and the inter- 
ests of the country, had instituted measures to inquire 
into his official conduct, with a view to impeachment. 
As early as the 17th of December, 1866, a resolution 
to this effect was introduced in the Congress by James 
M. Ashley, of Ohio. It required a two-thirds majority 
to carry the resolution — it was not agreed to. This 
was followed, on the 7th of January, 1867, by resolu- 
tions on the same subject, introduced by Representa- 
tives Benjamin F. Loan and John R. Kelso, of Mis- 
souri. On the same day Benjamin M. Ashley presented 
written charges of the commission of high crimes and 
misdemeanors against President Johnson. The charges 
of Mr. Ashley, and the resolutions of Messrs, Loan 
and Kelso, were referred to the Judiciary Committee. 
The Committee, on the 28th of February following, 
reported that the evidence developed would justify a 
further investigation, and they recommended to their 
successors, the members of the Fortieth Congress, an 
investigation of the charges. 

The first session of the Fortieth Congress met on the 
4th day of March, 1867. The Senate was composed 
of 53 members — forty-two Republicans and eleven 
Democrats. The lower branch was composed of one 
hundred and ninety-two members — one hundred and 
forty-three Republicans and forty-nine Democrats. 
The Republicans having a clear working majority in 
both branches, were able to carry ever}- measui'c 



488 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

against all Democratic opposition, and over the veto 
of the President; and nothing but this fortunate state 
of affairs saved the country from a second conflict of 
arms, and led to a reconstruction of the States lately 
in rebellion, upon the principles of constitutional and 
Federal authority. 

Soon after the meeting of the Fortieth Congress the 
Judiciary Committee took up the subject of the inves- 
tigation of the charges alleged against the President 
by the Thirty-ninth Congress. On the 25th day of 
November, 18G7, the report of the Committee of In- 
vestigation was presented to Congress. Two reports 
were made — a majority in favor of dismissing the 
charges, and a minority for impeachment. This latter 
was lost, however, on a vote being taken. 

The next step towards impeachment was made on 
the 4th of February, 1868, On that day the letters 
passing between the President and Gen. Grant, in ref- 
erence to the removal of Mr. Stanton from the Secre- 
taryship of the War Office, were read, and referred to 
the Committee on Reconstruction. The object of the 
investigation was to ascertain whether Johnson's ob- 
structions to the Acts of Congress were impeachable 
offenses. The Committee decided adversely to im- 
peachment. Subsequently the following letter from 
the President to Mr. Stanton was presented to Con- 
gress, upon which immediate action was taken. It 
was referred to the Committee on Reconstruction: 

•'Executive Mansion, Washington, Feb. 21st, 18G8. 
" Sir : By virtue of the power and autbority vested in me as 
President, by the Constitution and laws of the United States, 
you are hereby removed from office, as Secretary of the De^^art- 
ment of War, and your funcLionB as such will terminate upon 
receipt of this communication. 



XXVIL] IMPEACHMENT OF JOHNSON. 489 

" You will transfer to Brevet Major-General Lorenzo Thomas, 
Adjutant-Greneral of the Army, who has this day been authorized 
and empowered to act as Secretary of War ad interim, all records, 
papers, and other public property now in your custody and 
charge. 

" Kespectfully yours, 

' ' Andrew Johnson, 
" President of the United States. 
" To the Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Washington, D. C." 

On the following Saturday, February 24tli, Hon. 
John Covode, member of the Lower House, offered the 
following resolution: 

"Resolved, That Andrew Johnson, President of the United 
States, be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors." 

This resolution was also sent to the Committee on 
Reconstruction. 

On the news of the President's letter to Mr. Stan- 
ton, the Senate met in Executive session, and adopted 
the following resolution: 

" Whekeas, The Senate has received and considered the com- 
munication of the President, stating thnt he had removed Edwin 
M. Stanton, Secretary of War, and had designated the Adjutant- 
General of the Army to act as Secretary of War ad interim, 
therefore, 

" Resolved, By the Senate of the United States, that under the 
Constitution and laws of the United States, the President has 
no power to remove the Secretary of War, and to designate any 
other ofaccr to perform the duty of that office ad interim." 

The excitement now throughout the country was 
intense. The Republicans looked upon this act of the 
President as defiant and illegal, while the Democracy, 
North and South, rallied to the support of Johnson, 
offering him aid in men and arms if he would hold 
firm to his position ; and threats of open physical re- 
sistance were made by the Democracy, should the 
President be impeached. 



490 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

The Committee on Reconstruction, consisting of 
Thaddeus Stevens, George S. Boutwell, John A. Bing- 
ham, C. S. Hubbard, J. F. Farnsworth, F. C. Beaman, 
and H. E. Paine, presented a report in favor of im- 
peachment with the following resolution: 

'' Resolved, That Andrew Jolinson, President of the United 
States, be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors." 

Upon this a vote was taken in the House, resulting 
in one hundred and twenty-six for the resolution, (all 
Republicans,) and forty-seven against it. The Senate 
was at once informed of the action of the House, (Feb- 
ruary 25th, 1868). The House Committee appointed 
for that purpose, at once proceeded to draw up articles 
of impeachment, which they presented on the 29th 
day of February. These articles consisted of eleven 
separate charges. The two most relied upon for con- 
viction were the one relating to the declarations of the 
President, that the Congress was an illegal body, and 
the other, the one relating to Stanton's removal. On 
the 4th day of March, 1868, the articles were read in 
the Senate by Mr. Bingham, Chairman of the Managers 
on the part of the House of Representatives. On the 
following day, March 5th, the Senate, with the Chief 
Justice of the United States presiding, convened as a 
High Court of Impeachment. Judge Nelson admin- 
istered the legal oath to the Chief Justice, who took 
his seat. The oath to the Senators was next adminis- 
tered. A summons was issued to Andrew Johnson, 
commanding him to appear at the bar of the Senate on 
Friday, the 13th day of March, at one o'clock p. m. 

On the day appointed for trial, Mr. Johnson ap- 
peared, by counsel, and asked forty days' farther time 
to answer. The Court extended the time to appear to 



XXYIL] IMPEACHMENT OF JOHNSON. 491 

Monday, the 23d day of March, upon which day the 
President appeared, by counsel, and put in his answer 
of denial and justification. On May 16th, 1868, the 
vote was taken, first on the eleventh article, the one 
charging Mr. Johnson with declaring Congress an ille- 
gal body and in attempting to keep Stanton out of the 
office of Secretary of War, after the Senate had refused 
to concur in his removal, and also in obstructing the 
execution of the laws of Congress; upon this article 
the Senate failed to convict, and adjourned the trial to 
May 26th, when that body voted on the second and 
third articles with a similar result, after which the 
Senate — sitting as a Court of Impeachment — adjourned 
sine die. 

The Chief Justice, on putting the question to vote, 
said: "Senators, in conformity to the order of the 
Senate, the Chief Justice will now proceed to take the 
vote on the eleventh article, as directed by the rule," 

The eleventh article being read by the Clerk, the 
Chief Justice standing. On the roll being called. Sen- 
ator Anthony's name being the first, he rose in his 
place; the Chief Justice addressed him: "Mr. Senator 
Antliony, how say you, is the respondent, Andrew 
Johnson, President of the United States, guilty or 
not guilty of a high misdemeanor, as charged in this 
article?" Senator Anthony responded, "Guilty." 
The roll continued to be called, until all the Senators 
had responded, which stood on the summing up, 
yeas 35, nays 19, lacking but one vote to convict. 

The vote stood: 

For Conviction — Anthony, Cameron, Cattell, Chand- 
ler, Cole, Conklin, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, 
Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, 
Howe, Morgan. Morrill, (Me.,) Morrill, (Vt.,) Morton, 



452 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Nye, Patterson, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, 
Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Wade, Willey, Wil- 
liams, Wilson, Yates — 35. 

For Acquittal — Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doo- 
little, Fe.'imnden, Fowler^ Grimes^ Henderson^ Hendricks, 
Johnson, McCreery, Ilorton, Patterson, Ross^ Sauls- 
bury, TrumhuUj Van Winkle, Tickers — 19. 

For conviction, 35 Republicans — no Democrats; for 
acquittal, 7 Republicans, and 12 Democrats. 

The names of the Republicans voting for acquittal 
are printed in italics. The fact that not a Democratic 
vote was cast for impeachment will show the animus of 
that party. Democrats have long had the reputation 
of casting votes for their party, regardless of men 
or principle. The vote, as above recorded, will not 
tend to impair that belief. 



1 



CHAPTER XXYIII. 

CITIZENSHIP IN THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.— CONFEDERATE CONSTlTtT- 
TION.— NO CITIZENS OF THE CONFEDERACY. — CONSCRIPTING THE SOV 
EREIGN PEOPLE.— THE SOUTH TIRED OP FEEDING FOREIGNERS; THEY 
MUST LEA\'E THE CONFEDERACY. — ALL THE PEOPLE MUST LABOR.— 
SOUTHERN CONGRESS ON LINCOLN'S EMANCIPATION PROCLABIATION.— 
THE "BLACK FLAG" TO BE HOISTED. 

Considerable difference of opinion had agitated the 
minds of the people of the Confederacy during its ex- 
istence, as to who they were. They had left the old 
Union, proclaiming that they were not citizens of the 
United States; that their allegiance was first due to 
their States, then to the Union, 

They were ardent believers in sovereignty, but it 
extended only to the '' Sovereign States." They could 
not be the subjects or citizens of two Sovereign Gov- 
ernments at the same time; hence, when they placed 
themselves under the sovereignty of the Southern 
Confederacy, they found themselves about as uncom- 
fortably situated as they were under the "hated 
Union." They had adopted a Constitution binding all 
the States together, and prohibiting them from " en- 
tering into any treaty, alliance, or confederation;" nor 
could they grant letters of marque, and reprisals; 
coin money; lay imposts on duties, keep troops, nor 
ships of war in time of peace ; enter into any agree- 
ment or compact with another State,norwith a foreign 
power. This, of course, could not suit those who so 
lately pronounced that they could not commit treason 
against the United States, as they owed allegiance only 
to the Sovereign States ; hence an association with the 



494 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Confederacy became oppressive, and little doubt re- 
mains that, had the Southern Confederacy existed until 
to-day, some of the Sovereign States would have 
sought separation from the Confederacy, and the States 
and people separately declared their sovereignty accord- 
ing to the philosophy of Buchanan, Stephens, Wood, 
and others. 

Section 2, of Article I, of the Confederate Consti- 
tution, said, that members of Congress should be citi- 
zens of the Confederate States ; Senators, and the 
President and Vice-President, should also be citizens 
of the Confederate States. 

Sec. 3, of Article III, of the Constitution, said, that 
the citizens of these Sovereign States could commit 
treason against the Confederacy. "Treason against 
the Confederate States shall consist only in levying 
war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giv- 
ing them aid and comfort." This meant the Confed- 
erate States in the aggregate as a Sovereign Nation. 

In the Confederate Senate, on the 7th day of Octo- 
ber, 1862, on the debate arising as to who were citi- 
zens of the Confederacy, declarations were made that 
no citizen of the "Sovereign States" owed allegiance 
to the Confederacy ; that there was no such thing as a 
citizen of the Confederate States. In this debate. 
Senator Hill, of Georgia, said: 

" If a citizen lias once elected to be a citizen of one of the 
Confederate States, that act makes him a citizen of the Confed- 
eracy, and he cannot throw off his allegiance." 

Senator Wigfall, of Texas, said: 

" There is no such thing as a citizen of the Confederate States. 
No citizen owes allegiance to the Confederate States." 

Mr. Hill held that the citizen did owe allegiance to 



XXYIIL] CITIZENSHIP IN THE CONFEDERACY. 495 

the Confederate States. " The citizen's first allegiance 
is due to his State, but through the State becomes al- 
legiance to the Confederate Government." 
The Confederate Constitution said: 

" The electors in each State shall be citizens of the Confeder- 
ate States. No jierson shall be a Representative who has not 
attained the age of twenty-five years, and been a citizen of the 
Confederate States." 

' ' Ko person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained 
the age of thirty years, and been a citizen of the Confederate 
States." 

' ' No person except a natural born citizen of the Confederate 
States or a citizen thereof at the time of the adoption of this 
Constitution, or a citizen thereof born in the United States prior 
to the 20th December, 1860, shall be eligible to the office of 
President." 

Mr. Hill further said: 

"I grant that no person can be a citizen of the Confederate 
States, who is not a citizen of some one of the States; but it 
does not follow that a citizen of a State is necessarily a citizen of 
the Confederate States." 

It will be plainly seen from the preceding, that the 
status of the people of the Confederacy was, to say the 
least, very uncertain; and that between the idea of 
State Rights, Sovereign States, and Confederate States, 
even the learned Senators of the Confederacy were 
unable to define their own political position — it was 
uncertain that, being citizens of a Sovereign State, 
made them per se citizens of the Confederacy. All 
seemed to agree, however, that their primary alle- 
giance was due to the State wherein they resided. But 
the Confederate Constitution said the opposite. How 
long it would be before the citizens of these Sovereign 
States would be cursing the hated Confederacy, cutting 
each others' throats, and each State proclaiming itself 



496 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Cliap. 

a foreign nation, is easy to conjecture. Citizenship 
has always been a source of perplexity to Southern 
Democrats; they claimed that the States were sover- 
eign, and still could not well deny but that there was 
some sovereignty in the United States; so accord- 
ing to their own positions and belief, their citizen- 
ship was divided between their States, the United 
States and the Southern Confederacy. Their great 
lawgiver, Alexander H. Stephens, had said, that their 
first allegiance was due to their State ; and imbued with 
this idea, they entered into war with tlie United States, 
but soon found themselves again entangled in the 
meshes of a Sovereign Confederacy, demanding from 
them that allegiance which they refused to surrender 
to the United States. 

The Sovereign States of the Confederacy found a 
very unpleasant application of Confederate sovereignty 
when men and money were wanting for the army. 
When the Confederate Congress, conducting all its im- 
portant business in secret session, levied oppressive 
taxes, conscripted old and young, negroes included, 
into the army, appropriating hay, grain, bacon, and all 
other provisions, and paying for them in Confederate 
''gray backs," at prices regulated not by the farmer and 
merchant, but by Government agents, acting under 
Confederate laws, who had the absolute disposal of the 
goods, chattels, and persons of the citizens of the 
"Sovereign States," many of the people rebelled 
against this tyranny, denying the power of the Con- 
federate Government to thus ruthlessly disturb the 
composure of the citizens of Sovereign States. But at 
each step they became more confounded, and nuich 
confused and alarmed as to the extent and location of 
their sovereignty. Alexander II. Stephens and otliers 



I 



XXVIII.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE CONFEDERACY. 497 

had told them that France and England had, at the 
close of the war of 1776, recognized each State as a 
sovereign, and all good Democrats had learned that. 
But ivho was a citizen of a Sovereign State? No law 
had been passed by any State respecting the naturali- 
zation of aliens. And besides, how would a person 
become a citizen of a State? Citizens of each of the 
States were not citizens of each of the other States, for 
in many instances they were held as aliens, and not 
eligible to offices of profit or trust. 

In the Confederate Congress in 1863-4, Senator 
Brown, of Mississippi, upon the subject of conscripting 
the sovereign people of the States, said he proposed to 
take all, without reference to age or occupation, and 
make but one inquiry: 

" Is be capable of bearing arms ? "Wbether be be Jew or Gen- 
tile, Cbristian or Infidel, if be is capable of bearing arms, be 
sbould be put in tbe army. * * 'If you are capable 

of bearing arms, you must do it.' Talk not of 'invading tbo 
rigbts of tbe States.' * * Better invade tbe rigbts of 
tbe States by calling out all arm-bearing citizens, tban dispute 
over constitutional quibbles wbile tbe Yankee army wrests tbe 
whole State from your possession." 

At this session it was urged that President Davis is- 
sue another proclamation, requiring all foreigners to 
take up arms or leave the Confederacy within sixty 
days. Upon this subject Senator Brown said: 

" We are tired feeding drones. They are of no eartbly use to 
us. Tbey are eating out our substance, and by tbeir speculative 
proclivities are depreciating our currency. Tbe time has ar- 
rived when we can entertain you no longer." He would " I'atber 
tbis day bave a regiment of Yankees turned loose on tbe city 
tban longer tolerate tbe presence of such jjeople." 

The Confederate Congress, in utter disregard of the 



498 REPUBLICANISxM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

sovereignty of the States and of the good people of the 
South, soon reduced the whole population to a condi- 
tion of vassalage. An Act of Congress of 1864, after 
providing that all able to bear arms should be con- 
scripted, declared tliut — 

" Each person exempted shall devote himself, and the labor 
he controls, to the p?'oduction of jirovisions and family supplies. 
That there shall be contributed, for the use of the army, from 
every farm, besides the tithes required by tax, an additional 
tenth of all the pork or bacon produced. And if required, the 
persons exempted shall sell all their surplus provisions for the 
use of the soldiers' families, or the army, at prices fixed by Com- 
missioners." 

The Southern Democracy could endure this species 
of liberty under the Administration of Jefferson Davis, 
but the tyranny of the Radical Administration, when 
submission to just and beneficent laws was demanded, 
could not be tolerated. Under Davis, although slaves 
themselves, they could still ply the whip upon the 
back of the negro. Under "Radical Reconstruction" 
the lash emitted no music for Democratic ears, hence 
the uneasiness of the people of the Sovereign States 
South. 

During the year 1864, the people of the South were 
much agitated in regard to the assumptions of the Con- 
federate Congress in proposing to send Commissioners, 
appointed by the Executive, to treat with the "Lincoln 
Government" upon terms of peace. Such Commis- 
sioners, they thought, ought to be appointed by the 
Sovereign States. This subject brought up a lively 
discussion in the Confederate Congress and in the State 
Legislatures, as to who these good people were, and 
where they belonged ; whether they were not all sov- 
ereign in person, owing allegiance only to themselves, 



XXYIIL] CITIZENSHIP IX THE CONFEDERACY. 499 

the township, county, or State wherein they resided. 
When the Confederacy collapsed, they were found in 
this sad uncertainty. Many of them are to this day 
undecided as to the extent and location of their sover- 
eignty, and still proclaim for the right of self -goYQvn- 
ment. 

As to their committing treason against the United 
States, that they hold to have been impossible, as they 
were not citizens of the United States, but of the Sov- 
ereign States. 

The delusion of State Sovereignty has been some- 
what damaged by the Reconstruction Acts of the Fed- 
eral Congress and the operations of the late war; but 
the constant demands made by leading Democrats, 
North and South, for restoration of the Southern peo- 
ple to all their rights under the Constitution as they 
were before the recent "unpleasantness," and their 
persistent opposition to Federal authority, plainly 
show that the present generation of the Democracy 
must pass away before the philosophy of Republican 
government, as understood and practiced by the Repub- 
lican party, will be comprehended by them. Not only 
must the present crop of them die out, and the young 
ones be taught in the school of modern Republicanism 
before they are Americanized, but the home mission- 
ary must meet the immigrant upon our shores with 
the National Constitution in his hands — lead the new- 
comer into the free school from which he may be in- 
ducted into the pure light of Republican philosophy, 
and his feet turned from the slough of Democratic 
despond, where so many of them have trod in the past. 

The death struggle made by the Southern Democ- 
racy to hold fast to the negro was intensified by the 
announcement of President Lincoln's Emancipation 

32 



600 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Cliap. 

Proclamation. In this, the rebels saw their doom. 
They well knew that if once the negro had his liberty, 
no power on earth could enslave him again; and also 
felt assured the freedman would be placed in the army. 

On the 29th of September, 18G2, the proposed "proc- 
lamation was before the Rebel Congress, when a warm, 
discussion followed as to the best mode of retaliation. 
Many plans were suggested, all exhibiting the most 
brutal and murderous propensities. A few samples of 
the spirit of Southern Congressmen will suffice to 
show how completely the traffic in men had brutalized 
the subjects of the Sovereign States. 

The following resolution was introduced by Mr. 
Semmes, of Louisiana: 

''Resolved, By the Congress of the Confederate States, that 
the proclamation of Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States of America, issued in the City of Washington, in the 
year 18G2, wherein he declares ' that on tlie lirst day of January, 
in the year of our Lord 18G3, all persons held as slaves within 
any State, or designated parts of States, whereof the i:)eo2Dle 
shall be in rebellion against the United States, shall be hence- 
forth and forever free,' is leveled against the citizens of the 
Confederate States, and as such is a gross violation of the usages 
of civilized warfare, an outrage on the rights of private prop- 
erty, and an invitation to an atrocious servile war, and therefore 
should be held up to the execration of mankind, and counter- 
acted by such retaliatory measures as in the judgment of the 
President may be most calculated to secure its withdrawal or 
arrest its execution." 

Mr. Clark, of Missouri, was " in favor of declaring 
every citizen of the Southern Confederacy a soldier, 
authorized to put to death every man caught on our 
soil in arms against the Government." 

Mr. Henry, of Tennessee, said: "The resolution did 
not go far enough." He " favored the passage of a 
law providing that, upon any attempt being made to 



XXVIII.] THE BLACK FLAG TO BE RAISED. 501 

execute the proclamation of Abraham Lincoln, we im- 
mediately hoist the hlack flarj^ and proclaim a war of 
extermination against all invaders of our soil." 

Mr. Phclan, of Mississippi, said that he "was always 
in favor of conducting the war under the black flag; 
if that flag had been raised a year ago, the war would 
be ended now." 

October 1st, 18G2, the Judiciary Committee of the 
Confederate Congress, made a report and offered a set 
of resolutions upon the subject of President Lincoln's 
proclamation, from which the following are extracts: 

"2. Every white person who shall act as a commissioned or 
non-commissioned officer, commanding negroes or mulattoes 
against the Confederate States, or who shall arm, organize, train, 
or prepare negroes or mulattoes for military service, or aid them 
in any military enterprise against the Confederate States, shall, 
if captured, suffer death. 

"3. Every commissioned or non-commissioned officer of the 
enemy who shall incite slaves to rebellion, or pretend to give 
them freedom, under the aforementioned Act of Congress and 
Proclamation, by abducting, or causing them to be abducted, or 
inducing them to abscond, shall, if captured, suffer death." 

Senator Hill, of Georgia, introduced the following 
resolution in the Confederate Congress: 

" That every person pretending to be a soldier or officer of the 
United States, who shall be captured on the soil of the Confed- 
erate States, after the 1st day of January, 18G3, shall be pre- 
sumed to have entered the territory of the Confederate States 
with intent to incite insurrection and abet murder; and unless 
satisfactory proof be adduced to the contrary, before the military 
court before which the trial shall be had, shall suffer death. This 
section shall continue in force until the proclamation issued by 
Abraham Lincoln, dated at "Washington on the 22d day of 
September, 18G2, shall be rescinded, and the policy therein 
announced shall be abandoned, and no longer." 

The Confederate Congress finally left the subject to 



502 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

President Davis. A general excliange of prisoners 
under the recognized rules of war was soon after 
affected, and the war progressed without the black flag 
of the Democracy of the South, save at Fort Pillow 
and a few other places. 




'^'og^by Augustus Bot'.n. ^ 



CA^o^r^Zyi yJ^^^^T^^^^v^ 



CHARLES SUMNhVH 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

POLITICAL PARTIES.— WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.— FEDERAL AND ANTI- 
FEDERAL PARTIES.— FIRST "DEMOCRATIO CLUBS."— FRIENDS OF ROBES- 
PIERRE.— AVASHINGTON CONDEMNS THE JACOBIN CLUBS.— FIRST NATIONAL 
CONVENTION IN AMERICA.— ORIGIN OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.— FIRST 
CALLED REPUBLICAN.— NATIONAL REPUBLICANS.— ORIGIN OF THE WHIG 
PARTY.— REPUBLICAJSIS AND DEMOCRATS.— THEIR PRINCIPLES AND PRAC- 
TICES. 

The first few years of American nationality was not 
characterized by any well-defined opposite political 
organizations. The battle between the British troops 
at Lexington, the subsequent battle of Bunker Hill, 
and the war that followed, brought forth the energies 
of the colonists in an offensive and defensive struggle, 
which left but little time for the organization of polit- 
ical parties. The Declaratwn of Independence^ issued 
July 4th, 1776, served to unite the people for two 
years, until the 9th day of July, 1778, at which time 
the Articles of Confederation were adopted, uniting the 
thirteen Colonies in a Confederation for mutual protec- 
tion, under w^hich the civil and military affairs of the 
Colonies were conducted for a period of nine years — 
until the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, 
September 17th, 1787. Up to this period, but little 
division of political sentiment had been manifested 
among the people ; but in the Convention that framed 
the Constitution, a marked political feeling developed 
itself. 

Under the Articles of Confederatian the union of 
the Colonies was as binding as it is to-day by any 
clause of the Federal Constitution. 



504 REPUBLiC-iNis:.! IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

It was upon the discussion of the sovereignt}^ of tlie 
States, and in what, and how far, they would relinquish 
their character as such to the Federal Union, that the 
first political division was developed among the Amer- 
ican people, and the first political names — Federalists 
and Anti- Federalists — had their origin in the proceed- 
ings and debates of this Convention, the proceedings 
of which will be found in another chapter of this vol- 
ume, and will serve to illustrate the positions of lead- 
ing men of that period, upon the subject of State Sov- 
ereignty and the Sovereignty of the Federal Union, as 
understood and advocated by the respective parties of 
the Nation. 

Republicans and Democrats — the names by which 
the two great political parties of America are known 
to-day — had their origin and received their vitality 
in the heated debates in the Convention which framed 
the Federal Constitution. The former party advocating 
(as its name — Federalists — indicates) a Federal Union, 
possessing all the sovereign powers of nationality; the 
other (as its name indicated) — Anti-Federalists — was 
opposed to a National Confederation, save in a limited 
and subordinate position, and advocated the retention 
of the sovereign character of the several States within 
themselves. 

At the head of the Federal party stood George 
Washington, John Adams, and Benjamin Franklin ; and 
at the head of the Anti-Federal party, Thomas Jeffer- 
son and Charles Pinckney. From that early jDeriod 
up to the present time — through all the checkered 
phases that these two parties have passed, and under 
the many party names that they have hoisted their 
banners — they have stood strictly and unflinchingl}^ 
to their original party ideas, and have held continu- 



M 



XXIX.] ORIGIN OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 505 

ously from that period to the present, the position of 
the two great leading political parties of the Nation. 
All State or National political bodies outside of these 
two, were but off-shoots of one or the other of these 
parties; and although, at times, a seeming vitality was 
exhibited by them under some local influence or spe- 
cial agitation, each, at successive periods, as if by a 
law of gravitation, returned to the parental roof, where 
in the trying hour of political disaster, they always 
found a hearty welcome and assured protection. 

George Washington, the first President of the Re- 
public under the Federal Constitution, was elected by 
the unanimous vote of the people, having received all 
the votes cast in the Electoral College; and John 
Adams, having received the next highest number, was 
elected Vice-President. The second election of Wash- 
ington to the Presidency, in 1793, was also unanimous 
by the whole people, John Adams being again elected 
Vice-President. Upon both occasions the vote for 
Vice-President was divided among several persons. It 
will be remembered that from the first election of 
Washington up to the election of Jefferson, in 1801, 
the person receiving the highest number of votes was 
declared President, and the person receiving the next 
highest number Vice-President, which caused the 
electoral vote to be divided between many persons. 
Before the election in 1801, the Federal Constitution 
was so amended that the President and Vice-President 
wore elected separately. (See Presidents, Appendix.) 

During the second Administration of Washington, 
while Alexander Hamilton was the acknowledged 
leader of the Federal party, and Thomas Jeflerson of 
the Anti-Federal party, the latter party changed its 
name to the Jiepublican party — a name given to the 



50G REPUBLICANISM L\ A^JERICA. [Chap. 

Anti-Federal party by Jefforson himself. From this 
period up to the first election of Andrew Jackson, in 
1828, what is now known as the Democratic party, con- 
tinued under the name of the Republican party. The 
first iVati-onal Convention under this name met at Bal- 
timore, in May, 1832, for the purpose of nominating 
Andrew Jackson for the Presidency for a second term. 
Thus the old party name of Anti-Federalist, and the 
more recent name of Republican, were abandoned, 
and the party launched upon the turbid sea of political 
affairs with the name of Democrat, which it retained, 
as it floated upon the placid waters of peaceful victory, 
until the year 1859-60, when its ranks were sadly de- 
pleted by being divided into four parts, three of wliich, 
in separate organizations, nominated candidates for the 
Presidency, as did the remnant of the Democracy, 
thus demoralizing the original Democratic party, and 
opening a broad gap in its ranks, through which the 
Republican party, with Abraham Lincoln, the cham- 
pion of human freedom, at its head, his eye fixed upon 
the star of hope, moored the Ship of State in tlie haven 
of National security, where with a faithful and gallant 
crow, the National symbol of Freedom has floated at 
her mast-head, while the disjointed and crazy old 
Democratic hulk has drifted before the pitiless storm, 
the first shock of which wrenched the helm from the 
liliputian fingers of James Buchanan, and consigned it 
to the grasp of the nervous hand of Jefferson Davis, 
who for four years, with his mutinous crew, tossed 
amidst the conflicting elements of nature, and the more 
destructive broadsides poured upon him from the old 
Federal Ship of State, before which, with a black cloud 
above and a raging sea beneath, tlie Democratic liulk 
sank in the gloom of night beyond the hope of resur- 
rection. 



XXIX.] ORIGIN OF TIIL; DL:.iOCr.ATIC TARTY. 507 

The adoption of the name of Democrat by the old 
Anti-Federal and old Republican party, was not the 
first appearance of the name in America. Early in the 
second Administration of Washington, (1793,) it was 
apparent that a strong party opposition was forming 
against himself and his Administration, at the head of 
which Thomas Jefferson was supposed to be. This 
party had drawn to its support the whole Southern 
wing of the Anti-Federalists, wdio had so violently op- 
posed the formation of a Federal Union, and who 
claimed that each State was a sovereign power. 

At this period the threatening aspect of affairs be- 
tween France and England, led the friends of the 
former to expect support from the United States in 
return for the friendly relations existing between 
France and the Colonies during the Revolutionarv 
War. But the United States had but just passed 
through a seven years' struggle, that had almost pros- 
trated her financial affairs ; and to avoid any complicity 
in a foreign war was most desirable, as a single stroke 
of ill luck at that critical juncture, might again place 
America under European rule. All this was fully un- 
derstood by the Anti-Federal party, who now seeing 
that the Northern States were freeing their slaves and 
making vigorous strides in tlie arts and trade, began, 
even at this early period, to regret their connection 
with the Union, and to desire separation. To accom- 
plish this they set vigorously to work to cast oppro- 
brium upon the Administration, and to accuse Wash- 
ington of imbecility and cowardice, hoping by tliis 
means either to divide the American people, inaugurate 
a civil war, and the South separate from the Union, or 
to entangle the countiy in foreign difficulties, and haz- 
ard the chances of having the States j^laced upon their 



508 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

original footing by some means. To accomplish this, 
they (Anti-Federalists) allied themselves with M. Ed- 
mund C. Genet, the French Minister, who had arrived 
in the United States in that year, courting his favor, 
and poisoning his mind against Washington and his 
Administration, the more effectually to cause either a 
war between England and America, or to create a civil 
war between the Federalists and Anti-Federalists in 
America. To effect their schemes, the Anti-Federal- 
ists formed clubs, upon the style of the supporters of 
Robespierre, and after the "Jacobin Clubs" of Paris. 
These they called Democratic Clubs. Tlius we have the 
origin of tlie present Democratic party and Democratic 
clubs throughout the Republic, which were moulded 
after the style of the Paris Jacobin Clubs, headed by 
a foreign demagogue, (Genet,) anxious to engender 
discord and war at home or abroad. 

These clubs and this party found zealous support 
from those who had during the Revolutionary War, lent 
but feeble and unwilling aid in the revolutionary strug- 
gle ; and who, in the Convention that framed the Fed- 
eral Constitution, exerted every energy to thwart the 
plans of Washington, Adams, and others, in the for- 
mation of a National Union. 

At this early period, the members of the Robes- 
pierre Democratic Clubs in America, were as bitter 
enemies of human libert}^, as bigotted, subtle, malig- 
nant, ignorant, and rebellious, as are many of the 
Democratic Clubs of the United States at this day. 
Tlic Democratic Clubs of 1793 were, however, doomed 
to disappointment and decay. The poisoned fork of 
their tongues, leveled against the pure character of 
Washington, was ineffectual. The great mass of the 
American people knew too well the i)ure motives ami 



XXIX.] FIRST NATIONAL CONVENTION. 509 

wisdom oi' the father of their country, to bo k'd into 
civil war, or foreign difficulties against his comiseis. 
Washington early perceived the evil tendencies of these 
treasonal:)lc organizations, and beneath his frown they 
slunk away " like a guilty thing under a terriljlo sum- 
mons." 

Washington, in his address to Congress, dated No- 
vember 4th, 1794, made these clubs a special object 
of his displeasure. IIow fully his remarks, then, would 
apply to the clul3s of the same name, which have 
afflicted the country for the past eight years, lot the 
reader judge. He said: 

" Having been fermented by combinations of men, who, care- 
less of consequences, and disregarding the unerring truth, that 
those who rouse cannot always appease civil convulsions, have 
disseminated, from an ignorance or perversion of facts, sus- 
picions, jealousies and accusations of the whole Government." 

At the earlier period of national politics, no such 
thing was known as JSfational Conventions. Presidential 
nominations were generally made by the State Legis- 
latures or Congressional Caucuses. It was not until 
1830 that the first National Convention for the nomi- 
nation of President and Vice-President was held; this 
was the Convention of the Anti-Masonic party, which 
met at Philadelphia in September of that year. 

The Democratic or Jackson National Convention, 
which convened at Baltimore, May, 1832, was the first 
formal renunciation of the name of JRepiiblican by that 
party. Jackson had been nominated for the Presi- 
dency as earl}' as 1822, for the Presidential election 
of 1824, by the State Legislature of Tennessee, and 
other bodies of the people. L"p to 1830, what is now 
known as the Democratic party, was called Republican 
Democrats. 



510 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

2^ational I^cjnfhUcans in 1831. — At this period, when 
great divisions, change of names, and change of princi- 
ples, were going on in the various wings of the political 
parties of the country, a new organization, calling them- 
selves National Republicans, met at Baltimore. They 
convened on December 12th, 1831, and nominated 
Henry Clay for the Presidency, and John Sargent for 
the Vice-Presidency. This party was made up in a 
large measure of the opponents of Jackson, and of 
members of the Federal part}^; their candidates were 
defeated, and with them went down the name of the 
party. 

Federal Paiiy. — The Federal party, composed of the 
leading men of the Revolutionary period, who favored 
a vigorous prosecution of the war, and who labored 
zealously for the formation of a Federal Union and 
the dedicating of the Territories to Freedom, and had 
supported Washington against the malignant and trai- 
torous schemes and attacks of the " Democratic Clubs" 
and Anti-Federalists, held its organization under its 
ancient name of Federal party until 1831, when the 
great body of the party, with other political organiza- 
tions, formed under the name of the National Republican 
party. But this new name they did not long retain. 
They liked the word liepuhlican; but as the party which 
at that period, (1831) known as the Democratic party, 
had been known by the name of Republican party from 
1703 up to 1828, and as all their acts had been oj^iposed 
to what the Federalists conceived to be Repul)lican, 
they (the Federalists) soon abandoned the name of 
National Republicans, and in 1835 met in National 
Convention at Ilarrisbiu'g, Pennsylvania, for \\\c first 
time, under the title of Whigs. [The word 117/1//, Ash, 
in his dictionary, informs us, is from Whuigam — a term 



J 



XXIX.] ORIGIN OF THE WHIG TARTY. 511 

used in Scotland in driving horses. In 1G48 a party 
of horse drivers — Whiggamores — marched to Edinburgh 
to oppose the King and tlie Dnke of Ilaniilton; at this 
time the name of Whig was given to the j)arty ()p[)()s- 
ing the Court. The diflcrence between the ohi Scot- 
tish Whigs and American Whigs was, that the former 
drove horses, while the latter drove refractor}'" and re- 
bellious Democrats.] 

This new party (Whig) nominated William 11. Har- 
rison for the Presidency, and John Tyler for the Vice- 
Presidency. Martin Van P>uren and Richard M. John- 
son, the Democratic candidates, were elected. 

With the formation of the Republican party in 
1856, the Whig party expired. In Chapters Xll and 
XIV will be found a full account of the origin of all 
the political parties in America from the earliest period 
to the year 18G9. 

RepuUicans and Democrats. — As the two political or- 
ganizations, Republican and Democratic, stand before 
the American people at this time, they present a forci- 
ble illustration of the principles which, at the very 
earliest period of the Government, placed the sup- 
porters of the one upon the side of constitutional 
freedom, and of the other upon the narrow confines 
of "State Rights" and local proscriptions. 

Impartial history and the records of the country 
full}'- demonstrate that whatever is of freedom jind 
greatness connected with our Government, belongs to 
the one; and whatever has been oppressive, cruel, and 
rebellious, is the offspring of the doctrines and princi- 
ples of the other. 

The history of civil government teaches us that 
there is nothing in the wliole affairs of man, so dilBcult 
of fulfillment as the establishment and application of 



512 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

equal justice, and an equal participation in the affairs 
of Government by the mass of the people. The Re- 
publics of Greece and Rome served only to inspire 
the people with a hope of freedom, to be rendered the 
more wretched when by venality and treachery their 
liberties were usurped by ambitious leaders. 

Republicanism in France, slowly fought its way 
through a sea of blood, only to be grasped by the 
hand of Napoleon, and reduced to a petty dependence 
upon his will. The other Republics of the world, 
ancient and modern, have always had among their citi- 
zens those who opposed their forms of government, 
and were ready to proclaim in favor of monarchy, or 
who would disrupt the ties of nationality and take the 
desperate chances of securing place and power amidst 
the turmoil and wreck that would ensue from a civil war. 
The Spanish American Republics of South and Central 
America, and the Republic of Mexico, present striking 
illustrations of this historic fact. In this, America 
has not been an exception; the Republic has been as 
prolific of petty tyrants, as has been any Government 
of ancient or modern times, and within their State 
Governments have arrogated to themselves the com- 
plete disposal and control of the lives and liberties of 
large classes of the citizens. The leading spirits of 
the usurping party have been those advocating the 
'' Sovereignty" of the States, and denying to the Gen- 
eral Government any other position than that of an 
agent appointed to supervise certain delegated powers. 
Imbued witli this doctrine, the local State Govern- 
ments, presided over by the Democracy, fairly exliibit 
the views of that party upon the subject of Republi- 
can Government, and clearly exhibit the style of gov- 
ernment that they would establish over the whole 
Republic, were they in power. 



XXIX.] PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL PARTIES. 513 

When the Southern Democracy commenced tlie Re- 
bellion, in 18G0, fifteen of the American States were 
slaveholding ; and, according to the doctrines and 
practices of the majority of their people, (Democrats) 
these were Sovereign Nations. Being Sovereign Gov- 
ernments, their affairs were conducted in strict ac- 
cordance with the Democratic views of Republican 
Government, not only in their holding no allegiance 
to tlie Federal Union, but in the representative privi- 
leges of the people, and from their own stand-point, 
and by their own laws, established by themselves, in 
their own States, untrammeled by any officious inter- 
position of Whigs, Abolitionists, Republicans or "Rad- 
icals," must we judge of what would be a Republic, con- 
trolled and presided over by the Democracy. 

The fifteen Slave States, at the breaking out of the 
Rebellion, were entirely destitute of any of the quali- 
fications prescribed by the Federal Constitution and 
Federal laws to entitle them to the name of Republi- 
can Governments. Their Constitutions, and the whole 
range of their State legislation, had been in direct 
opposition to the Federal laws and the spirit of Repub- 
lican Government. The sacred boon of religious free- 
dom, cstablislied b}^ the first amendment to the National 
Constitution, had been ruthlessly violated and rendered 
void — depriving large classes of citizens of all right to 
participate in the affairs of government, unless they 
professed a certain religious faitli — thus as completely 
establishing "Church and State " as did their natural 
allies, the Tories of Britain. In most of these States, 
also, property qualifications were imposed, both as a 
requisite to casting a vote, or holding any office of 
profit or trust, thus completely retaining in the hands 
of the wealthy classes the whole control and patron- 
age of the State Governments. 



514 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

In most of these States, Constitutions were adopted 
and laws enacted retaining in the hands of the native 
lorn citmti all important offices, so that by religious 
proscriptions, test oaths, large proj)erty qualifications, 
and stringent laws excluding adopted citizens from office, 
the States under the control of the Democracy were 
really "Foreign Nations," Anti-Republican, petty des- 
potisms established within the territory of the Repub- 
lic. (See State Constitutions, pages 410-34.) 

How different the Constitutions, laws and practices 
of the people and States governed by the Republican 
party were, must also be gathered from their Constitu- 
tions and laws. The Republican party, from the earliest 
period of the Government advocated and practiced the 
doctrine of the supremacy of the Federal Government ; 
thus those imbued with these views, earty became 
attached to the American Republic. In its Constitution 
and laws they saw their political and religious freedom; 
in its flag they saw the symbol of their nation's great- 
ness. The prosperity of each State and Territory was 
to them the prosperity of the whole country. When 
they traveled into foreign lands and were asked their 
nationality, they proudly answered that they were 
Amerimns — not with the bated breath of the Southern 
Democrat, who never could get his nationality beyond 
Georgia or Virginia — but with an emotion and empha- 
sis indicating their love of country. 

The Constitutions and laws of those States presided 
over by Republicans, were eminently Republican in 
spirit and practice. No religious proscriptions — no bur- 
densome property qualifications — no laws depriving 
tlie adopted citizen of participating in the affairs of 
government existed, except in a few unimportant in- 
stances; but full participation was extended to ever3^ 



XXIX.] PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL PARTIES. 515 

-citizen — those of foreign birth, as well as the native 
born — who was twenty-one years of age, regardless of 
religion or property, to the enjoyment of equal rights 
to the elective franchise, and to hold any and all offices 
in the land. 

Of the nineteen Free States in the Union, at the 
breaking out of the Slaveholders' Rebellion, and wher- 
ever the Republican party was in power, no property 
qualification, religious proscription, or distinction ex- 
isted between any of the citizens, with the exception of 
a clause in the Constitution of the State of Maine, that 
none but a native citizen can hold the office of Governor 
— and this was enacted and adopted by the Democracy 
of Maine, while in power in that State — and the clause 
in the Constitution of Rhode Island requiring a small 
property qualification in the case of adopted citizens to 
enable them to vote. 

The two great political organizations in America — 
the Republican and Democratic parties — have the 
foundation of their principles in direct opposition to 
each other. The one resting its principles in truth 
and justice; the other based upon oppression, intoler- 
ance and tyranny. The great moving principle of the 
Republican party had its origin and growth where the 
light of liberty first illuminated the dreary path of 
man in the New World. It was born amidst the shouts 
of the conquering armies of New England, as they 
planted the flag of the New Nation on Bunker Hill. 
It gained vitality and hope from the approving smile 
of the father of the Republic. With the development 
of religion, morality, education, patriotism and true 
chivalry, it has expanded until it stands forth the lib- 
erator of America — the hope of the oppressed of every 
land. 

33 



516 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

The Democratic party had its origin in opposition to 
the Federal Union, in denunciation of Washington and 
in support of Robespierre and the "Democratic Ckibs." 
Its swaddling clothes were the bandages of human 
slavery. Its playing toys, chains and scourges. Its 
first utterances, commands and profanity. Its altar, 
the auction-block. Its statesmen were rocked in in- 
fancy by the hand chained to the cradle, and often 
suckled at the breast of the "Old Mammy" whose 
price gave them their first suit of clothes. Its vota- 
ries lent but sickly and unwilling support to the infant 
Republic. Its hosts entered into treason and assassi- 
nation — draped the Nation in mourning — converted the 
land into a vast burying ground — incurred a burden- 
some debt, and well-nigh obliterated the American Re- 
public from the family of nations. And still this party 
lives, and seeks to control the Republic. It may live 
in name, but the progress of the age must soon destroy 
its principles — at war as they are with the first laws 
of nature, and opposed to the fast-advancing spirit of 
liberty. Under the wholesome administration of Re- 
publican Government, the refining influences of reli- 
gion, and the American system of Free Schools, this 
rebellious clement, which has so many enemies of human 
freedom within its ranks who have so long afflicted 
the American people, must pass away, giving place to 
an organization in sympathy with the progress of the 
age and the natural rights of man. (For lists of Pres- 
idents and Presidential Elections, see Appendix; see 
also Chapters XIII and XIV.) 



1 



CHAPTER XXX. 

EDUCATION IN AMERICA BEFORE THE EEVOLUTION.-FREE SCHOOLS FIRST 
ESTABLISHED IN NEW ENGL AND. -WHISKY, ITS COST AND INFLUENCE - 
COLLEGES AND PROFESSIONAL SCHOOLS.-NUMBER OF COLLEGES AND 
SCHOOLS IN 18C0.-NUMBER OF PUPILS, FOREIGN AND NATIVE. -LIBRARIES 
IN THE UNION.-NEWSPAPERS.-niSTORY OF.-NUMBER IN THE UNION — 
CALIFORNIA ISSUES MOST PAPERS. 

No subject or interest connected with the perpetuity 
of American Liberty should engage so much public 
attention as that of the education of the masses of the 
people. Republics, unlike Monarchies, have their ex- 
istence in the virtue, patriotism, and education of the 
masses. A striking illustration of this fact was made 
manifest during the Rebellion of 18G1-5. The Free 
States of America had encouraged the general educa- 
tion of all classes from the earliest period of the Gov- 
ernment, while the Slave States had discouraged it. 

As early as 1G34, Thomas Prence, Governor of the 
Colony of New Plymouth, took deep interest in agitat- 
ing a system of free schools in the Colony, and an es- 
tablishment was effected. But no practicable public 
interest was taken in the subject until 1672, when 
through the exertions of Thomas Hinckly, Governor 
of New Plymouth, in 1G80, free schools were estab- 
lished by law in that Colony. Soon the system spread 
through the whole New England Colonies, where to 
this day it has gained popularity and strength, until it 
is the leading feature of American education. 

The lack of such estabhshments at the South, and 
the stringent laws prohibiting the teaching of col- 
ored persons in the Slave States, is supposed to have 



5.18 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

been a source of strength to the tenets of Democracy, 
as promulgated in that section of country. The his- 
tory of the past phiinly demonstrates that with the 
appearance of free schools Democracy, (as understood 
by the Secession party,) languishes, and either dies out, 
like the Aborigines of the country, or becomes con- 
verted to the philosophy of Republicanism. The de- 
pletion of the ranks of this class by the armies of the 
Hepublic during the late Rebellion, is but a prelude to 
the wholesale havoc made u])on them by the free 
school system of the country now inaugurated at the 
South. 

The establishment of a National Bureau of Educa- 
tion, extending the free school system to all the States 
iind Territories in the Union, and making it compuhory 
upon all persons, of whatever age, color, or sex, who 
were unable to read or write, to attend such institu- 
tions, would be the surest method of perpetuating the 
liberties of America, and would, iu a single generation, 
extinguish the doctrines as now advocated and prac- 
ticed by the Democratic party, and prepare its mem- 
bers for a life of usefidness and a comprehension and 
appreciation of Republican Government. The Fortieth 
Congress (18G8) looking to this object, appointed a 
commission to report the most practicable method of 
such a system, and have made appropriation for that 
purpose. Doubtless this measure, if ever presented to 
Congress for final action, would meet with violent op- 
position from the Democracy, who well know tliat the 
existence of their party is better secured by the "cor- 
ner grocery" than by the school house. Throughout 
the whole country, wherever the Democracy have had 
an opportunity, they have opposed the free school sys- 
tem, and in portions of New York and Pennsylvania, 



I 



XXX.] DEMOCRATIC HOSTILITY TO PROGRESS. 519 

and in all the late Slave States to this day, they dis- 
courage these schools by all means at their disposal, 
and refuse to patronize them. Uence, with the evi- 
dence before us that the great body of the Democracy 
are opposed to free schools, that they opposed, and 
their last President, (Buchanan,) vetoed the Ilomc- 
stead bill, that they voted against any public aid to 
the Overland Railroad, and that they are, on general 
principles, opposed to education, progress, and free- 
dom, it is fliir to conclude that if the country ever has 
a system of schools that would "reconstruct" the De- 
mocracy, that it must be established by the Republican 
party. Any system of taxation, or the sale of the pub- 
lic domain to establish this needed institution, would 
in the end be a saving to the country. Indeed, such 
a plan of education is indisjjensaNe, particularly in 
Democratic districts. 

A tax of one or two dollars per gallon on whisky 
for the maintenance of education, would afford a suf- 
ficient fund to extend free schools to the entire coun- 
try. But doubtless such a proposition would meet 
with even greater opposition from the Democracy than 
did the Homestead bills or the Overland Railroad; for 
of all the "necessaries of life," whisky is the one upon 
which the Democracy cannot endure taxation. ' ' Rump 
Congresses" and "Radical rule" may tax the bread 
that they eat, and the shoes they wear, but let them 
spare whisky. Doubtless the "tender feelings" of the 
Fortieth Congress were enlisted in this delicate sub- 
ject when, immediately preceding the Presidential 
election of 18G8, they reduced the tax on whisky from 
$2 to sixty cents per gallon. To this happy stroke of 
policy the Democracy may in a great measure attribute 
their success in carrying seven States out of the thirty- 



520 



REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. 



[Chap. 



four casting votes. The party carried but three States 
in 1804, so it will be seen that they gamed four States, 
but two of these were members of the late Confederacy 
— Georgia and Louisiana — the others were New York 
and Oregon. 

According to Democratic views, the country ''groans 
under oppressive taxation." The great National debt, 
"incurred by the Radicals," is already more than they 
can endure. How could they, therefore, stand a tax 
on whisky for educational purposes ? But let us see 
what rum and the Democracy are doing for the inter- 
ests of the Republic. 

The reports of Commissioner Wells to Congress, 
from the official and sworn returns of the retail liquor- 
dealers of the United States, show that the value of 
the liquors retailed by them annually is as follows: 



New York $24G,G17,520 

Pennsylvania 152,GG3,495 

Illinois 119,933,945 

Ohio 151,734,875 

Massacliu setts 27,979,575 

Maryland 40,5G1,G20 

Missouri 54,G27,855 

Indiana 51,418,890 

California 59,924,090 

Kentucky 50,223,115 

Wisconsin 43,818,845 

Michigan 52,784,170 

Iowa 35,582,095 

Connecticut 35,001,230 

New Jersey 42,408,740 

Maine 8,257,015 

Ehode Island 19,234,240 

New Hampshire .. . 12,029,175 

Minnesota 14,394,970 

Dist. Columbia.... 10,370,450 
Vermont G,78G,065 



Kansas $ 8,503,856 

Louisiana 48,021,730 

Tennessee 20,283,035 

Georgia 25,328,405 

Virginia 20,132,905 

Alabama 23,025,385 

Texas 21,751,250 

South Carolina 10,G10,G25 

North Carolina. . . . 13,224,340 

West Virginia 8,800,235 

Arkansas 7,858,320 

Delaware 3,770,355 

Mississijopi 4,493,305 

Oregon 4,2G1,240 

Nevada 4,838,735 

Nebraska 3,290,515 

Colorado 3,745,215 

The Territories. ... 14 109,400 



Total $1,483,491,865 



IKXX.] COST OF LIQUORS IN AMERICA. 521 

The mere value of the liquors drank by the people 
in one year in the United States is, therefore, nearly 
fifteen hundred millions of dollars. 

If to this is added the cost attending the manufac- 
ture from the time the ground is plowed for the corn, 
rye, or other articles from which it is manufactured, 
including the labor of ever}^ description, in men, ani- 
mals and machinery, up to the moment that it enters 
the throat of the consumer, it will amount to at least 
fifty per cent, of the gross sales — thus making at least 
in direct cost the sum of $2,225,247,047, or a sum 
within a fraction of the total debt of the United 
States, which was on the 1st day of December, 18G8, 
$2,045,711,164 54. Thus, it will be seen that if those 
who protest so loudly against taxation, hard times and 
oppressive "Radical rule," were to stop drinking spirit- 
uous liquors for one year, they would save to the coun- 
try a sum sufficient to pay off the entire National debt. 

But the figures above are not all that rum costs the 
people. The wives and children of many of the 
drinkers are rendered burdens of public charity, while 
many of the consumers and venders live lives of idle- 
ness, picking up a precarious living from the industry 
of the sober, and engaged in the commission of crime, 
for which expensive courts, jails, prisons, work-houses 
and hospitals have to be maintained ; valuable time lost 
from useful employments and a general wreck of mat- 
ter — physical and mental disease contracted — amount- 
ing in all to a sum not less per annum than the cost 
of the liquor, which in a grand total is not less than 
$4,450,500,000, or double the entire National debt, 
that Rum costs the Nation annually. 

To know who upholds this traffic and inflicts the 
country with this oppressive burden, it is only neces- 



622 REPUBLICANISM IN AlilERICA. [Chap. 

sary to sav, that in and out of Congress the Democracy 
are the champions of "Free Rum;" that seven out of 
every ten of the men and women engaged in the traffia 
in the Republic are Democrats, and while the same 
ratio exists as to those who drink the beverage over 
the counters of tippling-houses, let it be understood^ 
that the capacity and endurance of the Democracy in 
the destruction of the fluid, is at least a hundred per 
cent, more than the average of other people. 

With the establishment of free schools in New Eng- 
land came the necessity of establishing institutions of 
learning — the founding of colleges and universities. 
The progress made in this very important branch by 
the pioneer colonists, may be learned from the fact 
that previous to 1775, ten colleges and professional 
schools had been established in the Union; all these 
were still in existence in ISCO. In 1791, there were 
twenty-one colleges and professional schools, including 
those already mentioned ; the whole number of educa- 
tional establishments in the Republic, in 18G0, was 
113, OOG, in which there were employed 148,742 
teachers, giving instruction to 5,417,880 persons of 
native birth, and 252,091 foreigners, making a total 
of 5,GG9,1G4; of the foregoing institutions, 445 were 
colleges, with 54,9G9 students. There were of these, 
also, academies and other schools, except public scho- 
lastic institutions, G,G36, in which 455,559 pupils were 
instructed. The public schools numbered 10G,915, 
and the number of scholars in them was 4,917,552. 
In 18G0 there were in the Union 27,730 libraries, 
containing 13,31G,379 volumes. 

The New^paj)er Press. — The Newspaper Press of 
America is the great conservator of the liberties of the 
people. Thi'ough the press the masses of the people 



XXX.] NEWSPAPER PRESS. 52 S^ 

are brought into familiar contact with every public 
interest and public man. The legislative, executive 
and judicial proceedings of the Nation and of each 
State are kept constantly before the people — it is the 
current history of the times, wherein the shortcomings 
of political parties and of individuals are portrayed, 
and through which an avenue is kept open for the 
vindication of public interests and the redressing of • 
public and private wrongs. 

That the usefulness and sphere of the press is often 
prostituted to the base purposes of partisan interests, 
and is thereby often rendered a source of great cor- 
ruption, both in public and private affairs, cannot 
be denied. The unprincipled and bigoted editor may, 
in some secluded cell, vent his personal or partisan 
spleen, and suppose he is safe from attack; but as 
the strong arm of the law shields the individual^ so pop- 
ular opinion shields principles^ and stands as a sentinel 
at the door of the editorial sanctum to warn the 
offender. 

The liberty enjoyed by the press in America is a 
sure safeguard to our political freedom; for no man, 
nor combination of men, however exalted the positions 
they occupy, can with impunity transgress the privi- 
leges and liberties of the people, and withstand the 
power of the press. Duplicity and fraud may be prac- 
ticed in the private affairs of men ; but when they are 
attempted in connection with public ofSces, they are 
exposed by the just interposition of that public moni- 
tor, tlie newspaper press, which possesses that freedom 
in America, which, while all the rights of the individ- 
ual are secured, both the sphere and usefulness of the 
press are enlarged. 

The history of the newspaper origin and growth in 



624 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the United States is one of interest. Like most of 
the institutions tliat have made us a great people, it 
had its origin in New England. The first printing 
press in America was purchased in England by the 
Eev. Jesse Glover, in 1628, eight years after the land- 
ing of the Pilgrims. Glover died a few days before 
the ship, upon which he was, reached America. The 
press was established at Cambridge, Massachusetts. 
The Academy that finally grew into Cambridge Uni- 
versity had been already commenced; and the press 
alluded to, was used for the printing of pamphlets and 
books, among which were translations of the Bible 
into the Indian language. 

This press was in operation for forty years, before 
any other was established in any of the other Colo- 
nics. Stephen Day, who came from London with Mr. 
Glover, was the first printer in America. Samuel 
Green, who succeeded Day, in 1649, was the second 
printer in the Colonies. In 1671, the general Govern- 
ment of the Colony ordered the publication of the 
laws. John Ushar, a bookseller, applied for permis- 
sion to publish them on his own account; he procured 
the passage of an Act to prevent Mr. Green, or any 
other person, from publishing exLra copies. This was 
the origin of copyright in America. 

The first newspaper published in North America, 
was the News Letter^ published at Boston, Massachu- 
setts, in April, 1704, by John Campbell; the printing 
was done by Bartholomew Green; it was printed on a 
sheet about the size of foolscap. 

The second newspaper in America was also published 
in Boston — the Gazette. The first issue was made in 
December, 1719, by William Brooker; it was printed 
on a half sheet of foolscap, by James Franklin, brother 



XXX.] NEWSPAPER PRESS. 525 

of Benjamin Franklin. James Franklin was soon ar- 
rested and thrown into prison, for the conduct of his 
paper; during his imprisonment, his brother Benja- 
min's name was inserted in the paper, who continued 
its publication. This paper expired in 1727. James 
Franklin then removed to Rhode Island, and estab- 
lished, at Newport, the first paper published in that 
State. 

The next paper in the Colonies was also established 
at Boston, in 1731, by Thomas Fleet — the WeeJchj Re- 
hearsal. He also afterwards established the Uvening Post. 

More than twenty years had elapsed from the estab- 
lishment of a newspaper in Boston, before one was 
published in New York. The Gazette was started in 
October, 1725, by William Bradford. It was printed 
on a half sheet of foolscap. Eighty years after the es- 
tablishment of the Gazette, the New York Weeklj 
Journal was commenced, by John Philip Lerger. 
Bradford gave up his paper, and it was soon issued by 
James Parker, under the title of the New York Gazette 
and Weeldy Post Boy. The Pvening Post was the next 
paper published in New York. Henry DeForest was 
the proprietor. The New York Mercury was com- 
menced in 1752, and in 1763 the title was changed to 
the New York Gazette and Weeldy Mercury. Hugh 
Gaines was the proprietor. Another paper, published 
by a Mr. Wyman, was established in New York in 
17G0, and called the New York Gazette. During the 
years 1761-2 the New York Chronicle was published, 
but soon died. Next came the New York Pacquet, in 
1763; it was short lived. The New York Journal or 
General Advertiser was started in 1766, by Mr. Holt. 
In 1783 Holt resumed the publication of his paper, 
which had been suspended for some time. He issued 



520 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

it under the title of The Independent GaMte^ or the New 
York Journal Revived. In 1733 E-ivington began his 
paper, under the title of Mlvington's New York Gazette^ 
or Connecticut, New Jersey, Iludson^s River, and Quebec 
WcrUy Advertiser. Shortly after this Rivington estab- 
lished the New York Royal Gazette. In 1783 he 
changed the name to Rivingtons New York Gazette and 
Universal Advertiser. 

I must here cease to detail the several newspapers^ 
as they have made their advent into our country, and 
give a few figures showing the number now in the 
country and in circulation. 

TJie rapidity with which the newspaper press finds 
its way into the Territories and new States, is a most 
remarkable feature of American civilization. Through- 
out tlie vast West, and the valleys and mountains of 
the Pacific Coast, wherever an hundred persons dwell, 
there will be established a newspaper. Nor are they 
confined alone to the English language, but are pub- 
lished in German, French, Spanish, and Italian; and 
in California, at least in one instance, an attempt has 
been made to publish one in the Chinese, and in Sitka 
one is published in Russian. 

As early as the year 1775, 37 presses were in opera- 
tion in the Colonies, and 40 at the beginning of the 
Revolution. In 1788 the weekly press emitted 77,000 
copies, while the annual issue was upwards of 4,000,- 
000. 

There were in the Union in 1850, 2,526 newspapers, 
with an annual circulation of 426,409,978. In 1800 
there were 4,051 newspapers, with an annual circula- 
tion of 928,000,000 copies. The annual receipts of a 
single leading paper had reached over one million of 
dollars. At the present day there must be at least 
6,500 newspapers published in the United States; while 



XXX.] NEWSPAPER PRESS. 527 

in Great Britain, in 18G8, there are but 913 published 
in the whole Kingdom, as follows: London, 21 dailies, 
28 weeklies, and G illustrated papers. (The first news- 
paper in Great Britain was published in 1588.) Eng- 
land, outside of London, 050; Wales, 43; Ireland 125; 
and Scotland, 140. The United States, with a popu- 
lation about equal to that of Great Britain, has 4,587 
more newspaper presses than the whole Empire — more 
than six to one. Surely Republicanism conduces to 
an inquiry after information. 

Of the 4,051 newspapers published in the United 
States in 18G0, but 1,140 were published within the 
limits of the fifteen Slave States and the District of 
Columbia; while in the nineteen Free States then in 
the Union, there were 2,911 published. In the fifteen 
Slave States G3 religious newspapers were published, 
while in the nineteen Free States 214 of this class were 
published. 

Of the 928,000,000 newspapers issued in the Union 
in 18G0, there were but 178,900,292 of them issued in 
the fifteen Slave States, while there were issued in the 
nineteen Free States 749,099,708. 

Some interesting facts will be found in an examina- 
tion of the influence of the institution of Slavery, in 
retarding the progress of education and the circulation 
of reading matter for the masses of the people. 

In 18G0, the population of the State of Virginia was 
1,590,318; her issue of newspapers at that time was 
20,772,508. The population of Massachusetts, at the 
same time, was 1,231,000 — 305, 252- /ess than that of 
Virginia; the newspaper issue of Massachusetts was 
102,000,700. Thus, it will be seen that Massachusetts 
issued, with a population of 305,252 less than that 
of Virginia, almost four times as muny in the aggre- 
gate as did the State of Virginia. 



528 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

The population of Alabama in 1860, was 964,201; 
and that of California at the same time, was 379,994. 
Alabama issued 7,175,444 newspapers. California is- 
sued 26,111,788 — almost four times as many as did the 
State of Alabama, notwithstanding that California had 
only a little over one-third the population of Alabama. 
If California had issued newspapers in proportion to 
her population, as compared with the issue of Alabama, 
instead of issuing 26,111,788, she would have issued 
only about 2,391,800 per annum. 

The State of Virginia, "the mother of Presidents," 
and one of the original Thirteen Colonies, had, in 
1860, a population of 1,596,318 — almost j^-ye ^iWs as 
many as California, yet she issued only 26,772,568 
newspapers — but a fraction more than California; 
whereas, if she had issued newspapers in proportion to 
her population, as did California in joroportion to hers, 
she would have put in circulation about 130,500,000 
per annum. 

In 1860, the population of the seven Slave States of 
North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Florida, Dela- 
ware, Arkansas, and Alabama, was 3,952,836; while 
their total newspaper issue was but 27,763,254 — a frac- 
tion over the issue of the State of California, with a 
population of only 379,994. Thus, these seven States 
had more than ten times the population of California; 
and if they had issued newspapers in proportion to their 
population, as did California, they would have issued 
about 262,000,000 per annum. Let it be understood, 
that while California stood almost equal with seven of 
the Slave States in the issue of newspapers, she had 
but one-tenth of their population, and ten years previous 
was a Mexican Territory, inhabited only by the Indians 
and wild beasts. 



XXX.] NEWSPAPER PRESS. 529 

California, in 18G0, with her little population of 
379,994, issued almost as many newspapers as did the 
great State of Illinois, with her 1,711,951 inhabitants — 
the latter State issued 27,464,704 papers. Illinois had 
about four and a half times as many inhabitants as 
California, and if she had issued from her newspaper 
press in proportion to her inhabitants as did Califor- 
nia, slie would have made an annual issue of about 
117,500,000, instead of 27,464,704. 

The average issue of newspapers in the Union in 
1860 was about thirty to each person of the whole 
population. The average in the Slave States was only 
about fourteen and one-quarter to each person, while 
in the nineteen Free States it was about forty to each 
person. The total issue in the fifteen Slave States was 
178,900,292, while in the nineteen Free States it was 
749,099,708. 

Tlie tliree Free States of New York, California, and 
Indiana, issued as many newspapers in 1800 as did the 
fifteen Slave States. The smallest issue was in the 
States of North Carolina and South Carolina. In those 
two combined the issue was less than live papers to 
each inhabitant per annum. 

California took the lead of all her sisters. She is- 
sued about sixty-nine papers per annum for each of 
her inhabitants — 29 per cent, more than the average 
of the Free States, and largely in advance of any State 
in the Union. Her newspaper issue in 1800 was, in 
proportion to her population, the largest of any State 
or country in the world. The increase from that time 
to the present (1869) has placed her far in advance of 
any part of the world. 

In 1860 New York, Pennsylvania, and Massachu- 
setts issued 539,026,124 copies, being more than half 
the issue of the whole Union. 



CnAPTER XXXI. 

raES^)I:^'TUIi election or isca.— fltsses s. grant elected president.— 

SCnLTLER COLFAX, ^^CE-PRESrDE^^T.— HORATIO SETIVIOUR AND FRANCIS 
P. CLAIR DEFEATED.— REPUBLICAN AXD DEMOCRATIC CON'V'ENTIONS.— 
VOTES CAST FOR EACH PARTY.— JOHNSON'S AMNESTY PROCLAMATIONS.— 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF GRANT. — " UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER."— 
" FIGHT IT OUT ON THIS LINE."— HOW PRESIDENTS ARE ELECTED. 

The political afllxirs of the Republic during the year 
18"G8, were intensified by the excitement incident to 
the Presidential election. Since the election in 18G4, 
changes greater than had taken place at any period of 
the Nation's history had transpired. Within that 
period the Southern Confederacy had expired, the 
whole rebel forces had surrendered, and the supremacy 
of Federal authority had been established over the 
entire South. Abraham Lincoln had been assassinated 
by Democratic conspiracy. The Vice-President, An- 
drew Johnson, became President; had abandoned the 
party and principles of the party by which he had 
been elected; had defied the Federal Congress and 
the people by assumptions of dictatorial authority over 
the Legislative department of the Nation, and had 
been put on trial under charges of impeachment for 
hijrh crimes and misdemeanors. The Southern States, 
with the exception of Virginia, Texas and Mississippi, 
had adopted Constitutions in harmony with the spirit 
of Republican government, and had returned to the 
Union. The Federal Constitution had been amended, 
extending civil rights to the masses, and enlarging and 
increasing the rights and numbers of voters through- 
out the country. The army and navy had been re- 



XXXI.] NATIONAL PROGRESS IN 1868. 531 

duced to a peace footing, and the country was generally 
prosperous and tranquil. A great addition had been 
made to the territorial area of the Nation, by the 
purchase of Russian America (Alaska), and negotia- 
tions almost completed for the purchase of the Islands 
of St. John's and St. Thomas, in the West Indies. 
Throughout the Union the people generally were well 
disposed toward the late insurgents. Nebraska had 
been admitted a State into the Union. New guarantees 
had been obtained from European nations respecting 
the rights of adopted citizens of America abroad. 
Security and confidence were felt in the National Con- 
gress to adjust and establisli the political affairs of the 
late rebel States upon the principles of Constitutional 
Freedom. The great overland railroad, connecting the 
Atlantic and Pacific States, which had been projected 
in 18G2, had so far advanced as to reduce the time of 
travel between New York City and San Francisco to 
ten days. (This road will be completed and trains 
running direct between San Francisco and New York, 
in the summer of 18G9.) Rich discoveries of mineral 
wealth in the Pacific States and Territories, together 
with abundant harvests and active emplojanent at 
increased prices for labor, had added materially to 
the wealth and prosperity of the country. The pas- 
sage of a law making eight hours a day's labor in 
all employments of the Federal Government, with a 
clear working majority of the liberal party in both 
branches of the National Congress, with increasing 
majorities in the State Legislatures in favor of the 
policy of Congress in reference to the reconstraction 
of the late rebellious States, inspired the friends of 
freedom with hope for the complete overthrow of the 
heresies of the Democracy, and the permanent estab- 

34 



532 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chapv- 

lislimeut of governments in every State in the Union 
in conformity with the requirements of the Constitu- 
tion and the progressive spirit of the age. 

As tlio time for making nominations for the Presi- 
dency approached, the interests of the people to main- 
tain tlie reins of government in the hands of the party 
that rescued the life of tlie Nation from the Democ- 
racy, became manifest. "^ The Republican party which 
had ]iad control of the Government since the spring 
of 1801, had in addition to their salutary laws and 
constitutional enfranchisement of a large class of 
American citizens, achieved military victories over the 
Southern Democracy, equaled only by tlie emancipa- 
tion of four millions of Americans by the Proclama- 
tion of Abraham Lincoln. Thus, standing as the 
representative head of the progressive masses of the 
Nation, it was thought that a certain and easy victory 
would carry the party again triumphantly over the 
Democracy, who now, encouraged by the apostacy of 
Andrew Johnson to the party and principles by which 
he was elected, and his assumptions to extend govern- 
ments to the conquered States in defiance of the Na- 
tional Congress, without demanding any repentance 
for the past or guarantees for the future, became defiant 
of Federal authority, and once more the Democracy — 
late rebels in arms, "anti-coercionists," "neutrals," and 
every shade of the Dcmocrac}" — rallied to the support 
of the "time-honored principles of the Democratic 
party," (whatever they are) and entered upon the 
campaign with great activity. The verdict of the peo- 
ple against them in 18G4, when out of the twenty-five 
States then represented they carried but three^ and two 
of tliem Slave States, did not seem to be a wholesome 
warning to them that the liberty-loving people of the 



XXXI.] PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 18G8. 533 

Republic wanted no more of the heresies of the party 
— but this time they expected the cooperation of 
Davis' kite subjects in the eight rebel States returned 
to the Union. 

The Republican National Convention met at Chi- 
cago, Illinois, on the 20th of May, 18G8, and nominated 
by acclamation for the Presidency, Ulysses S. Grant, 
the leader of the victorious afmies of the Republic. 

Ulysses S. Grant was not merely the nominee of the 
Chicago Convention, for almost a year before that body 
assembled he was the acknowledged choice of the en- 
tire Republican party, and the Convention but ratified 
and gave practical shape to the will of the people in 
their choice. The names of other illustrious patriots 
had been mentioned prior to the meeting of the Con- 
vention at Chicago, but all eyes were directed towards 
the bright star of hope, victory, and liberty, that in 
the darkest nights of the Nation's trials had lit up the 
Southern sky, beneath which marched the mighty and 
conquering Army of the Republic. To this modest 
American, with his calm and steady purpose, unfalter- 
ing patriotism and devotion, combined with his match- 
less military skill, more than to any other man, is 
America indebted for her safe issue from the terrible 
crusade of the Democracy; and he is a fit subject, in 
the hour of National greatness and repose, to receive 
from the hands of a generous and freedom loving peo- 
ple, the highest civil office in the Nation ; and as they 
had proclaimed him the chief of the conquering armies 
of freedom, so well might they add to his exalted mili- 
tary fame the honors conferred upon the first military 
champion of America, so that in civil honors the tlirce 
great names of America's patriots — ^AVashington, Lin- 
coln, and Grant — ma^ stand forth in equal lustre, the 
pride of every lover of liuman freedom. 



534 RKPUBLICANISM IN AMKUICA. [Clltip. 

The Convention at the sume time nominiitcd for the 
Vice-rresideney Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, for many 
years past Speaker of the National Congress, and one 
of America's patriots, fully imbued with the spirit of 
progressive Republicanism; a warm friend and zealous 
supporter of the rights of the adopted citizen at home 
and abroad. lie was a warm advocate of the Ilome- 
fitead bill, extending to actual settlers IGO acres of 
land at twenty-five cents per acre. Tliis bill, it will 
bo remembered, was vetoed by the last of the Demo- 
cratic Presidents, James Ikichanan, because it was, he 
said, unconstitutional. 

The Democratic National Convention met at New 
Toi-k city, on July 4tli, 18G8, where, after three days' 
struggle between tlie champions of the various wings, 
a nomination was effected. Horatio Seymour, of New 
York, was nominated for the Presidency. Mr. Sey- 
mour had strong claims upon the Democrac3^ Do did 
not go South, it is true, to assist that wing of his party, 
but lie did service fully as important. He was Gov- 
ernor of the State of New York during the war, and 
to his vigilance is the party indebted for his opposing 
the recruiting of soldiers for the Union Army, and liis 
bland acquiescence in the riots, arsons, and other "lit- 
tle operations" of his party. He lias been a "life long 
Democrat," and doubtless would have served his party 
with fidelity in whatever position they might have 
placed him. (The reader is referred to a letter from 
George N. Sanders to this Democratic apostle, in 
another chapter of this volume.) 

The nominee of the Convention for the Vice-Presi- 
dency was Francis P. Blair. ^Ir. Blair's only claims 
upon the party that nominated him wore his failure to 
inllict any punishment upon them while ho held a 



XXXI.] I'KErtllM'JNTIAL KIJ.JCTIKN (M' 1808. 



536 



General'H commisHioii ill (Jic \Uiinn Anny during tho 
Reljollion, juid JiiH jipostiiHy tu the; Union party and the 
principles ol' constitutional freedom. 
^ The New York Convention pie.senlcd a nioie reheU 
lious aspect, if possible, tliim .11. 1 ||,(. Convention of 
the same party at Chicago, in I H(>4. This time a des- 
perate effort must l)e made to save the liAi of the tot- 
tering Democracy. J<]ioI,t years before tlie vvliole pnrty 
were expelled from the pu))lic manger, wlnue they had 
fed themselves and fiinilies for five gemmations. Kight 
long and weary years deprived of public patronage 
had worn the party threadbare. The old Deuiocratic 
nag, upon whose back had been i)acked sr, many shape- 
less but (oppressive burdens, presented a sad spectacle. 
The good old days of public; pbm.h,r had departed. 
The Government poor/umse un iongcjr afforded hini 
Bhclter. Long had he wandered a miserable fugitive, 
and in the pitiless peltings of winter's str^rm, plucked 
the short grass and tasteless stubble ufx^n liic dreary 
solitude of Democratic disappointment. Often had he, 
in the darkness of nirrht, lost the last ray of light from 
the star of hope, which flickered fitfully^ like a will-o'- 
the-wisp, as Sherman was ''marching through Geor- 
gia." More than once had he, us :.ll b.^pe of f'jo 
"cause" died out, wended his way with drooping 
mein and jaded step toward the slough of despond*^ 
from which he was rescued by a ray of light from tho 
camp.fi:es of the '^faithful," who still, amidst disaster, 
trimmed the dim lamp of Democratic faith, or by tho 
friendly hand of some "conservative" brother of tho 
North, was led back to the green pastures of hope. 

Ancinnt Drmocratic fossils, who were wont to toy 
with the public funds, could but lo(^k upon the National 
treasure, piled ii))on ihe couniers passing through tho 



536 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

hands of honest men to disburse the public expenses, 
and sigh for the good days of the past. And now, in 
the agony of despair, they turned their rebellious and 
melancholy countenances toward Andrew Johnson and 
the cotton fields of their "brethren" of the South for 
aid. And once more rallying under the standard of 
State Rights, the seedy Democracy of every shade, from 
the shores of Maine to the Pacific States, the far West, 
and from the miasmatic swamps of the Slave States, 
wended their way to the Mecca of Democracy (New 
York) to tell their sad stories of usurpation and wrongs 
inflicted upon them by the Abolitionists and " Radicals." 

Those of the North had suffered much, but it was 
the "Southern brethren" who had, in the sweat and 
toil of the day, beheld the "cause" expire. Emaciated 
forms, whose well saved hose were a mile too wide for 
their shrunken shanks, and whose eyes had not feasted 
upon a slave pen or "chattel" auction since the spring 
of 18G5, came up from the low lands of Alabama and 
the Carolinas to lay their palms, yet moist with the 
blood of Union patriots, in the loving embrace of their 
brethren of the North, and to recount to them their 
achievements in the persecution of Yankees during the 
war, and of their confidence of success in the future, if 
only aided by their party in the Free States. Leaders 
of guerrilla bands, bushwhackers, and rebel Generals 
were there, that the "faithful" from the far West 
might touch the bloody hem of their garments, and 
look into the red eye of treason. 

Many of these "illustrious gentlemen from the 
South" were under the ban of disfranchisement for 
their treason and murder ; but a bright sky was soon 
to illuminate the rebel camp. Up from the Capital of 
the Nation came the written pardon of him who was 



XXXI.] PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1868. 537 

yet unpardoned by the expressed sentiment of a vast 
majority of the American people. This order of resto- 
ration from the Executive (Andrew Johnson) was the 
signal for unbounded joy, and a "flow of soul," un- 
equaled since the days of the massacre at Fort Pillow, 
"was now experienced, under the pressure of which a 
platform was constructed upon which the nominees 
were to stand. 

The two parties having adopted their platforms and 
presented their candidates to the people, entered upon 
an active canvass of every State in the Union. The 
candidates of the Republican party needed no intro- 
duction to the American people. Ulysses S. Grant 
had, at the head of the Army of the Republic, achieved 
not only a reputation at home and abroad as the great- 
est living militarj'- commander, but had, in addition, 
placed himself high in the favor and confidence of the 
people by his opposition to the heresies of Andrew 
Johnson, and his well known love of the principles of 
constitutional liberty. Indeed, but one man had been 
looked to by the people to head the Republican ticket 
and achieve a victory over the Democracy. That man 
was U. S. Grant, who since the tragic death of the la- 
mented Abraham Lincoln, had filled a larger j^lace in 
the affections and confidence of the people than any 
other man in the country. 

Schuyler Colfax, the candidate for the Vice-Presi- 
dency, had for many years held a high place in the af- 
fections of the people. His position as presiding 
officer of the National Congress, to which he had been 
repeatedly elected, afforded him opportunity to exliibit 
;his genial nature, his knowledge of National political 
affairs, and above all, his love of human libert}^, and 
his attachment to the principles of Republican Gov- 



538 Republicanism in America. [Chap. 

ernment, as established by the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and the Federal Constitution. 

With these champions of liberty as their candidates,. 
the Eepublicans came before the people, assured that 
those who had sustained them and the principles of 
human freedom and American Nationality in the past, 
would not desert them when another victory over the 
recreant Democracy was all that was wanting to con- 
sign the wretched doctrines of that party, with its 
leaders, to perpetual obscurity; nor were they disap- 
pointed in this. 

Contrary to the usual custom, the Republican can- 
didates did not take the field in person to advocate the 
principles of the party, but maintained a continued 
silence upon public issues; while the liberal press and 
the orators of the country entered upon a most vigor- 
ous vindication of the principles of the party, which 
was violently assailed by the Democracy. 

The Republicans had upon their side the prestige 
of the victory of the late war, together with the suc- 
cessful establishment of Federal authority over that 
section of the Republic which never enjoyed a form 
of government in conformity with the Constitution 
and the principles of Republican Government, until 
'' reconstructed " by the National Congress. 

The Democracy went before the people with candi- 
dates comparatively unknown. Seymour could not 
be expected to draw to his support any strength from 
the mass of the people who advocated and aided a 
prosecution of the war. Francis P. Blair, a renegade- 
from Republicanism, had no place in the affections nor 
confidence of the people, and all that could be ex- 
pected was, that the candidates would receive the 
straight vote of the Democrac}^, upon general princi- 
ples, icithout a scratch — which they did. 



XXXI.] PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 18G8. .53C> 

No claim could be made by the Democracy to a 
share in the National legislation that established Fed- 
eral authority over the rebellious States and gave 
equal rights before the law to all persons without dis- 
tinction. And most of those of their party who had 
cooperated with the Republicans in carr^dng on the 
war, had long since returned to their ranks. Their 
banners were not gilded with the glory of victory over 
oppression and intolerance, nor their writers and 
speakers inspired with the spirit of progressive liberty; 
and now, as a last hope, the old stock of the party — 
prejudice and passion — had to be resorted to, in order 
to rally every shade of Democracy, from Gen. Forrest 
to Horatio Seymour, under a common flag, to wage war 
against the progressive party. The enfranchisement 
of the freedmen by the Republicans became the great 
hobby of the party, who hoisted "White man's Gov- 
ernment," as their motto, declaring that they would 
die in the " last ditch," before they would be ruled by 
"niggers" and Radicals, against whom they charged 
unconstitutional usurpations m forcing upon the people 
of the Sovereign States, governments Republican in 
form; so that the only stock in trade of the party — 
the 0Yi\y inducement to offer the public to influence them 
to vote for their candidates — was " Negro Supremacy," 
"Radical Usurpation," "Rump Congress," and "Op- 
pressive Taxation." But all was ineffectual. The fall 
State elections began to exhibit increasing Republican 
strength. Eight of the late rebellious States were now 
in the Union, and upon them the Democracy relied 
for strength in the hour of need; they could count ' 
with safety upon the unreconstructed Democracy of 
these regions, but the vote of the Freedmen could not 
be relied upon. 



54Cr REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

Election day came November 3d, 1868; and as in 
18G0 and 18G4, so now the Republicans, for a third 
time in succession, gained a glorious victory — more 
complete and universal than any political victory of 
the Nation. Out of thirty-four States they carried 
twenty-six^ while the Democracy carried but eight in all, 
five of which were Slave States at the beginning of the 
Rebellion in 18G1; the other three — New York, New 
Jersey and Oregon — being the only ones of the former 
free States carried by them, and these by exceedingly 
small majorities. New York, by 9,224, New Jersey, 
2,033, and Oregon, by 103; while the Republican ma- 
jority in South Carolina was 9,900 — almost as large as 
the entire Democratic majority in the entire former 
Free States of the Republic. 

Out of 294 votes in the Electoral College, the De- 
mocracy got but 80, while the Republicans received 
214 — a majority of 134. But the victory of twenty- 
six States out of thirty-four, and 214 electoral votes 
out of 294, were not the only victories gained by the 
Republicans; for they had gained a civil victory over 
six of the States lately in rebellion, second in import- 
ance only to the great military victory of April, 1805. 

Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, 
Alabama, and Arkansas, disenthralled from the plague 
of Democratic rule, had cast their votes upon the side 
of Freedom for the first time since the settlement of 
the country, in 1007. And these States, together 
with Missouri and that part of Virginia now West Vir- 
ginia — making eight States upon the territory dedi- 
cated to Slaveiy by the Democracy at the breaking out 
of the Rebellion, and now embracing the blessings of 
Republican Government and renouncing the heresies 
of the discomfited Democracy — was a withering re- 



XXXI.] I'lIKSlDKNTIAI, KIJiC'I'iDN i)l' I 8()8. 541 

biik(i to Mic |);iil-y of j)()lili(;iil ;mi(I I'cligiouH proHcrip- 
tions, juid u viiidication of tlio great truths advocated 
by the Ropublican party, of the equality of all men 
before the law, nnd the right of all men to worwhip 
God according to th<! dictatcH of their consciences. 

At the ehiotioii in November, 18C8, the States of 
Iowa and MiniKJSota, by vote of the people, amended 
their State OunstiliitioiiH by ntriking out the word 
"white" in the quidili cation for electors — thus adopt- 
ing universal suffrage, notwithstanding (Ik; jiiotto of 
the Democracy of ''White man's Government" — Iowa 
giving 53,000 and Minnesota 5,000 majority for tho 
Republican ticket. 

It is but fair to conclude, with the evidence of tho 
past eight years before us, and the rebuke received by 
the Democracy from the masses of tho voters of the 
country in the three last Presidential elections, that 
while that party may obstruct good order and civil 
and I'oligious freedom in localities where its mem- 
bers are in the majority, their power and influence as 
a national party no longer exist; and that before a 
President is elected by any other party than the Re- 
publican, a new political organization with new princi- 
ples and a new 'name must do it, and not the Demo- 
cratic party. (For Fjlection Returns, see Presidents, 
Appendix.) 

The Anmesty Pi(;(damation of Andrew Johnson, of 
the 'Ith of duly, 1808 — issued ostensibly foi- 1 he good 
of the country, but in rml'dy to strengthen the wavering 
ranks of the Democracy — extended full pardon to all 
rebels who at that time were not " under presentment 
or indictment in any Court of the United States hav- 
ing competent jurisdiction, upon a charge of treason 
or other felony," and who were not exce|)ted ])y tho 



642 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution. 
This was followed by a still further proclamation, on 
December 25th, 1868, extending full and unqualified 
pardon and political rights to all who had participated 
in the late Rebellion. Following is the proclamation: 

" "Whereas, The authority of the Federal Government having 
been re-established in all the States and Territories within the 
jurisdiction of the United States, it is believed such Presidential 
reservations and exceptions as at the date of said several jDrocla- 
mations Avere deemed necessary and proper, may now be justly 
relinquished; that universal amnesty for participation in said 
Rebellion, extended to all, will renew and full}' restore confi- 
dence and fraternal feeling among the whole people, and their 
respect for and attachment to the National Government designed 
by its patriotic founders for the general good: 

" Now, therefore, be it known that I, Andrew Johnson, Presi- 
dent, by virtue of the power vested in me by the Constitution, 
proclaim and declare, unconditionally and without reservation, 
to all and every person who directly or indirectly participated in 
the late insurrection or rebellion, full pardon and amnesty for 
the offense of treason against the United States, or adhering to 
their enemies during the late war, with the restoration of all 
rights, privileges and immunities under the Constitution and 
the laws which have been made in pursuance thereof. In testi- 
mony whereof, etc." 

This proclamation and the one of July 4th are, 
however, controlled by Section 3, of the Fourteenth 
Amendment to the Federal Constitution, which says: 

"No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, 
or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, 
civil or military, under the United States or any State, who, 
having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as 
an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State 
Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, 
to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have 
engaged in insurrection against the same, or given aid or com- 
fort to the enemies thereof; but Congress may, by a vote of two- 
thirds of each house, remove such disability." 



XXXI.] PERSONA!. HISTORY OF U. S. GRANT. 543 

Johnson's Proclamation, under the first Article of 
Section 2, of the Constitution, which says, (in refer- 
ence to the powers of the President) : " He shall have 
power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses 
against the United States, except in cases of impeach- 
ment," would have the effect of restoring all the laf e in- 
surgents to full and equal political rights; but the .third 
section of the Fourteenth Amendment makes certain 
reservations beyond which the Executive cannot go, 
as the disabilities there prescribed can be removed 
only by the means pointed out in the article itself, to 
wit: the Congress of the United States. 

The history of man presents but few cases of such 
almost marvelous advance from poverty and obscurity, 
as does the promotion of Ulysses S. Grant, elected 
President of the United States, November 3d, 18G8 — 
from his father's tan-yard to the highest military and 
civil position in the gift of the people. 

The history of the three last Presidents of America- 
Lincoln, Johnson and Grant — shows that from the 
rail-splitter, tailor, and tanner, in preference to the 
wealthy and aristocratic, Republican citizens chose 
their public servants. 

Ulysses S. Grant was born in the State of Ohio, on 
his father's farm, near the Ohio Pivcr, April 2Tlh, 
1822, where, until his seventeenth j'ear, he performed 
all the drudgery of a country life about his father's 
farm and tanner}'', receiving but a limited education in 
a common school. lie entered the Militarj'' Academy 
at West Pohit, June 10th, 1839, and graduated 21st 
on a list of 39, on June 30th, 1843; when ho was ap- 
pointed a Brevet Second Lieutenant in the army, in 
wliich position lie entered the Mexican War, in 184G. 
Soon after, he was apjoointed First Lieutenant, and 



544 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

acted as Quartermaster of the Fourth Infantry. In 
1852, he was ordered to the Pacific Coast, remained a 
few weeks at Benicia, Cal., when he went to Fort Van- 
couver, Wasliington Territory, where he spent about 
one year. In August, 1853, he was appointed a Captain. 
He resigned his commission in the army, July 31st, 1854, 
and returned from the Pacific to the Atlantic States, 
and commenced farming upon sixty acres of land given 
to his wife by her father, near St. Louis, Missouri. Here 
he endured all the hardships of poverty and hard 
labor, building the little house in which he lived, and 
splitting the shingles with his own hands; and when 
not engaged on his farm, which he named ''Hard- 
scrabble," he cut and hauled firewood into St. Louis, a 
distance of nine miles, walking by the side of his 
team the entire distance, while they drew the heavy 
load which he sold in the city as best he could, return- 
ing joyously to his beloved wife and little ones with 
the price of his labor. But this occupation was not 
very lucrative; and on January 1st, 1859, he formed a 
partnership with H. Boggs, of St. Louis, as " General 
Agents" — collecting rents, and acting as brokers in 
such business as they could get to do. The copartner- 
ship and business exploded in nine months, leaving 
Grant destitute and out of employment. He next 
obtained a position for one month in the Custom 
House, at St. Louis. Out of employment, he next 
made application to the Common Council of St. Louis 
for the position of County Engineer (to repair roads), 
but failed to receive the appointment. 

Abandoning St. Louis and " Hardscrabble," he 
moved to Galena, Illinois, and with his family took 
humble quarters and entered into the employ of his 
father and brother in their tannery, at a salary of 



XXXL] PERSONAL HISTORY OF U. S. GRANT. 545 



per year. In his new situation, he worked with 
his leathern apron, in shirt-sleeves, generally doing 
the work of a laborer or porter, handling hides and 
making himself "generally useful" — as obscure and 
unknown as his humble position and modest nature 
naturally would make him. In this position he re- 
mained until armed treason assailed his country, when 
he bade adieu to his wife and little ones, and tendered 
his services to his country. 

His obscurity and poverty were sad barriers in the 
road of his receiving a commission ; and not until re- 
plenishing his wardrobe with a few dollars borrowed 
from a friend, and many vexatious delays, he, by acci- 
dent almost, received on June 16th, 18G1, a commis- 
sion as Colonel of an Illinois volunteer regiment. 
From that period, the star of his success and glory 
began to ascend. Soon (August 7th, 1861) he was 
appointed a Brigadier-General of Volunteers; and for 
his great victory at Fort Donelson, February 16th, 
1862, he was appointed, on February 20th, 1862, a 
Major-General. On the 29th of February, 1864, Con- 
gress revived the grade of Lieutenant-General, to 
which Grant was appointed March 9th, 1864. Con- 
gress, on the 25th of July, 1866, established the grade 
of General of the Army. Immediately on the passage of 
the Act, President Johnson nominated Ulysses S. 
Grant for the position, which was at once confirmed 
by the Senate, and Grant was appointed to the highest 
military command in the Nation, and became the first 
General since the adoption of the Constitution. As- 
cending still further up the ladder of fame, the Amer- 
ican people, at the election on the third of November, 
1868, almost unanimously elected him to the highest 
position in the Republic — President of the United 



J 



546 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

States of America; his term of office conjmencing on 
March 4th, 18G9. 

One of the memorable acts of Gen. Grant's life, and 
one which has brought him familiarly before the Na- 
tion, was his determined stand taken before Fort Don- 
clson, and liis reply of ^^unconditional surrender^' to 
the rebel General in command. 

On February IGth, 18G2, Gen. S. B. Buckner, in 
charge of the Fort, seeing his inevitable doom as 
Grant's army was approaching, sent a communication 
under a flag of truce to General Grant, asking the 
terms of capitulation, upon Avhich he would receive 
the forces under his command. To which Grant made 
the following reply: 

" Head-quaeters Aemy in the Field, 
" Camp near Douelson, February IGth, 18G2. 
** General S. B. Buckner, Confederate Army: 
" Yours of this date, proposing an armistice and appointment 
of Commissioners to settle terms of capitulation, is just received. 
No lerxiis except an unconditional and immediate surrender can be 
accepted. I propose to move immediately upon your works. 
" I am, sir, very respectfully, j'our obedient servant, 

"U. S. Geant, Brig.-Gen." 

Buckner, appreciating the tenor of this business-like 
reply, surrendered; and the stars and stripes in a few 
hours floated over Fort Donelson, while Buckner and 
his army were made priscfners. 

" I propose tojight it out on this line if it takes all swU' 
merT This was the concluding sentence of a com- 
munication written by Gen. Grant to Mr. Stanton, Sec- 
retary of War, on May 11th, 1804, when Grant had 
planted himself before the doomed City of Richmond, 
and on that line he did fight it out until April 2d, 
1805, when the stars and stripes floated over the rebel 
capital; and he did not cease until at Appomattox 



XXXL] now PRESIDENTS ARE ELECTED. 547 

Court House, Virginia, on the 9th of April, 1865, he 
brought the rebel army to a halt, and received Robert 
E. Lee and his whole army as prisoners of war. 

How Presidents are Elected. — The manner of elect- 
ing the President and Vice-President of the United 
States is defined and regulated by the Federal Consti- 
tution and Federal laws. 

In each State a number of persons, equal to the 
number of Senators and Representatives to which the 
State is entitled in Congress, are selected by a con- 
vention or by some other mode; these are called 
''Presidential Electors," and compose what is termed 
the '' Electoral College." On the first Tuesday after 
the first Monday in November, once in four years, a 
Presidential election is held in every State in the 
Union, when the names of these electors are voted 
for. This election is held on the same day in every 
State in the Union. (Florida, in 1868, elected her 
electors by her State Legislature.) 

The Constitution provides that the electors, chosen 
in such manner as the Legislature of each State may 
prescribe, shall meet in their respective States and 
vote by ballot for President and Vice-President. At 
the meetings known as "Electoral Colleges," the elec- 
tors are required to make lists of tlie persons they 
vote for, and the number of votes cast for each, which 
list they are required to sign and certify, and transmit 
sealed to the President of the Senate of the United 
States, at the seat of Government. That officer is 
required to open these certificates in the presence of 
the Senate and House of Representatives, and the 
votes are then to be counted, and the person having 
the greatest number of electoral votes for President, 
if such number be a majority of the whole number of 

35 



548 republicaxisjI in amekica. [Chap. 

electors appointed, is declared to be the President; 
and so of the Vice-President. 

An Act of Congress of March, 1792, which fixed a 
uniform time for the holding of the Presidential 
election throughout the country, also provides for 
further details. It requires the Executive authority of 
each State to cause three certified lists of the electors 
chosen by said State, to be made out and delivered to 
the electors on or before the first Wednesday of De- 
cember next after the election; and that said elec- 
tors shall meet and give their votes on the said first 
Wednesday in December, at such place as the Leg- 
islature of the State shall direct. The electors vote 
by ballot, and are required to make three certified 
lists, which shall be signed by all the electors, with 
a certified list of the electors attached to each. These 
are then to be sealed up in three separate packages, 
and a further certificate indorsed on the envelop 
of each, signed by all the electors, stating that the 
package contains a list of the votes of such State for 
President and Vice-President. 

The electors are then required to appoint and com- 
mission a person to take charge of and deliver one of 
the said certified packages to the President of the 
Senate, at the seat of Government, on or before the 
first Wednesday in January next ensuing; they are 
further required to forward another of said certificates 
by mail to the President of the Senate, and the third 
is to be delivered to the Judge of the district in 
which the electors are assembled. These and other 
minute provisions are made to guard against the pos- 
sible loss or failure of a certificate. In order to have 
certainty as to the counting of the votes so for- 
warded, Congress is required to be in session on the 



XXXL] HOW PRESIDENTS ARE ELECTED. 549 

second Wednesday of February succeeding every meet- 
ing of the electors, on which day the certificates are to 
be opened in the presence of both Houses, and the re- 
sult declared as already stated. 

If, on counting the electoral votes it is found that 
no person has a majority of all the electoral votes cast 
by the electors, then from the persons having the 
highest numbers not exceeding three, on the list of 
those voted for as President, the House of Represent- 
atives shall choose immediately by ballot the Presi- 
dent. The votes shall be taken by States; the repre- 
sentation from each State having one vote — a quorum 
for this purpose consists of a member or members from 
two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the 
States is necessary to a choice. 

Tf the House of Representatives fail to choose a 
President, when the choice falls upon them, before the 
first day of March next following, then the Yice-Presi- 
dent shall act as President, as in the case of death or 
other disability of the President. The Vice-President 
is elected, in all respects, in the same manner as the 
President, except that if the election devolves upon 
the House of Representatives, they select only from the 
two having the highest numbers, as candidates. 

But twice since the formation of the Government, 
has it devolved upon the House of Representatives to 
elect a President, which was in the year 1801, when 
the vote in the Electoral College was as follows: 
Thomas Jefferson, 73 ; Aaron Burr, 73 ; John Adams, 
65; Charles C. Pinckney, 64, John Jay, 1. On the 
thirtj^-sixth ballot, Jefferson was elected President, 
and Burr Vice-President. And again, in 1825, when 
the vote in the Electoral College stood as follows: 
Andrew Jackson, 99; John Quincy Adams, 84; Wm. 



550 REPUBLICAXIS:,! IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

n. Crawford, 41; Henry Clay, 37. No one having a 
majority of all the votes cast as required by the Con- 
stitution, the election was carried to the House of 
llepresentatives, where John Quincy Adams, although 
not the highest on the list in the electoral vote, was 
elected President. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

THE NEW NATION.— PROGRESS OF EEPTTBLICANISM.— INFLUENCE OP POLITICAI, 
PARTIES.— ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.-" WOMAN'S EIGHTS." 

The American Nation, as it was when the Rebellion 
began, April 12th, 1861, and when it ended, April 
14th, 1865, presents striking features of dissimilarity. 
The radical changes brought about by the operations 
of the war, had completely transformed the quasi Re- 
public into a Government of acknowledged supremacy 
and indestructibility. 

From the first settlement of the country to the close 
of the war the Southern portion of the Nation, where 
Slavery had existed, had never afl&liated with the doc- 
trines of equality of the American people before the 
law, as comprehended in the Federal Constitution and 
the Federal laws. The interests, education, and cus- 
toms of these people were not calculated to inspire a 
love of liberty, or a just appreciation of the growing 
sentiment of universal freedom prevailing at the North. 
In the Free States laws and State constitutions were 
adopted in harmony with the spirit of the Federal 
Government, while at the South constitutions and 
laws were shaped to conform to the idea of the sover- 
eignty of the States, and the classified and proscribed 
condition of the people. In the Free States, as a rule, 
they admitted all citizens to a participation in the af- 
fairs of the State ; all were eligible to hold office and 
discharge any duty, if a voter; while in the Slave States 
they disfranchised many of their citizens, imposing 



552 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

burdensome impositions in the way of large landed and 
other property qualifications to enable them to hold 
office. (See State Constitutions.) Not only was it 
necessary, in many cases, to own land and other prop- 
erty, but in some cases it was absolutely necessary to 
own men in order to enjoy the highest offices within 
the gift of the people. Under these circumstances it 
is not surprising that the tendency of legislation was 
to promote the interests of those in power, while the 
interests of the masses were entirely ignored. 

The Grovernment of the States and the representa- 
tives in the National Councils were confined to a few 
families, who under the belief that they were born to 
rule, became aristocratic and domineering. The lines 
of caste growing out of these circumstances, and the 
condition of Slavery, were well defined and strictly 
practiced; indeed, the royalty brought from England 
with their ancestors, had undergone but little change, 
and the fact of their having among them not only the 
feudal customs of their fathers, but the absolute own- 
ership of men, made them arrogant and domineer- 
ing. Four million Americans (colored) were held as 
merchandise in the Slave States of the South on the 
breaking out of the Rebellion; and beyond all doubt 
this state of affiiirs was the cause of the Anti-Republi- 
can tendencies of that section of the Nation, and the 
primary cause of the pretentious claims of these States 
to sovereign powers. 

While things had thus existed at the South, through- 
out the North, including the New England and Mid- 
dle States, with the new States admitted into the Union 
as Free States since the Revolution, progress and re- 
form had gone steadilj^ on, with a few minor excep- 
tions, that completely broke down the barriers of 



XXXII.] NATIONAL PROGRESS. 553 

projudice and religious bigotry which had characterized 
many of their actions at an earlier period of their his- 
tory. In a word, as a rule, all the Free States were 
Hepuhlican, while all the Slave States were emin(jntly 
Ant i- EepuUican . 

The legislation of the States could be conducted with 
harmony, but when the representatives of all the 
States went up to the National Councils, this could not 
be done, for there the opposite conditions and in- 
terests of the States w^ere brought into contact. The 
whole country was called the Republic of America, but 
in fact it was two nations, with interests as opposite as 
day and night. The people of the Free States regarded 
the country as a Federal Union; the people of the Slave 
States as Confederated States, each of which main- 
tained its original sovereignty and status as a nation. 
In the Free States the most liberal aid had been ex- 
tended to the education of every child within their 
limits; while at the South no public aid was given in 
this direction, or if given, was confined to certain 
dasseSj and in many of them most stringent laws, with 
penalties extending to death, were passed, prohibiting 
the teaching of certain classes, or even selling them or 
giving them any book, paper, picture, device, or sign 
by which the mind could be enlightened. 

The Slave States had, in all that tends to elevate the 
race, or inspire a love of freedom, stood still. They 
had not progressed one step since the settlement of 
the country. Every nation of Europe had far sur- 
passed them in the march of liberty. Jealous kings 
and despots across the water had seen many changes. 
The masses of the people were slowly but surely en- 
croaching upon their thrones. Inch by inch did the}^ 
move upon the barriers that had disfranchised them. 



554 EEPUBLICAJS^ISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

From a feeble voice the great popular heart of the 
people swelled into thunder tones for broader liberties. 
The Czar of Russia responded by a complete emanci- 
pation of all his serfs. No slave could breathe the air 
upon a foot of British soil in any quarter of her wide- 
spread domain. Gladstone, Bright, Mill, and other 
friends of liberty, at the head of millions of her sub- 
jects, demanded more liberty, and her Britannic Majesty 
came to the throne and advised a more humane policy, 
and extended, in part, the birthrights so long with- 
held from them. Garibaldi and Mazzini were leading 
Italian patriots closer to freedom. Poland had made 
giant struggles to liberate herself from Russian domi- 
nation. German Kings and Princes, under the philos- 
ophy and teachings of their statesmen and scholars, 
v/ere relaxing their rule. On the shores of barbarous 
Africa, the little Republic of Liberia had cast the 
anchor of hope, and introduced the philosophy of 
equality to all men before the law. The freemen of 
Andora and Switzerland looked from their aerial hab- 
itations and rejoiced in increasing liberty. On the 
American continent, Mexico had almost a half a cen- 
tury since abolished Slavery. Brazil had relaxed, in a 
degree, the chains of her bondmen, and extended free 
school privileges to the masses. The Republics of 
South and Central America had broken down Spanish 
despotism, and were struggling for enlarged freedom. 
Australia, from a condition of chaos, developed into a 
land of civilization and partial political freedom. The 
islands of remote seas no longer terrified the mariner, 
as in his dreams he beheld tiie native jDerched upon 
the unfrequented shore, gnawing the skull of a captive. 
The civilizing influences of Christianity, the philosophy 
of the arts, education, and industry of America and 



XXXIL] NATIONAL PROGRESS- 555 

Europe were penetrating the dark and benighted re- 
cesses of Asia, and closing in upon the abominations 
of Buddhism. Caste, and religious and political pro- 
scriptions were giving way throughout the greater por- 
tion of the world. Slowly but surely man was ascend- 
ing to that degree of universal freedom which is the 
destiny of the race. But in the Slave States of the 
American Republic not only were the bonds of Slavery 
held firm, but science and education were employed to 
prove the divine right of joerpetuating the enslavement 
of men. Thus did the Slave States of America present 
the most melancholy spectacle of barbarism in exis- 
tence; and so wedded were those in power to their 
idol, that when they conceived it to be in danger from 
a contact with freedom, they resolved, even at the de- 
struction of the Nation, and the death of civil and 
religious lil)erty; not only in America, but throughout 
the world, to enter upon a most gigantic war, accom- 
panied v/ith assassination, arson, and murder, in order 
to defnie its limits and perpetuate its existence. 

Thus situated the clash of arms came. The strug;o;le 
for liberty ended in victor}'. The sacrifices were terri- 
ble. More than six hundred thousand men perished in the 
covfiict, but the survivors of the victorious legions 
stood upon the crumbling walls of despotism, and as 
the chains fell from the limbs of four millions of hu- 
man beings, proclaimed, in thunder tones that shook 
the jSTation, America is Free! Thus with a final blow 
the evil spirit that had well-nigh destroyed the life of 
the Kepublic, had been cast out, and as if by enchant- 
ment, a new nation stood forth upon the ruins of the 
greatest slave mart of the world — a nation upon whose 
soil no son of man can live a slave as long as liberty 
nnd« a resting place in the breasts of men. 



550 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

The mighty struggle that produced freedom m 
America determined ihsit a nationality exists', that hu- 
man freedom is a power that cannot be confined by 
arbitrary rule, where free schools, liberty of the press 
and of speech are enjoyed by the masses; that all men 
are equal before the law; that the right of one man to 
own another is a heresy ; that all men are by nature 
free ; that the perpetuity of the American Republic is 
based upon the education, virtue, patriotism, and uni- 
versal freedom of its people ; that the citizens of Re- 
publics, when they take the sword in defense of their 
li])erties, are invincible; that the tendencies of the race 
tln\-»ughout the world are toward universal freedom, 
and equal protection and equality before the law, and 
participation in the making of the laws by which they 
shall be governed. 

The Nation that sprang from the ruins of the late 
Slave States is not only the freest, but the most pow- 
erful of the Nations of the earth. Her people are 
all soldiers; at the sound of alarm from within or with- 
out, tlie whole Nation is improvised into battalions 
and regiments. Her soil can never be successfully in- 
vaded; her vast plains, mountains and forests, would 
be a burying ground for all who should enter upon her 
territory with hostile intent. She is also the most 
magnanimous Nation in the world. No sooner had 
tlie smoke of battle cleared from the fields of the 
jissailants in the late conflict, than she supplied the 
needy with food and raiment. And, relying in her 
strength, she has not asked sacrifice of her captives, 
but lias set an unprecedented example of forgiveness 
and luimanity, l^y granting universal amnesty to all 
political offenders, and even to those whose deeds of 
cruelty placed them beyond the pale of mercy. 



XXXII.] NATIONAL PROGRESS. 557 

Thus, lifted above the phigue of Democratic rule. 
America takes her position in the first ranks of nationas 
powers. The barbarism of past ages which had ob- 
scured the light of civil and religious liberty in fifteen 
States of the Union, has by the operations of the late 
war, the Proclamation of Emancipation, the volunteer 
abolition of Slavery by the States of Kentucky, Mary- 
land, and Delaware, and the amendments to the Fed- 
eral Constitution, been obliterated. 

The heresies of the sovereignty of the States, and 
the Democratic doctrine that " there is no power under 
the Constitution to coerce a State about to secede, or 
that has seceded from the Union," have been exploded 
by the people of the Republic, who are above all con- 
stitutions and all laws, and who, when laws and consti- 
tutions failed to secure to them their liberty and 
equality, must seek them under new laws, ordinances 
and constitutions, enacted by that right so potent in 
the extirpation of tyranny — the exercise of universal 
suffrage. 

No longer dependent upon the caprice or dictation 
of State legislation for nationality, the American Re- 
public presents her Constitution and laws as the char- 
ter of freedom to all her citizens, without distinction; 
and unfurls her starry banner, at home and abroad, as 
the emblem of liberty and protection alike to the 
adopted and the native born citizen, under new but 
reluctant guarantees from European monarchs. 

The new Nation, as it came up from the funeral pile 
of the slave oligarchy, opened an era in the history of 
human liberty. The practicability of Republican Gov- 
ernment was established, new encouraerement and new 
strength added to the friends of freedom, in all parts 
of the world; and as manhood suffrage, and equai 



558 REPUBLICANISJI IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

rights before the law, began to assert their dominion, 
ancient thrones, around which had clung caste and 
proscription, began to topple and crumble at the 
base, until the tenure of their existence was circum- 
scribed to the period of religious and political equalit}^, 
free schools, freedom of the press and of speech with 
the masses of the people, at which" time the emanci- 
pated millions of Europe will march — ballot in hand 
— upon the royal usurpers of their liberties, to insti- 
tute new governments wherein manhood and, intelligence 
luillhe king. 

In all quarters, loud calls are being made for an 
extension of the elective franchise. But where that 
suffrage and that political freedom now demanded at 
home and abroad shall begin, or where it shall end, is 
still a matter of serious concern. Universal suffrage is 
demanded by the friends of progress everywhere. It 
is easy to comprehend and apply the rule of equal 
rights before the law; but it is most difficult to con- 
ceive of any system of franchise that would apply to 
all, and still advance the progress of the race and se- 
cure the liberty and perpetuity of the Nation. Uni- 
versal Stffrage is a myth ; such a condition has never 
existed in civil society, and never can exist. There 
are laws of nature and other causes equally formidable 
which stand in the way of this condition. 

The comprehensive term of universal suffrage would 
embrace the whole family of mankind, of all ages and 
conditions, without reference to sexes, mental or moral 
fitness, for the discharge of the highest duties and 
and privileges of society. 

In the most favored nations under the broadest fran- 
chise ever enjoyed, suffrage has been restricted to a 
limited class of the people. In the Republic of Amer- 



XXXII.] ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 559 

ica, only about one in seven of the population are enti- 
tled to cast votes. When the population was thirty- 
one million, a vote of a fraction over four million was 
cast, and the same ratio continues to govern the coun- 
try. The enfranchising of the freedmen has added 
some to the voting population of the country; but 
even with this, the governing class in America, com- 
pared with the population, will not exceed one in six 
or seven of the entire inhabitants ; and even were those 
States which still retain the word "white male citizen" 
in their constitutions, to extend the franchise to all 
male citizens twenty-one years of age and upwards, 
it would add but little -to the voting population, and 
the great mass of the people — all the males under 
twenty-one years of age, and the whole female popu- 
lation — would still be unrepresented. 

Universal suffrage is a physical impossibility, and is 
neither practicable nor would it be desirable if it were 
possible. The tendencies of the race and of the age 
are to equality hefore the law — equal rights in every 
transaction of business; to hold, buy, sell, or otherwise 
own or dispose of, any and every species of property 
or interest, to prosecute, defend, and testify in all 
Courts, by all classes, colors and races of men, regard- 
less of allegiance or condition, except conviction of 
crime. 

In the United States, universal suffrage is supposed 
to exist when all the male citizens twenty-one years 
of age exercise the voting privilege. But even in 
the States where the franchise goes to that extent, a 
large majority of the people are still without a voice 
in the government of the country. 

In some of the States of America, where universal 
suffrage is supposed to exist, property and intellectual 



5G0 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

qualifications are demanded. In most of the Slave 
States before the Rebellion, property in land, personal 
effects, or negroes, was necessary to enable the citizen 
to enjoy the privileges of a voter or to hold office; and 
in many cases in addition to these, religious tests were 
applied. In Rhode Island, to this day, the adopted 
citizen is not entitled to the ballot unless he possess 
property to the value of $134, or property that rents 
for $7 per annum over all expenses. In Massachusetts 
and Connecticut, the voter must be able to read and 
write; and in Vermont, he must make oath that he 
will cast his vote for the best interests of the State. 
All these things are opposed to the idea and the prac- 
tice of universal suffrage. But, however oppressive 
these restrictions may seem, a contraction rather than 
an expansion of the elective franchise is desirable in 
America; for in the government of an enlightened 
Republic the highest order of intelligence should ex- 
ercise the law-making power. Neither the possession 
of property nor the fact that a male human being has 
lived in the world twenty-one years, should of them- 
selves be a qualification for the exercise of the elect- 
ive franchise. There should be some acquired qualifi' 
cation exacted ; something denoting intelligence ; some- 
thing that will endure in all lands, and under all 
circumstances, when all physical acquirements have 
gone. The only qualification that should be demanded 
is knowledge; such knowledge as distinguishes man from 
the animal creation, and graduates him in rank one 
above the other. The lowest standard demanded 
should be, that the voter be able to read and write the 
language of the country wherein he resides; this is in- 
deed a low enough standard of intelligence; for surely 
there are many, who can perform these acquirements, 



XXXIl.] ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 561 

who have still a superabundance of ignorance u]^K)n 
matters of public concern. What is first wanted is 
education^ then emancipation — a universal system of 
education, established and enforced by the Federal 
authority; close the corner grocery (drinking saloon) 
and open a school in its place, where all^ regardless of 
sex, age, nationality, shall be compelled to attend until 
they can read and write. Teach them the philosophy 
of Republican government, and then give the ballot to 
every man and every woman in the land, twenty-one 
years of age and upwards, who can read and write and 
who has not been convicted of crime. Let the influence 
of such a system reconstruct the bond-men of America, 
and cast its influence over the despotic nations of Eu- 
rope and Asia; illuminate the path that leads from 
Polish and Spanish bondage into the new Xation of 
universal freedom; lot its influence dawn upon Briton's 
sturdy sons and daughters, reaching the doomed oper- 
ative of ^lanchester and Birmingham and tlie peasant 
at his plow ; let it penetrate into the solitude of the 
"Workhouse," the "Ptagged School," and the dismal 
places where vice, crime and ignorance abound — the 
result of misgovernment; let the sacred boon of free- 
dom dawn down into the dark chambers of the Brit- 
ish colliery and lift the families of men, women and 
children into the light of day and the enjoyment of 
blessed freedom. 

Woman, disenthralled from the degrading bondage 
of servile labor as a beast of burden, and from the little 
less degradation of complete helplessness into which 
the follies of the age had cast her, begins to assert her 
dominion in the fields of intellectual and material in- 
dustry, casting the sickly mock-modesty of her own 
sex, and the undignified prejudices of the masculine 



5G2 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

gender into the wreck of past ages. She begins to 
seek wider fields of mental and physical activity. From 
the suppliant position of obscure drudgery, she has 
gradually possessed herself of a share of the honors 
and honorable positions in which intellect, sobriety, 
industry and patience alone can insure success. In 
America, not only has she been the instructor in the 
family circle, but the teacher of our youth; her influ- 
ence reaching from the school-house to every scene of 
life. She has wielded the pen, the painter's brush and 
the sculptor's chisel with admirable effect, and in 
thousands of branches of science and industry has 
demonstrated her equality ; and in virtue, and patient 
submission to the trials of life, has shown her great 
superiority over the opposite sex. 

As tlie education and pursuits of the sexes become 
assimilated, and woman begins to understand and ap- 
preciate her sphere, she begins to assert her right to 
equality before the law, and her claims to a voice in 
the aflliirs of the Nation. In Germany, during the 
year 18G8, the women have been holding mass con- 
ventions for the amelioration of their condition. In 
England, they have been testing before the highest 
Courts in the land their right to vote at all elections, 
and have enlisted in their behalf many of the leading 
statesmen of the liberal party, headed by the philo- 
sophic John Stuart Mill. 

During the year 1868, the subject of "women's 
rights" claimed a large share of public attention in 
many parts of America, particularly in the New Eng- 
land States, where many of the leading men of the 
progressive school zealously advocate their cause. 

In j\Iassachusotts — the cradle of liberty, learning and 
industry in America — mass conventions have been held, 



XX XII J ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 



563 



resulting in the organization of societies for the eu- 
franchisement of the women of America; and the first 
steps taken in the Republic to place woman upon an 
equal footing with her brothers in the political affairs 
of the Nation, came from the direction where the 
breath of life was first infused into the New World- 
Massachusetts. 

^ Senator Wilson, of that State, introduced into the 
National Congress, on the 14th day of December, 1868 
the following bill : ' 

-Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Kepresentatives 
ot the Lnited States of America in Congress assembled That 
the word 'male' in the first section of the Act entitled 'An 
Act to regulate the Elective Franchise in the District of Colum- 
bia/ passed on the 8th day of January, in the year 1867 be 
struck out, and that every word in said Act applicable to per- 
sons of the male sex shall apply equally to persons of the female 
sex, so that hereafter women, who are inhabitants of said Dis- 
trict of Columbia and citizens of the United States, may vote at 
all elections and be eligible to all civil offices in said District 
on the same terms and conditions in all respects as men/' 

Other States of the Union are fast organizing similar 
societies with prospects of ultimate success. In sev- 
eral sections of the country, at the Presidential elec- 
tion of November, 18G8, polls were opened and ballots 
cast by the women, for the candidates of their choice. 
They knew that their votes would not avail in that 
election, so they "played vote." But, however unim- 
portant the effort of the intelligent women of America 
may seem to some, in their desire to exercise what is 
their ri(/7it, the exercise of the franchise, when they do 
enjoy it, will be the most powerful auxiliary to the 
forces of the friends of liberty, in purifying the politi- 
cal and social condition of the country, and in legis- 
lating the " social evil " within limits where its terri1)le 
influence will cease to oppress the land. 



504 TlEPUBLICAJSriSM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

All the objections now offered against female suffrage 
upon the score of immodesty and immorality will 
gradually disappear, as the dignity and gallantry of 
man and the modesty and purity of woman assert their 
influence, when they march in line to the ballot-box to 
discharge the highest prerogative of the citizens of a 
free country. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

BEATTTIES OP DEMOCRACY— SPIRIT OF REPUBLICAN LIBEETT. 

A FEW of the leading features of the principles and 
practices of the Democratic party in America are here 
presented in a condensed form. The party, although 
passiiig under various names at different jDcriods, have 
always adhered to the same principles^ which were the 
same as tliey enunciated through the Executive and 
Attorney- General in 1860-61, and which they main- 
tained through the four years of war, and advocate to 
this day. The subjects here given will be found al- 
luded to under the proper headings in other places in 
this volume, and are all substantiated by the history 
of tlie country and public records. 

They imported the first slaves into America, and en- 
tered upon the buying, selling, and breeding of men as 
merchandise. This they began in 1620, at Jamestown, 
Virginia, and refused to furnish their quota of soldiers 
in tlie war of 1776. They violently opposed and de- 
feated the resolutions offered by Thomas Jefferson in 
1784, to prohibit the spread of Slavery into the Free 
Territories, and opposed the formation of a National 
Union; had well-nigh broken up the Convention that 
framed the Constitution of the Republic, and declared 
that there were but two propositions upon which they 
would act, namely, Union ivitli Slavery^ or Slavery with- 
out Umon. They incorporated into the Federal Con- 
stitution the right of their own representation in the 



566 EEPUBLIC.\NISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

National Congress, based upon a property qualification, 
which they denied to the citizens of the Free States, 
and entered into conspiracy against Washington and 
his Administration. Organized "Democratic Clubs," 
upon the style of the Jacobin and Robespierre Clubs 
of Paris, through which they plotted the overthrow of 
the Government. (See Chapter XXIX.) They labored 
to render void the Ordinance of 1787, which prohib- 
ited the spread of Slavery into Free Territory, and re- 
pealed the Missouri Compromise, wdiich prohibited 
Slavery in the Western Territories, and established 
marts for the sale of men upon soil dedicated to Free- 
dom. They passed State laws in 1832, which declared 
the Federal laws null and void, and declared that each 
State in the Union was an independent nation. Passed 
fuo"itive slave laws, and forced back into captivity 
those who sought refuge upon free soil, but refused to 
punish those who lield men in Slavery in the Free 
Territories, in violation of law. They amalgamated 
their own species with the African race and sold them 
at auction to the highest bidder, and passed laws with 
death penalties upon thoce who might instruct them 
in the use of letters. They also passed laws declaring 
that all persons found upon their soil, (in Slave States) 
who had any negro blood in them, were considered 
prima facie as slaves; and enacted laws depriving large 
classes of citizens of the right of representation and 
the elective franchise, unless they possessed property 
and negroes, and professed certain religious faith. 
(See Constitutions.) They deprived large numbers of 
the inhabitants of the right of trial by jury, of the 
right of seeking justice, redressing wrongs, and estab- 
lishing rights in Courts of law and equity. They went 
to foreign countries, and in the guise of friendship and 



XXXIII.] BEAUTIES OF DEMOCRACY. 507 

by deception, enticed the innocent and inoffensive in- 
habitants on board their ships and sold tliem into 
Slavery, and passed laws depriving the citizens of for- 
eign nations of the right of abode in Slave States, and 
attempted to sell the subjects of Britain into Slavery. 
They enacted State laws denying the right of speech, 
the libert}^ of the press, and the use of the United 
States mails to large classes of persons, and entered 
protests and petitions against the admission of Califor- 
nia as a State in the Union because she prohibited 
Slavery. They proclaimed, in 1856, that if Fremont 
was elected President they would disrupt the Union. 
They stripped the Northern armories and arsenals of 
all munitions of war in a time of profound peace, and 
put the Slave States upon a war footing, and vetoed, 
by their President, James Buchanan, the Homestead 
Bill granting to actual settlers IGO acres of land, upon 
the plea that it was unconstitutional^ and sustained the 
veto of Buchanan in the Senate. On the vote taken 
to carry the bill over the veto the vote stood — yeas, 9 
Democrats, 19 Republicans, (28 in all); nays, 18, all 
Democrats. The veto bears date June 22d, 1860. (For 
veto, see Part 4, 1st session 36th Congress, pages 
3,263-4. For vote, see same vol. page 3,272; also 
page 192 '' Political Text Book" for 1860.) They pro- 
claimed in 1860 that if Abraham Lincoln was elected 
President they would not submit, but would secede 
from the Union. They fired upon the Star of 
the West and Fort Sumter, tore down the American 
flag, and raised another in its place, bearing a strange 
device, and representing a foreign nation, and estab- 
lished upon the southern portion of the Picpublic a 
foreign Government, which they maintained by a long 
and cruel war. They abandoned every principle of 



5G8 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

honorable warfare, placed Union soldiers in filthy 
prison pens, where they starved them by thousands or 
shot them in cold blood, and murdered at Fort Pillow 
and elsewhere, men, women, and children after they 
had surrendered. They repudiated all debts due to 
Union men in the Slave States, and robbed the United 
States Mint and Custom Houses, and turned their 
booty over to the Southern Confederacy. They orna- 
mented their parlors and persons with the bones of 
Union patriots whom they murdered. Employed sci- 
entific men to go to foreign lands and procure the 
virus of malignant disease, which they spread through 
Northern cities, and innoculated into the wounds of 
the Union soldiers as they lay bleeding on the field 
and in the hospitals. Poisoned the wells, springs, and 
aqueducts, and held the death chalice to the lips of the 
dying soldier of the Republic. Employed incendiaries 
to fire Northern cities, (see Kennedy's confession,) and 
burned upon the high seas the unoffending fishing and 
mercantile fleets. They refused National aid to the 
Overland Railroad, every Democrat in the National 
Congress voting 7io. (See Proceedings XXXVIlth 
Congress, 2d Session, page 1971.) They opposed the 
recruiting of soldiers to put down the Rebellion, and 
all measures of reconstruction, and the admission of 
Nebraska into the Union — incurred by acts of rebel- 
lion, treason, and robbery, a burdensome National debt, 
and increased taxation. They refused to abolish the 
Freedman's Bureau — Andrew Johnson vetoing the law 
passed by the Republican Congress abolishing it — 
every Democrat voting tc sustain his veto, and retain 
this institution, long after its usefulness had ended, 
(see Proceedings, XLth Congress, 2d Session), and 
Noted unanimously for the acquittal of Andrew Johnson, 



XXXIII.] DAVIS LEAVING U. S. SENATE. 5G9 

on his arraignmGnt before a Court of Impeachment. 
(See Impeachment.) Still foster the heresies of the 
sovereignty of the States, are unrepentant, revengeful, 
malignant and traitorous. They murdered the good 
Abraham Lincoln. 

Most of the above must go to the credit of the De- 
mocracy of the Slave States; not forgetting their 
'' brethren" of the Free States, who have aided and 
abetted them in their treason and villainy. 

Jefferson Davis, who was a Senator in the United 
States Senate, at the breaking out of the Rebellion, on 
leaving the Senate on January 21st, 1861, to join the 
Southern Confederacy and his friends in arms against 
the United States, said: 

" I rise, Mr. President, for the purpose of announcing to the 
Senate that I have satisfactory evidence that the State of Missis- 
sippi, by a solemn ordinance of her people in convention as- 
sembled, has declared her separation from the United States. 
Under these circumstances, of course, my functions are termi- 
nated here. It has seemed to me proper, however, that I should' 
appear in the Senate to announce the fact to my associates, and 
I will say but very little more. The occasion does not invite me 
to go into argument; and my physical condition woukl not per- 
mit me to do so if it were otherwise ; and yet it seems to become 
me to say something on the part of the State I here represent, 
on an occasion so solemn as this. 

" It is known to Senators who have served with me here, that 
'I have for many years advocated, as an essential attribute of 
State sovereignty, the right of a State to secede from the Union. 
Therefore, if I had not believed there was justifiable cause; if I 
had thought that Mississii:)pi was acting without sufficient provo- 
cation, or without an existing necessity, I should still, under my 
theory of the Government, because of my allegiance to the 
State of which I am a citizen, have been bound by her action. 
I, however, may be permitted to say that I do think she has 
justifiable cause, and I approve of her act. I conferred with her 
people before that act was taken, counseled them then that if 



570 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

the state of tilings which they apprehended, should exist when 
the Convention met, they should take the action which they have 
now adopted. 

" Mr. President, and Senators, having- made the announcement 
•which the occasion seemed to me to require, it only remains for 
me to bid you a final adieu." 

Jefferson Davis' Proclamation of Banishment of 
American Citizens and other Foreigners. — The reader 
will observe with what exact distinction he extends 
the hospitality of his favored Confederacy to those 
horn upon sIaveJioIdi7ig soil, wliilst all others, of the age of 
fourteen years and upwards, must ^^ depart vAthin forty 
daysy Mr. Davis was evidently determined to have 
the "Confederacy" a "pure Democracy," undefiled by 
the presence of any plebeian Yankee or Abolitionist. 

"PROCLAMATION. 

" Whereas, The Congress of the Confederate States of Amer- 
ica did, by an Act approved on the 8th day of August, 1861, en- 
titled 'An Act resi^ecting Alien Enemies,' make provisions that a 
proclamation should be issued b}' the President in relation to 
alien enemies, and in conformity with the provisions of said Act: 

"Now, therefore, I, Jefierson Davis, President of the Con- 
federate States of America, do issue this my proclamation; and 
I do hereby warn and require eveiy male citizen of the United 
States, of the age of fourteen years and upwards, now within 
the Confederate States, and adhering to the Government of the 
United States, and acknowledging the authority of the same, 
and not being a citizen of the Confederate States, to depart from 
the Confederate States within forty days from the date of this 
proclamation. And I do warn all persons above described, who 
shall remain within the Confederate States after the expiration 
of said period of forty days, that they will be treated as alien 
enemies. 

"Provided, however, That this proclamation shall not be con- 
sidered as applicable, during the existence of war, to citizens of 
the United States residing within the Confederate States with in- 
tent to become citizens thereof, and who shall make a declaration 



XXXIII. ] DAVIs' BANISHMENT PROCLAMATION. 571 

of sucli intention in clue form, acknowledging the autliority of 
this Government; nor shall this proclamation be considered as 
extending to the State of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Mis- 
souri, the District of Columbia, the Territories of Arizona and 
New ])ilt'xico, and the Indian Territory south of Kansas, who 
shall not be chargeable with actual hostility or other crime 
against the public safety, and who shall acknowledge the author- 
ity of the Government of the Confederate States. 

"And I do further proclaim and make known that I have 
established the rules and regulations hereto annexed, in accord- 
ance with the provisions of said law. 

" Given under my hand and the seal of the Confederate States 
of America, at the City of Eichmond, on the 14th day of August, 

A.D. 18G1. 

. "Jeffekson Davis. 
• ' By the President. 
"R. M. T. Hunter, Secretary of State." 

This proclamation was followed by Acts of the Con- 
federate Congress, prescribing the penalties for diso- 
bedience of its provisions; one of which was, that if 
at the expiration of the time limited, such aliens 
(American citizens) as well as all others not citizens 
of the Confederacy, found within the limits of the 
Confederacy should be removed by the marshals and 
others beyond the limits of the "new Nation," should 
return, would, in the language of the statute, be 
treated as enemies. 

" Section 4. Any alien who shall return to these States during 
the war, after having been removed therefrom under the provis- 
ions of said law, shall be regarded and treated as an alien enemy; 
and, if made prisoner, shall be at once delivered over to the 
nearest military authority, to be dealt with as a spy or prisoner 
of war, as the case may require." 

Another Act passed by the Confederate Congress 
declared, that all real and personal property of all cit- 
izens of the United States, found upon k>outhorn soil 
after the forty days' notice in the Froclamaiion of tlie 



572 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

President, sliould be confiscated and turned over to 
the Government, under fine and imprisonment on fail- 
ure of the "alien" to comply with the requirements 
of the "law." 

On the 18th of May, 1861, the Confederate Con- 
gress passed the following law. It will be seen how 
their affection toward the " subjects" of Slave States, 
and slave owners, whether they were within or without 
the Confederacy, was manifested — the Act applied only 
to the free States: 

•■' Section 1. The Congress of the Confederate States of Amer- 
ica do enact, that all persons in any manner indebted to individ- 
uals or corporations in the United States of America, (except the 
States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, and the 
District of Columbia) be and are hereby prohibited from paying 
the same to their respective creditors, or their agents or as- 
signees, pending the existing war waged by that Government 
against the Confederate States, or any of the slaveholding States 
before named. 

" Sec. 2. Any person indebted as aforesaid, shall be and is 
hereby authorized to pay the amount of his indebtedness into 
the Treasury of the Confederate States in specie or Treasury 
notes, and shall receive from the Treasurer a certificate, counter- 
signed by the Register, showing the amount paid and on what 
account, and the rate of interest which the same was bearing. 

" Sec. 3. Such certificate shall bear like interest with the 
original contract, and shall be redeemable at the close of the 
war and the restoration of peace, in specie or its equivalent, on 
presentation of the original certificate. 

" Sec. 4. All laws and parts of laws militating against this Act 
shall be and the same are hereby repealed. 

" Howell Cobb, President of the Congress. 

" Approved May 21st, 1861. 

' ' Jefferson Davis . " 

Laws were also passed confiscating real and personal 
property, and all interests of whatever description 
within the Confederate States, belonging to citizens of 



XXXIIL] KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS OF '98. 573 

the Free States resident in the Confederacy or else- 
where, as in all other Acts, they exempted the prop- 
erty of persons from or in the Slave States, not joined 
to the Confederacy. 

The business of the Congress was generally done 
with closed doors, the Sergeant-at-arms clearing the 
legislative halls of all but members and officers. This, 
while it lasted, was no doubt "pure Democracy," ac- 
cording to the doctrines of the unreconstructed. 

The resolutions, generally known as the Kentucky 
Resolutions of '98, were similar and of almost the 
same tenor as the Virginia resolutions of the same 
year, and fully define the views of the Democracy of 
the country from the very formation of the Govern- 
ment to the present time in regard to the sovereignty 
of the States and the oppression of the Federal Union. 

The following extract from these resolutions, written 
by Thomas Jefierson and indorsed by all living and 
dead Democrats, contain the pith of the whole resolu- 
tions : 

" Besolved, That the several States composing the United 
States of America, are not united on the princij)le of unlimited 
submission to their General Government; but that, by a com- 
pact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United 
States, and of the amendments thereto, they constitute a Gen- 
eral Government for special purposes — delegated to that Govern- 
ment certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, the 
residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that 
whensoever the General Government assumes undelegated pow- 
ers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force; that to 
this compact each State acceded as a State, and as an integral 
party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party; that 
the Government created by this compact was not made the ex- 
clusive or final judge of the extent of the power delegated to 
itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the 
Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other 



574 EEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

cases of compact among powers Laving no common judge, each 
party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well as of infrac- 
tions as of the mode and measure of redress." 

On the evening of the Gth of January, 1861, the 
Democratic Senators at Washington held a " caucus," 
and as guardians of the Republic passed some resolu- 
tions, the purport of which may be readily ascertained 
by the foHowing letter written by D. L. Yulee, a Demo- 
cratic Senator from Florida at that time. A perusal 
of it may aid those of the neuter gender^ who desire that 
the "little unpleasantness" should all be forgotten in 
arriving at an appreciation of the danger surrounding 
the South from "Abolition aggressions." 

Following is a copy of Mr. Yulee's letter: 

" Washington, January 7th, 1861. 

" My Dear Sir — On the other side is a copy of resolutions 
adopted at a consultation of the Senators from the seceding 
States, in which Greorgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, 
Mississippi, an Florida were present. 

•'' The idea of the meeting was that the States should go out 
at once, and provide for the early organization of a Confederate 
Government, not later than the 15th of February. This time is 
allowed to enable Louisiana and Texas to participate. It seemed 
to be the opinion that if we left here, force, loan, and volunteer 
bills might be passed, which would put Mr. Lincoln in immedi- 
ate condition for hostilities, whereas by remaining in our places 
until the 4th of March, it is thought we can keep the hands of 
Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable the Republicans from effecting 
anj' legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming 
Administration . 

" The resolutions will be sent by the delegation to the Presi- 
dent of the Convention. I have not been able to find Mr. Mal- 
lory this morning. Hawkins [the member from Florida] is iu 
Connecticut. I have therefore thought it best to send you this 
cnpy of the resolutions. In haste, 

" Yours, trulv, 

"D. L. TuLKb. 

"Joseph Finegan, Esq., Sovereignty Confei-ence, Tallahas- 
see, Florida." 



XXXIII.] DEMOCRATIC LIBERTY. 575 

It may not be uninteresting to the reader to peruse 
the following draft of a law presented to the National 
Congress, at the 1st Session of the 36th Congress, 18G0, 
by Senator Albert G. Brown, of Mississippi. To those 
of his party who proclaim their love for tlie liberties 
guaranteed by the Constitution — freedom of speech, 
of the press, and of trial by jur}^ — it is especially 
commended. It is the most " Democratic-like" docu- 
ment on record, and fully embodies and reflects the 
^'time-honored principles of the Democracy." 

"Aji Act fo punish offenses against Slave Propertij in the TerrUorij 
of Kansas. 

" Section 11. If any person print, write, introduce into, 
publish, or circulate, or cause to be brought into, iirinted, writ- 
ten, published, or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist, 
intriguing into, printing, publishing, or circulating within the 
Territory of Kansas, any book, paper, pamphlet, magazine, or 
handbill, or circular, containing any statements, arguments, 
opinions, sentiment, doctrine, device, or innuendo, calculated to 
jDroduce a disorderly, dangerous, or rebellious disaffection 
among the slaves in the Territory of Kansas, or to induce such 
slaves to escape from the service of their masters, or to resist 
their authority, he shall be guilty of felony, and be punished by 
imprisonmen'"; and hard labor for a term not less than five years. 

" Section 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing, 
assert or maintain that persons have not the right to hold slaves 
in the Territory of Kansas, or shall introduce into the said Ter- 
ritory, print, publish, write, circulate, or cause to be introduced 
into said Territory, written, printed, published, or circulated in 
said Territory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet, or circu- 
lar, containing any denial of the right of persons to hold slaves 
in said Territory, such person shall be deemed guilty of felony, 
and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term not less 
than two years, nor more than five j'ears. 

" Section 13. No person who is conscientiously opposed to 
holding slaves, or who does not admit the right to hold slaves 
in the Territory of Kansas, shall sit as a juror on the trial of any 
prosecution for any violation of any of the Sections of this Act.' 



576 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Reuben Davis, of Mississippi, on December 8th, 
1859, in the National Congress, speaking upon the 
subject of Slavery, said: 

" We will not be dm'en one inch beyond where we now stand. 
"We will be butchered first; and only invite those who have raised 
the storm to lead its maddened columns, that we may encounter 
them in the death -grasp, and catch the first wail of their damned 
spirits as they enter the regions of woe." 

J. L. M. Curry, of Alabama, in the National House 
of Representatives, on December 10th, 1850, said: 

"Every separate community must be able to protect itself. 
Power must be met by power. If the majority can control this 
Government, interpreting the Constitution as it will, then this 
Government is a despotism. Whether wise or unwise, whether 
merciful or cruel, * * this power of self-protection, 
according to my judgment, and my theory of politics, resides in 
each State. Each has the right of Secession, * * and 
it is a sad misfortune that these effective remedies have not been 
oftener applied." 

0. R. Singleton, of Mississippi, on December 19th, 
1859, in the National Congress, said: 

" We can never quietly stand by and j^ermit the control of the 
army and navy to go into the hands of a Black Republican Presi- 
dent. * * You may make him President of the North- 
ern States, but you cannot make him President of this Republic. 
I do claim the right of peaceable secession. 

" We were originalfy thirteen sovereign States, recognized as 
such by Great Britain, and these sovereignties made the Consti- 
tution which binds us together. When we leave you we expect 
to occupy precisely the same position that we did before we 
came into the Confederation of States." 

T. C. Henderson, of Arkansas, in the House of Rep- 
resentatives, on January 20th, 1800, said: 

" When the invasion is made, (speaking of coercion,) the price 
of hemp will go up, for our whole crop will be needed to hang 
the Abolition soldiery, but the price of arms will go down, for 



XXXIII.] SLAVERY 13 DIVINE. 577 

■we will take from our invaders arms enougli to equip our whole 
population. * * We will welcome them with bloody 
hands to hospitable graves." 

L. M. Keitt, of South Carolina, in the National 
Congress, on January 25th, 1860, said: 

" "Why is it, then, that the triumph of the Republican party 
will be the overthrow of the Federal Government ? Because the 
consummation of its principles will be the practical subversion 
of the guarantees of the Constitution, and the condemnation of 
the whole industrial system of the South to chaotic rupture. 
African Slavery is the corner-stone of the industrial, social, and 
political fabric of the South, and whatever wars against it, wars 
against her very existence. Strike down the institution of Afri- 
can Slavery and you reduce the South to depopulation and bar- 
barism. * * The right of slaves was the first right of 
property which was recognized, and it has been recognized more 
widely than any other kind of property. * * AVe of 
the South contend that Slavery is right, and that this is a Con- 
federate Republic of Sovereign States. We affirm it to be moral, 
just and beneficent. It is moral, for it has existed in every por- 
tion of the world, and among all people — the most civilized as 
well as the most savage. * * It is just. It was estab- 
lished in the old, and recognized in the new dispensation. 
* * If the standard of the moi'al law be applied, it is just. 
If the standard of the human law be applied, it is just also, for 
it is found in the laws of every people on earth. So far, how- 
ever, as human justice is involved, separated from intrinsic mor- 
ality, it is just. So far as the people are concerned, it is just. 
It is just, too, in the sense of high public duty. It is benefi- 
cent. In all societies there must be some relation between the 
superior and the inferior. * * It is also incontroverti- 
ble that all the inhabitants of a State cannot be educated. The 
ordinance of God condemns mankind to labor and certain menial 
occupations incompatible with mental cultivation." 

John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, in the Senate 
of the United States, in 1838, said: 

•' Many in the South once believed that Slaveiy was a moral 
and x)olitical evil; that folly and delusion are gone. We see it 



578 r.EPL'BLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

now in its true liglit, and regard it as the most safe and stable 
basis for free institutions in the world. It is impossible with us 
that the conflict can take place between capital and labor, which 
makes it so difficult to establish and maintain free institutions in 
all wealthy and highly civilized nations where such institutions 
as ours do not exist." 

The following is an extract from the Richmond En- 
quirer^ of 1855: 

"At the North, and in Western Europe, by attempting to dis- 
pense with a natural and necessary, and hitherto universal limb, 
element, or institution of society, you have thrown everything 
into chaotic confusion. In dispensing with domestic Slavery, 
you have destroyed order, and removed the strongest argument 
to prove the existence of Deity. * * * This is but part 
of our programme, we mean to show up free society — to show 
that the little experiment made in a corner of Western Europe 
has signally failed, then we will invade the North, where a simi- 
lar experiment is making — not made. We will point to a thou- 
sand premonitory symptoms of ultimate failure, and always 
adduce the Abolitionists as our witnesses. In fine, we intend, 
from time to time, to institute a searching comparison between 
Slave society and Free society, and to prove that the former is 
the old, almost universal moral, and natural, condition of civil- 
ized society." 

In a book written a few years ago by a Mr. Fitzhugh, 
entitled '' Free Society a failure," which work was 
highly recommended to the people of the Slave States 
and by leading Democratic journals, we find the fol- 
lowing; 

" We do not adopt the theory that Ham was the ancestor of 
the negro race. The Jewish slaves were not negroes, and to 
confine the justification of Slavery to that race, would be to 
weaken its scriptural authority, and to lose the whole weight of 
profane authority, for we read of no negro Slavery in ancient 
times. * * * * Slavery, black or white, is right and 
necessary. * * * * The slaves are governed far better 
than the free laborers at the North are governed. Our negroes 
are not only better off, as to physical comfort, than free laborers, 
but their moral condition is better." 



XXXIIL] SLAVERY IS DIVINE. 



579 



This morsel of Democratic philosophy might serve 
a good purpose, if placed at the head of a Democratic 
editorial, soliciting the votes of Irish and Germans — 
and abusing Black Republicans for their emancipation 
proclamation and "usurpations." 

Speech of Hon. Peter E. Love, of Georgia, delivered 
in Congress, March loth, 1860. He said: 

"I deny that a single sentence can be found in the Bible, 
from Genesis to Revelations, which condemns Slavery. On the 
contrary, the two kinds of servitude which exist in our day, 
hired and slave labor, existed at the times of, and were regulated 
by, both the laws of the Old and New Testament. * * I 
will call the attention of the Committee to only two passages, 
one from each book, to establish what I say: 'Every man ser- 
vant that is bought for money, when thou hast circumcised him, 
then shall he eat thereof. A foreigner and a hired servant shall 
not eat thereof.' 

•' Here, sir, is not only the direct recognition of the existence 
of hired servants and slaves, but it regulates their condition. 
And more than that, sir; it domesticates the slave, and upon the 
condition specified, elevates him above the hired servant. Would 
God tolerate an evil— a moral evil? "Would he regulate the 
. commission of sin ? The idea is ridiculous. 

" But again, sir, in the New Testament, we have the follow- 
ing: ' Servants be obedient to them who are your masters, ac- 
cording to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of 
your heart as unto Christ; not with eye service as men pleasers; 
but as the servants of Christ, doing the will of God from the 
heart, with good will, doing service, as if to the Lord, and not 
to men; knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, 
the same shall be received of the Lord, whether he be l^ond or 
free. And ye, masters, do the same things to them, forbearing 
threatening, knowing that your Master is also in heaven; neither 
is there respect of persons with Him.' 

" Here, again, the relation of master and servant (slave) is dis- 
tinctly and clearly recognized. But some men of the present 
day set themselves up as better men than the Apostle Paul. 
The apostle counseled and advised slaves to obey their masters." 

In contrast with the mad doctrines of the party of 



580 REPUBLIC ANIS-U IN AMERICA, [Cliap. 

barbarism, vice and oppression, the following extracts 
from the writings and speeches of the founders and 
protectors of American nationality and freedom may 
prove interesting. 

A copy of the memorial of the people of Pennsyl- 
vania, presented to the first American Congress on the 
12tli day of February, 1790, and signed by Benjamin 
Franklin, is here given: 

"Tlie memorial respectfully shoiveth, That from a regard for the 
happiness of mankind, an association was formed several years 
since in tliis State, by a number of her citizens, of various rehg- 
ious denominations, for tlie promotion of the aboHtion of Slavery, 
and for tlie relief of those unlawfully held in bondage, a just 
and acute conception of the true principles of liberty as it spread 
througli the land, produced accessions to their numbers, many 
friends to their cause, and a legislative co-operation with their 
views, which by the blessing of Divine Providence, have been 
successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large num- 
ber of their fellow creatures of the African race. They have 
also the satisfaction to obsei've that in consequence of that spirit 
of philanthropy, and genuine liberty' which is generally diffusing 
its beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home 
and abroad. 

" That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, 
alike subject to his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment 
of happiness, the Christian religion teaches us to believe, and 
the political creed of Americans fully coincides with the propo- 
sition. 

"Your memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the 
distresses arising from Slavery, believe it their indispensable 
duty to present this subject to your notice. They have observed 
with real satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers 
are vested in you for ' promoting the welfare and securing the 
blessings of liberty to the people of the United States,' and as 
they conceive that these blessings ought rightfully to be admin- 
istered, without distinction of color, to all descriptions of people, 
so they indulge themselves in the pleasing expectations that 
nothing which can be done for the relief of the uiihapiD.y object? 
of their care will be either omitted or deJirc,^. 



XXXIII.] FRANKLIN OPPOSES SLAVERY. 581 

' ' From a persuasion tliat equal liberty was originally the por- 
tion, and is still the birthright of all men, and influenced by the 
strong ties of humanity, and the principles of their institutions, 
your memorialists conceive themselves bound to use all justifia- 
ble endeavors to loosen the bands of Slavery, and promote the 
general enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. 

" Under these impressions, they earnestly entreat your serious 
attention to the subject of Slavery; that you will be pleased to 
countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men, 
who, alone in this land of freedom, are degraded into perpetual 
bondage, and who amidst the general joy of surrounding free- 
men are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise 
means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the 
Amei'ican people; that you will promote justice and mercy 
towai'ds this distressed race, and that you will step to the very 
verge of the power vested in you for discouraging every species 
of traffic in the persons of our fellow men. 

" Benjamin Franklin, President. 

"Philadelphia, February 3d, 1790." 

Extract from a letter written by Gen. Washington 
to Laftiyette: 

' ' I agree with you cordially in your views in regard to negro 
Slavery; I have long considered it a most serious evil, both 
socially and politically, and I should rejoice in any feasible 
scheme to rid our States of such a burden. The Congress of 
1787 adopted an ordinance which prohibits the existence of in- 
voluntary servitude in our Northwestern Territory forever. I 
consider it a ivise vieasure. It met toitli the approval and assent of 
nearly every member from the States more immediately interested in- 
slave labor. The prevailing opinion in Virginia is against the spread 
of Slavery in our new Territories, and I trust ice shall have aoon- 
federation of Free States." 

Washington wrote to Robert Morris, in 1786, as 
follows : 

' ' I can only say, that there is not a man living who wishes 
more sincerely than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition 
of it (Slavery); but there is only one proper and effectual mode 
in which it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative au- 



582 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

tliority; and this, so far as my suffrage will go, shall never be 
wanting." 

Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia, says: 

" The abolition of domestic Slavery is the greatest object of 
desire in these Colonies, where it was unhappily introduced in 
their infant state. But jDrevious to the enfranchisement of the 
slaves, it is necessary to exclude further importations from 
Africa." 

With almost prophetic spirit, Mr. Jefferson, speak- 
ing of Slavery, said: 

" Nothiny is more certainly written in the book of fate than that 
these people are to be free, nor is it less certain that the two races, 
equally free, cannot live in the same Government. Nature, 
habit, and opinion have drawn indelible lines of distinction be- 
tween them. It is still in our power to direct the process of 
emancipation and deportation peaceably, and in such slow de- 
gree as that the evil will wear off insensibly, and their places be 
part passu filled up with free white laborers. If, on the contrary, 
it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the 
prospects held up." 

Mr. Madison, in 1780, said: 

" Congress might, for example, respecting the introduction of 
slaves into the new States to be formed out of the Western Ter- 
ritory, make regulations, such as were beyond their j)Ower in re- 
lation to the old settled States." 

The following members of the Legislature of Vir- 
ginia, as late as 1832, said. Mr. Moor, of Rockbridge: 

"In the first place, I shall confine my remarks to such of 
those evils as affect the white population exclusively. And even 
in that point of view I think that Slavery, as it exists amon,q- us, 
may be regarded as the licavicst calamity which has ever befallen 
any portion of the human race." 

Mr. Rives, of Campbell, said: 

" On the multiplied and desolating evils of Slavery, ho -vvas not 



XXXIII.] OrPOSITION TO SLAVERY. 583 

disposed to say niuch. The curse and deteriorating consequences 
were within tJie observation and experience of the members of 
the House and the jjeople of Virginia, and it did seem to hins 
that there could not be two opinions about it." 

Mr. Powell said: 

" I can scarcely persuade myself that there is a solitary gen- 
tleman in this House who will not readily admit that Slavery is 
an evil, and that its removal, if practicable, is a consummation 
most devoutly to be wished. I have not heard, nor do I ex- 
pect to hear, a voice raised in this hall to the contrary." 

Mr. Henry Berry said: 

" I believe that no cancer on the physical body was ever more 
certain, steady, and fatal in its progress, than is the cancer on 
the political body of the State of Virginia. It is eating into her 

very vitals." 

Thomas Marshall, of Yirginia, said: 

"Wherefore, then, object to Slavery? Because it is ruinous 
to the whites, retards improvement, roots out an industrious 
population, banishes the yeomanry of the country, deprives the 
spinner, the weaver, the smith, the shoemaker, the carpenter of 
employment and support. " 

Mr. Bordnax, of Dinwiddie, said: 

"That Slavery in Virginia is an evil, it would be idle, and 
more than idle, for any human being to doubt or deny. It is a 
mildew which has blighted in its course every region it has 
touched, from the creation of the world." 

Hon. Charles J. Faulkner, of Yirginia, in an elo- 
quent speech denouncing Slavery, said: 

" Does not the same evil exist? Is it not increasing? Does 
not every day give it j)ermanency and force ? Is it not rising 
like a heavy and portentous cloud above the horizon, extending 
its deep and sable volumes athwart the sky, and gathering in its 
impenetrable folds the active materials of elemental war ? " 

James McDowell — since Governor of the State of 
Virginia — said : 



584 REPUBLIC a:nIS?-i IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

" Sir, you may place the slave wliere you please; you may dry 
up to your utmost the fountains of his feelings, the springs of 
his thought; you may close upon his mind every avenue of 
knowledge, and cloud it over with artificial night; you may yoke 
him to your labor like an ox which liveth only to work, and work- 
eth only to live; you may put him under any process which, 
without destroying his value as a slave, will debase and crush 
him as a rational being; you may do this, and the idea that he 
was born to be free will survive it all. It is allied to his hope of 
immortality; it is in the etherial part of his nature, which op- 
pression cannot reach; it is a torch lit up in his soul by the hand 
of Deity, and never meant to be extinguished by the hand of 
man. * * If gentlemen do not see and feel the evil of 
Slavery while this Federal Union lasts, they will see and feel it 
when it is gone. They will see and suffer it then in a magni- 
tude of desolating power, to which the pestilence that walketh 
at noonday would be a blessing — to which the nialaria which is 
nov/ threatening extermination to the ' Eternal City,' as the 
proud one of the Pontiff's and Caesar's is called, would be as re- 
freshing and as balmy as the first breath of Spring to the cham- 
ber of disease." 



CHAPTER XXXIY. 

GENEKAI, OF THE AMERICAN ARMIES. 

The grade of the commanding G-eneral of the armies 
of the American Republic has been varied at different 
periods. George Washington, who was the first Gen- 
eral of the American forces, received his appointment 
as such June 15th, 1775, from the second Continental 
Congress, then in session at Philadelphia. He was by 
that body unanimousl}^ proclaimed ''Commander-in- 
Chief of all the Armies raised and to be raised for the 
defense of the Colonies." His title was General — the 
highest grade in an army ; and up to the period of the 
revival of this grade by the XXXIXth Congress, July 
25th, 1866, no such oiScer as that of General had ex- 
isted within the Union. 

On the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the 
President of the United States became ex-officio Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the United 
States; and unless by this it could be said that the 
President was the General of all the armies, we have 
had but two Americans with tlie full title of General 
— George Washington and Ulysses S. Grant — and but 
one General (Grant) since the formation of the Fed- 
eral Union under the Constitution ; for it will be re- 
membered that Washington's appointment and services 
as General were made under the Articles of Confedera- 
tion, diu'ing the colonial period of the country. Gen- 
eral, Lieutenant-General, Major-General,and Brigadier- 
General are the ranks and order of ranks of the com- 



'586 ^ REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cliap. 

manclers of armies. The General commands all the 
armies. The officer second in rank is the Lieutenant- 
General, next the Major-General, who commands a 
division of an army, and last, the Brigadier-General, 
who commands a brigade. 

The highest grade under Washington during the 
Revolutionary War, was that of Major- General, under 
which grade the armies were commanded until the 
grade of Lieutenant-Gen eral was created by special 
Act of Congress, in 1855, which title was soon after 
conferred upon Major-General Winfield Scott, as a 
mark of esteem for his gallantry in the wars of 1812 
and of Mexico. The act was expressly so formed that 
it should not survive him. 

Soon after the commencement of the Slaveholders' 
Rebellion, in 1861, age and infirmities compelled Gen- 
eral Scott to retire from active service. His resigna- 
tion and request to be placed upon the retired list 
was dated October 31st, 1861. Brevet-Lieutenant- 
General Winfield Scott, L.L.D., died at West Point, 
New York, on the 29th of May, 1866, aged eighty 
years. 

On the recommendation of General Scott and others 
of high military standing, George B. McClellan was, 
on November 1st, 1861, appointed by President Lin- 
coln Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United 
States, with the rank of Major-General, the highest 
iiink held by any General from the commencement of 
tJie war in 1861, until the appointment of Ulysses S. 
Grant as a Lieutenant-General, in 1864. He (McClel- 
lan) was removed from this command by order of 
President Lincoln, who appointed Henry W. Halleck 
as Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United 
States. Halleck took command July 23d, 1862, 



XXXIV.] GRANT APPOINTED LIEUT. -GENERAL. 587 

Ranking, cas he had before this appointment, Major- 
General, he was, on March 12th, 1864, at his own re- 
quest, relieved of the position of Commander-in-Chief 
of the Army. 

Congress, on the 29th of February, 1864, revived 
the grade of Lieutenant-General. President Lincoln, 
on approving the act, immediately sent the nomination 
of Major-General Ulysses S. Grant to the Senate for 
confirmation. The Senate confirmed his nomination 
March 3d, 1864. On March 9th, President Lincoln, 
in presenting General Grant his commission as Lieut.- 
General, said: 

"Gen. Grant: The Nation's appreciation of what you have 
done, and its reliance upon you for what remains to do, in the 
existing great struggle, are now presented with this commission, 
constituting you Lieutenant-General in the Army of the United 
States. Witiii this high honor devolves upon you, also, a cor- 
responding responsibility. As the country herein trusts you, so, 
under God, it will sustain you. I scarcely need to add that with 
what I here speak for the Nation, goes my own hearty personal 
concurrence."' 

To which Gen. Grant replied : 

" 3Ir. President : I accept this commission with gratitude for 
the high honor conferred. 

' ' With the aid of the noble armies that have fought on so 
many fields for our common country, it will be my earnest en- 
deavor not to disappoint your expectations. 

" I feel the full weight of the responsibilities now devolving 
on me, and I know that if they are met, it will be due to those 
armies, and, above all, to the favor of that Providence which 
leads both nations and men." 

General Grant, who had left his command in Tennes- 
see to receive this commission, returned to Naslivillc 
March 11th. On March 12th, the succeeding day, the 
following- order was issued at Washington : 



588 REPUBLICANISM IX AMERICA. [Chap. 

Adjutant-Genekal's Offic 
Washington, March 12th. 



" War Depaetment, Adjutant-General's Office, | 



" General Orders, No. 98. 

" The President of the United States orders as follows: 

"1. Maj.-Gen. Halleck is, at his own request, relieved from 
duty as General-in-Chief of the Army, and Lieut.-Gen. U. S. 
Grant assigned to the command of the Armies of the United 
States. The head-quarters of the army will be in Washington, 
and also with Lieut.-Gen. Grant in the field. 

" 2. Maj.-Gen. Halleck is assigned to duty in Washington, as 
Chief-of-Staff of the Army, under the direction of the Secretary 
of War and the Lieutenant-General commanding. His orders 
will be obeyed and respected accordingly. 

" 3. Maj.-Gen. W. T. Sherman is assigned to the command 
of the military division of the Mississippi, composed of the De- 
partments of the Ohio, the Cumberland, the Tennessee, and the 
Arkansas. 

"4. Maj.-Gen. J. B. McPherson is assigned to the command 
of the Department and Army of the Tennessee. 

"5. In relieving Maj.-Gen. Halleck from duty as General-in- 
Chief, the President desires to express his approbation and 
thanks for the zealous manner in which the arduous and respon- 
sible duties of that position have been performed. 
' * By order of the Secretary of War. 

"E. D. Townsend, Ass't Adj't Gen." 

On the 17th Gen. Grant issued the following order: 

"Head-quarters Armies of United States, 
" Nashville, March 17th, 1864. 
" General Orders, No. 1. 

" In pursuance of the following order of the President — 

" Executive Mansion, \ 

" Washington, D. C, March lOfch, 1864. 1 
"Under the authority of the Act of Congress to revive the 
grade of Lieutenant-General of the United States Arm}^ ap- 
proved February 29th, 1864, Lieut.-Gen. U. S. Grant, U. S. A., 
is appointed to the command of the Armies of the United States. 

"A. Lincoln." 

" I assume command of the Armies of the United States. My 

head-quarters will be in the field, and until further orders, will 

be with the Army of the Potomac. There will be an officers' 

headquarters in Washington, to which all official communica- 



XXXIV.] GRANT APPOINTED GENERAL. 589 

tions will be sent, except those from the army where head-quar- 
ters are at the date of this address. 

"U. S. Geant, Lieut.-Gen. V. S. A." 

Thus Ulysses S. Grant became the successor of G-en- 
eral Scott in the title of Lieutenant-General, and also 
Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United States. 

The XXXIXth Congress, by Act of the 25th of July, 
1866, revived the grade of General of the Army of the 
Tnited States, thus establishing for the first time in 
America since the days of Washington, the grade of 
General of the Army. By this law the General is to 
be appointed by the President, with the advice and 
consent of the Senate, and is to be selected from among 
the officers in the military service of the United States 
most distinguished for courage, skill and ability. The 
salary of the General is $400 per month. The Act 
provides that — 

" AVhenever any General shall have been appointed and com- 
missioned under the provisions of this Act, if thereafter the office 
shall become vacant, this act shall thereupon expire and remain no 
longer in force." 

So soon as the office becomes vacant by the resigna- 
tion of General Grant, or from any other cause, then 
the grade of General ceases, and must, if created again, 
be by Act of Congress. 

Immediately on the passage of the Act of July 25th, 
1866, alluded to. President Johnson nominated for the 
office of General, Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant. 
He also nominated Major-General William T. Sher- 
man to fill the office of Lieutenant-General, made va- 
cant by Grant's nomination to the office of General. 
Both nominations were confirmed by the Senate toward 
the close of the 1st Session of the XXXIXth Congress 
in 1866. 
38 



590 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

The XXXIXth Congress, on March 2d, 1867, passed 
an Act by which the General of the Army can be re- 
moved only at his own request, or by the President, 
with the consent of the Senate ; also providing that all 
orders and instructions, relating to military operations, 
should pass through the hands of the General. The 
bill reads as follows': 

" The head-quarters of the General of the Army shall be at 
Washington, and all orders and instructions relating to military 
operations issued by the President or Secretary of War, shall be 
issued through the General of the Army, and in case of his ina- 
bility, through the next in rank. The General of the Army shall 
not be removed, suspended, or relieved from command, or as- 
signed to duty elsevphere than at said head-quarters, except at his 
own request, without the previous approval of the Senate; and 
any oi'ders or instructions relating to military operations issued 
contrary to the requirements of this section, shall be null and 
void; and any officer who shall issue orders or instructions con- 
trary to the provisions of this section, shall be deemed guilty of 
a misdemeanor in office; and any officer of the army who shall 
transmit, convey, or obey any orders or instructions so issued 
contrary to the provisions of this section, knowing that such or- 
ders were so issued, shall be liable to imprisonment for not less 
than two nor more than twenty years, upon conviction thereof, 
in any Court of competent jurisdiction." 

President Johnson protested against this Act, which 
he said in his message^ "in certain cases virtually de- 
prives the President of his constitutional functions as 
Commander-in-Chief of the Army," yet he signed the 
bill. 



CHAPTER XXXY. 

EXISTING REPUBLICS OF THE WOELD IN 1869. 

Andora. — This is the oldest Republic now in exist- 
ence. It is situated among the Pyrennees, between 
France and Spain. It was founded in the year 790, 
A.D., and lies in a beautiful valley inclosed on all sides 
by the mountains Maladetta and the Moncal. It has 
an area of 190 square miles, and a population of about 
8,000. The laws are made by twenty-four Consuls 
elected by the whole people. Recent writers fail to 
mention this miniature Republic, but it still has an 
existence. 

Bremen. — This is a free city of Germany. Thirty- 
five members compose the Senate; there is also an 
assembly called Burgercouvent; these jointly discharge 
the legislative functions. The Senate is presided over 
by a Burgomaster; two are elected — one for four years, 
and one for six years. It comprises an area of 112 
square miles, and contained a population of 104,091 
in December, 18G7. 

Franlrfort. — A free city of Germany, with an area 
of 43 square miles ; the population in 18G4 was 
91,180. Its Government is Republican, vested in a 
Senate and Legislati^^e Assembly. The Senate con- 
sists of four syndics, and twenty-one members elected 
for life. Fifty-seven members compose the Assembly, 
elected by the burghers, also twenty permanent repre- 
sentatives of the burghers, chosen by the Common 



592 REPUBLICANISil IN AJIERICA. [Cliap. 

Council of the city, and eleven members chosen by 
the rural communities. In 1866, Frankfort was an- 
nexed to Prussia, but it still retains its freedom. 

Ilamhurg. — This is a free city of Germany; its area 
135 square miles; population in 1866, 298,324. A 
new Constitution was adopted in 1861, by which the 
legislative powers were vested in the Senate and the 
Burgerschaft. Eighteen members compose the Senate, 
of whom nine must be lawyers; and of the other nine, 
seven at least must be merchants. Senators are elected 
for life, and cannot tender a resignation until they 
have served at least six years. The Senate elects an- 
nuall}^, from its own members, a first and second 
Burgomaster. The Burgerscliaft consists of 192 mem- 
bers, 84 of whom are chosen by district elections; the 
others are chosen by different corporations. 

Liibcc — Is a free city of Germany. It adopted a 
new Constitution, December 29th, 1851. The execu- 
tive power is vested in the Senate, which consists of 
fourteen members, and the legislative authority in the 
Burgerscliaft, which consists of 120 members, chosen 
by the citizens. Lubec is the seat of the Supreme 
Court of Appeals for the four free cities of Germany. 

Switzerland — Is a Federal Republic of Europe. Its 
present Constitution was adopted September 12th, 
1848. The Republic is divided into 22 Cantons. The 
legislative power is vested in a Federal Assembly, which 
consists of two chambers ; a Standerath or Council com- 
posed of two members from each of the Cantons, and 
a jSfationalrath, consisting of 128 members, elected by 
the people. Elections are held once in three years, 
and every male inhabitant 21 years of age is entitled 
to vote. The area of the Republic is 15,933 square 
miles; and its total population in 1860 was 2,510,494. 



i 



XXXV.] REPUBLICS OF THE WOPtLI). 593 

San Marino. — This little Republic is situated in the 
Papal territory, and occupies an area of about twenty- 
one square miles, high up in the mountain range near 
the shore of the Adriatic. Its population in 1858 was 
8,000. The origin of this Republic dates back to the 
fifth century, since which time it has maintained its 
Republican character. Once (in 1739) the Pope seized 
it, but the Emperor of Germany caused him to restore 
it to freedom. The great conqueror JSTapoleon, when 
he overrun Italy, spared this miniature Republic. The 
Grovernment is conducted by a Council of 300 ancients, 
and a Senate of twenty patricians, twenty burgesses, 
and twenty peasants. The chief executive officer is 
styled Gonfalonier^ and is elected every three months. 

Liberia. — This Republic was founded by the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society^ which was formed at Wash- 
ington City, D. C, on the night of the 20th of 
December, 1816. On the 15th of December, 1821, 
Commodore Robert F. Stockton, U. S. N., and Dr. 
Eli Ayres, acting as agents of this Society, purchased 
Cape Mesurado, upon which is now located Monro- 
via, the capital of Liberia. Subsequently six hundred 
miles of the west coast of Africa, with an average 
depth interiorwards of twenty miles, was added; its 
area is 23,859 square miles, and the population in 
1867 was 17,000 civilized, and 700,000 uncivilized 
aegroes. The legislative powers are vested in a Sen- 
ate and House of Representatives. Senators are 
elected for four years ; members of the House for two 
years. A President and Vice-President of the Re- 
public are elected for two years. The President must 
be thirty-five years of age, and have property of the 
value of $600; the Vice-President must have the same 
•pialifications. The whole government of the Repub- 



594 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

lie is conducted by colored men. Mr. Daniel B. War- 
ner, the present President, is an unmixed African; he 
is a man of culture, and discharges the duties of his 
office with much ability. The independence of Libe- 
ria has been formally recognized by thirteen of the 
leading Governments of Europe, and by the United 
States of America. 

Argentine Republic. — This is a Federal Republic of 
South America; its area is 820,000 square miles, and 
its population in 18G7 was 1,374,000. It is divided 
into fourteen provinces. Its Constitution was adopted 
in May, 1853. The Legislative department consists 
of two branches — the Senate and House of Represent- 
atives; the Senate having 28 and the House of Repre- 
sentatives 54 members. A President and Vice-Presi- 
dent are elected for six years. The capital of the 
Republic is Buenos Ayres. Although the Rcpuolic is 
composed chiefly of Spanish and their descendants, 
yet the population presents a most cosmopolitan as- 
pect. In 1867, there w^ere in the Republic 70,000 
Italians, 32,000 Spaniards, 32,000 English, 25,000 
Frenchmen, 5,000 G-ermans and citizens of the United 
States. Immigration to the Republic is increasing 
rapidly; in 18G6, the number readied 13,000. 

Bolivia. — A Republic of South America; was segre- 
gated from Upper Peru, and established into a Free 
State by Bolivar, in 182G, at which time ho caused 
himself to be proclaimed President for life; but the 
people desiring broader liberties, in 1827 entered into 
revolution, were successful, overthrew the ]>olivar 
Constitution, and established a Federal Government 
with a President elected for four years, a National 
Congress, and separate provincial Governments. The 
area of the Republic is estimated at 374,000 English 



XXXY.] REPUBLICS OF THE WORLD. 505 

square miles. The population in 1858 was 1,987,352. 
In this Republic, the Ancles rise to their greatest ele- 
vation. Here the pinnacle of Sorato rises to 25,380 
feet, or nearly five miles in height. 

Chili. — Chili is a Republic of South America, with 
an area of 132,009 square miles, forming a narrow 
strip of 1,000 miles along the Pacific coast. Its pop- 
ulation in 18GG was 2,084,945. A President is elected 
for four years. The Legislative powers are vested in a 
Senate and Chamber of Representatives — the former 
composed of twenty members elected for nine years, 
and the latter of one member for every 20,000 inhab- 
itants, who are elected for a term of three years. 

Ecuador. — This is a Republic of South America, with 
an area of 284, GGO English square miles. The popu- 
lation in 1858 was 1,040,371; of whom 000,000 were 
the descendants of whites. A President is elected for 
four years. Quito is the Capital. 

Paraguay. — One of the South American Republics. 
Its area is estimated at 73,000 English square miles. 
The population, according to the census of 1857, was 
1,337,431. Assumption, the Capital, had a popula- 
tion of 48,000 at that date. The Government of Par- 
aguay can scarcely by termed a Republic. The Presi- 
dent is nominally elected for a period of ten years. 
The present ruler. President Lopez, has almost abso- 
lute control over the people. He succeeded his father, 
Charles A. Lopez, in 1802. By the Constitution, the 
President may appoint his successor by will, in case 
of his death before the expiration of his term. 

Peru. — Also a Republic of South America. Has an 
area of 508,980 square miles. The population, in 1800, 
was 2,500,000. A President is elected by the people 
for the term of six years. The Senate is composed of 



596 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

two members elected from each province, and the 
House of Representatives of one member for eveiy 
20,000 inhabitants. In 1860 the Senate had thirty- 
six members, and the House eighty-six members. 

Uraguay. — One of the Republics of South America, 
with an area of 73,538 square miles. The population, 
in 1864, was 350,000, of whom 150,000 were foreign- 
ers. The President is elected for four years. The 
Legislative branch of the Government consists of a Sen- 
ate and House of Representatives. 

Venezuela. — Venezuela is one of the Republics of 
South America, with an area of 426,712 square miles. 
Her population, in 1858, was 1,565,000. The Repub- 
lic is divided into twenty States. The Executive and 
Legislative duties of the Republic are vested in a Presi- 
dent, Senate, and House of Representatives. 

Colombia ( United States of) liepiihlic. — This is a Fed- 
eral Republic of Central America, composed of nine 
separate States. Each claims to be sovereign. These 
States formerly composed the Government of New 
Granada. It embraces the States of Antioquia, Boli- 
var, Boyaca, Cauca, Cundinamarca, Magdalena, Pana- 
ma, Santander, and Tolima. It extends from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific ocean. Colon, (Aspinwall,) on 
the Atlantic, and Panama, on the Pacific, being con- 
nected by railroad, form the great highway between 
New York and San Francisco. A new Constitution 
was adopted in 1863. The President is elected by a 
majority of the States. The Legislative powers are 
vested in a Senate and Chamber of Representatives. 
The former consists of twenty-seven members — three 
from each State, and the latter is composed of one 
Representative for each 50,000 inhabitants, and every 
fraction not less than 20,000. Colombia has an area 



XXX v.] REPUBLICS OF THE WORLD. 597 

of about 513,000 English square miles. Her popula- 
tion is 2,794,473, not inckidiug uncivilized Indians, 
who number about 126,000. Of the population, 
1,357,000 are Europeans, 600,000 the descendants of 
Europeans and Indians, 90,000 Africans, and all others 
465,000. 

Costa Rica. — Costa Rica is a Republic of Central 
America. Its area is 21,440 square miles, and the 
population, in 1864, was 120,471. A President and 
Vice-President are elected for three years. The Leg- 
islative powers are vested in a Senate, composed of 
twenty-five members, and House of Representatives, 
of twenty-nine members. The Capital is San Jos^. 
It has a population of something over 30,000 inhabit- 
ants. 

Guatemala. — A Republic of Central America, and 
has an area of 44,500 square miles. It is bounded on 
the north by the Republic of Mexico and the Gulf of 
Honduras, on the east by the Caribbean Sea, and south 
and west by the Pacific Ocean. Its populatiou is. 
something over 1,000,000. The population of the 
Capital, Guatemala, is over 60,000. The President is 
elected for four years. The Legislative department of 
the Republic consists of a Council of State, of twelve 
members, and a House of Representatives, consisting 
of fifty-four members, elected for six years. Its inde- 
l^endence from Spain was effected in 1821. 

Honduras — Is a Republic of Central Ameri<3a, with 
un area of 33,000 square miles. Its population is 
about 350,000. The President is elected for four years. 
The Legislative powers are vested in a Senate and 
House of Representatives. The Senate is composed 
of seven members, and the House of eleven members. 
Comayagua, the Capital, has about 18,000 inhabitants. 



698 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 

Nicaragua. — Nicaragua is a Republic of Central 
America, with an area of 39,000 square miles. The 
population is about 400,000. Managua, the Capital, 
contains about 10,000 inhabitants. A President is 
elected for the term of four years. There is a Senate 
and House of Representatives, elected by the people. 

San Salvador — A Republic of Central America, has 
an area of 7,500 square miles. Her population is about 
000,000. The President is elected for four years. San 
Salvador gained her independence from Spain in 1821. 
The Senate is composed of twelve members, and the 
House of Representatives of twenty-four members. 
Sessions are held biennially. San Salvador is the Cap- 
ital. 

Mexico. — The Republic of Mexico has an area of 
829,916 square miles. Its population, in 1861, was 
'7,360,000. The Executive power is vested in a Presi- 
dent, who is elected for four years. The Legislative 
powers are vested in a Congress, elected by the peo- 
ple. It numbers 184. Mexico is bounded on the 
north by the United States, on the east by the Gulf 
■of Mexico, and on the south and west by the Pacific 
Ocean. 

Hayti — Is a negro Republic of the West Indies, 
forming a portion of the Island of San Domingo. Its 
area is 10,081 square miles. Population 572,000, 
chiefly of African descent. They speak the French 
language generally. Port au Prince, the Capital, has 
a population of 21,000 inhabitants. Hayti has passed 
through many bloody revolutions, which commenced 
as early as 1791. Its Republican character was estab- 
lished in 1820, since which time it has passed through 
many phases of government, having as rulers Dictators, 
Emperors and Presidents. The last royal claim laid 



XXXV.] REPUBLICS OF THE WOKLD. 590 

to it was the act of General Santa Anna attempting tO' 
cede it to tlie Spanish Government in 18G1. A new 
Constitution was adopted in 1867. By this the Presi- 
dent is elected by the people for four years. He must 
be the son of a Haytien father, and must have attained 
the age of thirty-six years; must be a land owner in 
the Republic, and is ineligible for the next four years 
after the expiration of his office. Suffrage is extended 
to all male citizens twenty-one years of age, who are 
'' engaged in some industrial calling." The Legislative 
powers are vested in a Senate of thirty members, who 
are elected for six years by the House of Representa- 
tives, from a list of candidates chosen by an Electoral 
College. Representatives are elected for three years; 
must be twenty-five years of age, and land owners in 
Hayti. 

8an Domingo^ or tJie Dominican Republic. — This Re- 
public dates only from the year 1844. It comprises 
the eastern portion of the island of Hayti, in the West 
Indies. It is divided into five provinces. Its area is 
22,000 square miles. The population is estimated at 
200,000, mostly negroes and their descendants. There 
is no distinction of race or color by the Constitution 
or laws. 



APPENDIX. 



PRESIDENTS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS TINDER THE ARTICLES OF 
CONFEDERATION. 

First Congre.HS, September 5tb, 1774. — Peyton Randolph, of 
Virgin!;;,, President. Born in 1723, in Virginia; died in Phila- 
deljiliia, October 22d, 1785. 

Second Congress, May 10th, 1775. — Peyton Randolph, Presi- 
dent. Resigned May 24:th, 1775. 

John Hancock, of Massachusetts, was elected his successor. 
Born at Quincy, Mass., 1737; died October 8th, 1793. He was 
President of Congress to October, 1777, (In his official capacity 
he first signed the Declaration of Independence.) 

Henry Laurens, of South Carolina, President from November 
1st, 1777, to December, 1778. Born at Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, in 1724; died December, 1792. 

John Jay, of New York, President from December 10th, 1778, 
to September 27tb, 1779. Boin in New York, December 12th, 
1745; died at New York, May 17tb, 1829. 

Samuel Huntington, of Connecticut, President from Septem- 
ber 28th, 1779, to July 10th, 1781. Born in Connecticut, 1732; 
died 1796. 

Thomas McKean, of Pennsylvania, President from Jul}', 1781, 
to November 5th, 1781. Born in Pennsylvania, March 19th, 
1734; died June 24th, 1817. 

John Hanson, of Maryland, President from November 5th, 

1781, to November 4lh, 1782. 

Elias Boudinot, of New Jersev, President from November 4th, 

1782, to February 4th, 1783. Born at Philadelphia, May 2d, 
1740; died in 1824. 

Thomas Mifflin, of Pennsylvania, President from February 
4th, 1783, to November 30th, 1784. Born at Philadelphia, in 
1744; died January 21st, 1800. 

Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, President from November 
30th, 1784, to November 23d, 1785. Born in Virginia, in 1732; 
died in 1794. 

John Hancock, of Massachusetts, President from November 
23d, 1785, to June, 1786. 

Nathaniel Gorhum, of Massachusetts, President from June 



602 APPENDIX. 

Gih, 178G, to February 2d, 1787. Born at Charleston, Mass.,. 
1738; died Juiie lltli, 1796. 

Arl.hur St. Clair, of Pennsjdvania, President from February 
2d, 1787, to January 28th, 1788. Born in Edinburgh, Scotland; 
died in 1818. 

Cyrus Griffin, of Virginia, President from January 28th, 1788, 
to liie close of the last Congress under the Confederation, in 
1789. Born in England, in 1748; died in 1810. 

PSESIDENTS or TB£. UNITED STATES UNDER THK CONSTITUTION. 

[Elected by the people unanimously.] 

1789 to 1793. — George Washington, of Virginia, President, 
inaugurated April 30th, 1789. Born at Wakefield, Virginia, 
Febx'uary 22d, 1732; died at Mount Vernon, December 14th, 
1799. Vice-President, John Adams, cf Massachusetts. Born 
at Braintree, Mass., October 19th, 1735; died July 4th, 1826. 

Electoral Vote. — George W^ashington, 69; John Adams, 34; 
John Jay, 9; R. H. Harrison, 6; John Rutledge, 6; John Han- 
cock, 4; Geo. Clinton, 3; Samuel Huntington, 2; John Milton, 2; 
James Armstrong, 1; Edward Telfair, 1; Benj. Lincoln, 1 — Total, 
GO. But eleven States voted, Ehode Island and North Carolina, 
not having then ratified the Federal Constitution, did not vote. 

[Elected by tlie people unanimously.] 

1793 to 1797. — Georfie W^ashington, President, inaugurated 
March 4th, 1793. Vice-President, John Adams. 

Electoral Vote. — George W^ashington, 132; John Adams, 77; 
George Clinton, 50; Thomas Jefierson, 4; Aaron Burr, 1 — Total,. 
132. Fifteen States voted. 

[Adams elected by the Federalists, Jefferson by the Democrats— then called Republicans.] 

1797 to 1801. — John Adams, of Massachusetts, President, in- 
augurated March 4th, 1797. Vice-President, Thomas Jefferson, 
of Vir<.\inia. Born at Shadwell, Virginia, April 13th, 1743; died 
July 4th, 1826. 

Electoral Vote. — John Adams, 71; Thomas Jefferson, 68; Aaron 
Burr, 30; Samuel Adams, 15; Oliver Ellsworth, 11; Geo. Clin- 
ton, 7; John Jay, 5; James Iredell, 3; George Washington, 2; 
John Heniy, 2; S. Johnson, 2,- Charles C. Pinckney, 1 — Total, 
138. Sixteen States voting. 

[Elected by the House of Representatives.] 

1801 to 1805. — Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, President, in- 
augurated March 4th, 1801. Vice-President, Aaron Burr, of 
New York. Born at Newark, New Jersey, February 6th, 1756; 
died September 14th, 1836. 

Electoral Vote. — Thomas Jefferson, 73; Aaron Burr, 73; John 
Adams, 65; Charles C. Pinckney, 64; John Jay, 1 — Total, 138. 
Sixteen States voting. 

Jefferson and Burr having received a tie vote — the highest 
cast — there was no election. Under the rules, tiie final election 



APPENDIX. GO 3 

■wag carried to the House of Representatives, when, after 30 bal- 
lots being had, Mr, Jefferson was chosen President, and Aaron 
Burr, Vice-President. 

After this, the Constitution was amended so that the President 
and Vice-President were separately voted for, instead of tho 
second highest being Vice-President, as under the former rule. 

[Elected by tho Democrats— then callcJ Republicans.] 

1805 to 1809. — Thomas Jefferson, President, inaugurated 
March 4th, 1805. Vice-President, George Clinton. Born in 
New York, 1730; died April 20th, 1812. 

Electoral Vote. — For President, Thomas Jefferson, 1G2; Charles 
C. Pinckney, 14— Total, 17G. Seventeen States voted. For 
Vice-President, George Clinton, 1G2; Kufus King, 14. 

[Elected by tho Democrats— then called Republicans.] 

1809 to 1813. — James Madison, of Virginia, President, inau- 
gurated March 4tli, 1809. Born March IGth, 1751, in Virginia; 
died Juno 28th, 183G. Vice-President, George Clinton, of New 
York. Ho died April 20th, 1812. 

Electoral Vote. — For President, James Madison, 122; George 
Clinton, G; C. C. Pinckney, 47— Total, 175. Seventeen States 
voted. For Vice-President, George Clinton, 113; James Madi- 
son, 3; James Monroe, 3; John Langdon, 9; Rufus King, 47. 

[Elected by tho Democrats— then called Republicans.] 

1813 to 1817. — James Madison, of Virginia, President, inau- 
gurated March 4th, 1813. Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry, of 
Massachusetts. Born in Mass., July 17th, 1744; died November 
23d, 1814. 

Electoral Vote. — For President, James Madison, 128; Do Witt 
Clinton, of New York, 89— Total, 217. Eighteen States voted. 
For Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry, 131; Jared Ingersoll, 8G. 

[Elected by tho Democrats— then called Republicans.] 

1817 to 1821. — James Monroe, of Virginia, President, inau- 
gurated March 4th, 1817. Born in Virginia, 1759; died July 
4th, 1831. Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York. 
Born June 21st, 1774, in New York; died June 11th, 1825. 

Electoral Vote. — For President, James Monroe, 183; Ptufus 
King, o4— Total, 221. Nineteen States voted. For Vice-Presi- 
dent, Daniel D. Tompkins, 183; John E. Howard, 22; James 
Ross, 5; John Marshall, 4; Robert G. Harper, 3. 

[Elected by the Democrats— then called Republicans.] 

1821 to 1825. — James Monroe, President, inaugurated March 
4th, 1821. Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins. 

Electoral Vote. — For President, James Monroe, 231; John 
Quincy Adams, of Mass., 1 — Total, 232. Twenty-four States 
voted. For Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins, 218; Richard 
Stockton, 8; Robert G. Harper, 1; Richard Rush, 1; Daniel Rod- 
nev. 1. 



CO/ APPENDIX. 

[Elected by the House of Representatives— Democratic] 

1825 to 1829. —John Quinej Adams, of Massachusetts, Presi- 
dent, inaug-uratecl March 4th, 1825. Born in Mass., July 11th, 
1767; died February 23d, 1848. Vice-President, John C. Cal- 
houn, of Soutli Carolina. Born in South Carolina, March 18th, 
1782; died March 31st, 1850. 

Electoral Vote. — For President, Andrew Jackson, 99; John 
Quincy Adams, 84; Wm. H. Crawford, 41; Henry Clay, 87 — 
Total, 261. Twenty-four States voted. 

There being no election, the vote Avas carried to the House of 
Representatives. Adams received the vote of thirteen States, 
Jackson that of seven States, and Crawford of four States. 
Adams was therefore chosen President. 

Electoral vote for Vice-President. — John C. Calhoun, 182; 
Nathan Sanford, 30: Nathaniel Macon, 24; Andrew Jackson, 13; 
Martin Van Buren, 9, Henry Clay, 2. 

[Elected by the Democrats — then called Eepublicans.] 

1829 to 1833. — Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, President, in- 
augurated March 4th, 1829. Born in North Carolina, March 
15th, 1767; died June 8th, 1815. Vice-P.ce <dent, John C. Cal- 
houn, until his resignation, December 28t]i, 1832. 

Electoral Vote. — For President, Andrew Jackson, 178; John 
Q. Adams, 83— Total, 261. Twenty-four States voted. 

Popular Vote. — Jackson, 650,028; Adams, 512,158. 

[Elected by the Democrats.] 

1833 to 1837. — Andrew Jackson, President, inaugurated March 
4th, 1833. Vice-President, Martin Van Buren. Born in New 
York, December 5th, 1782. 

Electoral Vote.. — For President, Andrew Jackson, 219: Henry 
Clay, 49; John Floyd, 11; Wm. Wirt, 7— Total, 288. Twenty- 
four States voted. 

Popular Fo/c— Jackson, 687,502; Henry Clay, 550,189; Wirt 
and Floyd combined, 33,108. 

Electoral vote for Vice-President. — Martin Van Buren, 189; 
John Sargent, 49; Wm. Wi^kins, 30; Henry Lee. 11; Amos Ell- 
maker, 7. 

[Elected by the Democrats.] 

1837 to 1841. — Martin Van Buren, President, inaugurated 
March 4th, 1837. Vice-President, Richard M. Johnson, of 
Kentucky. Born in 1780; died November 19th, 1850. 

Electoral Vote.— Fox President, Martin Van Buren, 170; W 
H. Harrison, 73; Hugh L. Wh_te, 26; Daniel Webster, 14; W. 
P. Mangum, 11 — Total, 294. Twenty-six States voted. 

Pojmlar Vote.— Van Buren, 762,149. Daniel Webster, W. P. 
Mangum, and H. L. White combined, 736,736. 

Electoral vote for Vice-President. — Richard M. Johnson, 147; 
Francis Granger, 77; John Ty.er, 47; Wm. Smith, 23. 



APPLINDIX. GUI) 

[Elected by the Whiys.] 

1841 to 1845. — President, William H. Harrison, of Ohio, in- 
augurated March 4th, 1841. Born in Virginia, February 9th, 
1773; died at "Washington, April 4th, 1841, just one month after 
he took his seat as President. John Tyler, who was elected 
Vise-Presidont with Harrison, became President on the death 
of the former. He took the oath of office April Gth, 1841. 

Electoral Vote. — For President, Harrison, 234; Van Buren, GO 
— Total, 294. Twenty-six States voted. For Vice-President, 
John Tyler, 234; Pt. M. Johnson, 48; L. W. Tazwell, 11; James 
K. Poli, 1. 

Popular Fa/e.— Harrison, 1,274,783; Van Buren, 1,128,702; 
James G. Birney, (Abolitionist,) 7,G09. 

[Elected by the Democrats.] 

1845 to 1849. — President, James K. Polk, of Tennessee, in- 
augurated March 4th, 1845. Born in North Carolina, Novem- 
ber 2d, 1795; died June 15th, 1849. Vice-President, George M. 
Dallas, of Pennsylvania. 

Electoral Vole. — For President, James K. Polk, 170; Henry 
Clay, 105— Total, 275. Twenty-six States voted. For Vice- 
President, George M. Dallas, 170; Theodore Frelinghuysen, 
105. 

Popular Fote.— Polk, 1,335,834; Clay, 1,297,033; Birney, 62,- 
290. 

[Elected by the Whigs.] 

1849 to 1853. — President, Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, inau- 
gurated March 4th, 1849. Born in Virginia, in 1784; died July 
9Lh, 1850. Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, of New York. 
Born in New York, January 7th, 1800. Taylor having died 
about one year after taking his seat as President, was succeeded 
by Mr. Fillmore, who was elected Vice-President with him. 

Electoral Vote. — For President, Z. Taylor, 1G3; Lewis Cass, 
127— Total, 290. Thirty States voted. For Vice-President, 
Millard Fillmore, 1G3; W. O. Butler, 127. 

Ponular Fote.— Taylor, 1,3G2,031; Cass, 1,222,445; Van Buren, 
291,455. The latter run as a " Free Soiler." 

[Elected by the Democrats.] 

1853 to 1857. — President, Franklin Pierce, of New Hamp- 
shire, inaugurated March 5th, 1853. Born in New Hampshire, 
November 23d, 1804. Vice-President, Wm. K. King, of Ala- 
bama, Born in North Carolina, April 7th, 178G; died Apiil 
18th, 1853. 

Electoral Fote,— Franklin Pierce, 254; Winfield Scott, 42— 
Total, 296, Thirty-one States voted. For Vice-President, W. 
K. King, 254; W. A. Graham, 42. 

Popular Fote,— Franklin Pierce, 1,590,490; "Winfield Scott, 
1,378,589; John P. Hale, (Abolitionist.; 157,296. 



606 APPENDIX. 

[Elected by the Democrats.] 

1857 to 1861. — President, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, 
inaugurated March 4th, 1857. Born iu Pennsylvania, April 22d, 
1791; died June 2d, 18G8. Yicc-President, John C. JSreckin- 
ridge, of Kentucky. Born in Kentucky, January 21st, 1820. 

Electoral Vole. — For President, James Buchanan, 174; John 
C. Fremont, 109; Millard Fillmore, 8— Total, 291. Thirty-one 
States voted. For Vice-President, John C. Breckinridge, 174; 
W. L. Dayton, 109; A. J. Donalson, 8. 

Poindar Vole. — Buchanan, (Democrat,) 1,832,232; Fremont, 
(Republican,) 1,341,514; Millard Fillmore, (American,) 874,707. 

[Elected by the Republicans.] 

1801 to 18G5. — President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, in- 
augurated March 4th, 18G1. Born in Hardin county, Kentucky, 
February 12th, 1809; died April 14th, lbG5. Vice-President, 
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine. Born in Maine, August 27th, 
1809. 

Eleclorcd Vote. — For President, Abraham Lincoln, 180; John 
C. Breckinridge, 72; John Bell, 39; Stephen A. Douglas, 12— 
Total, 291. Thirty-three States voted. For Vice-President, H. 
Hamlin, 180; Joseph Lane, 72; Edward Everett, 39; H. V. John- 
son, 12. 

Popular Vote. — Abraham Lincoln, (Republican,) 1,857,G10; 
Stephen A. Douglas, (Democrat,) 1,3G5,97G; John C. Breckin- 
ridge, (Democrat,) 847,953; John Bell, (Constitutional Union,) 
590, G31. 

[Elected by tbo Republicans.] 

18G5 to 18G9. — President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, inau- 
gurated March 4fch, 18G5. Vice-President, Andrew Johnson, of 
Tennessee. Abraham Lincoln w^as assassinated at Washington 
City, by J. "Wilkes Booth, on the 14th day of April, 18G5, a lit- 
tle more than one month after ho had taken his seat as Presi- 
dent for the second term. Andrew Johnson, who was elected 
Vice-President with him, succeeded to the Presidenc3^ 

Electoral Vole. — For President, Abraham Lincoln, 212; George 
B. McClcllan, 21. For Vice-President, Andrew Johnson, 212; 
Geo. H. Pendleton, 21. 

Popular Fo/e. — Lincoln, 2,223,035; McCleilan, 1,811,754. 
Total vote, 4,034,789. McClcllan, in the Electoral College, 
carried but three States, casting in all, 21 votes — New Jersey, 
7; Delaware, 3; Kentucky, 11. Mr. Lincoln carried all the 
other States — 23. The States in rebellion did not i^articipate in 
this election. The following were the only ones voting: Maine, 
New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con- 
necticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, 
Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Michi- 
gan, Wisconsin, Iowa, California, Minnesota, Oregon, Kansas, 
West Virginia, and Nevada, making twenty-five States in all. 



APPENDIX. 



GOT 



(EU'ctod by tbt^ llopublicaim. 1 

18G9 to 1873. — Ulysses S. Grant, of Illinois, President, inau- 
f?urated March 4tli, 18G9. Born in Ohio, April 27th, 1822. 
Vice-President, Scluiyler Colfax, of Indiana. Born in New 
York City, March 2:3d, 1823. 

Electoral Vote. — For President, (Republican,) Grant, 214; Sey- 
mour, (Democrat,) 80. For Vice-President, Colfax, 214; Blair, 80. 

Popular Vote. — Grant and Colfax, 3,021,020; Sevmour and 
Blair, 2,710,475. Total, 5,737,495. Thirty-four States voted. 
The Legislature of Florida elected the Electors of that State, 
Vir,q-inia, Mississippi, and Texas not havin^'' adopted Constitu- 
tions in conformity with the requirements of Congress, did not 
particij^ate in the election of 1808. 

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 18C8— (34 STATES.) 

The following table will show the total vote cast at the Presi- 
dential election in 18G8 — the vote by States for Grant and Sey- 
mour, the majorities for each, the total Electoral vote, as cast 
by the several States, total number of Senators and Picpresenta- 
tives in the XLIst Congress, with numbers to which each State 
is entitled, and the political party which they represent: 





IXECT'L 
COLLEGE. 


rOPULA 

O 




R VOTE. 

B 


Grant's Major- 




XLIfe 


t CON 

B 
o 

: 


GRES 

c, 

: i 


w 

c 

3 




STATES, 


o 
5 

a 


B 
o 

B 


a 
» 

p 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 
[Va 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 
[Va 

2 
[Va 

2 

2 


1 

i" 


§ 


Alabama 


■ » 
5 
5 
G 


..... 
..... 

..... 

7 

7 


"'i' 


^:TH.3(iO 
t:3 DflU 
;4,rur, 
511.!;.').-. 
7,(;ir, 
r.,o;o 
ru, iM 

2SI),293 
17(i,fi)8 

n<).-2Si) 

'.!9,708 
;ilt,.0C9 
34,22 1 
7U,4J6 
30.43i 

12(> Bill 

4J.41J 

(No 

9.'i.(j(i0 

9,7i9 

6,476 

37,718 

7!».H7i 

4Hi,8:)4 

9G.4«8 

2S0,322 

lO.fJGl 

342,230 

12.993 

tG2,300 

52,0 l(i 

fWo 

44.107 

INo 

t27,000 

108.293 


72 086 
23,l'00 
54.069 
47,9-,2 
10,900 
12,000 
lO.'.fiii 
199.143 
li;0,960 
7.1.420 
13400 

lir..8,'j9 

74,672 

42 390 

G2.:i.!0 

59.221 

9J.929 

2S.0J0 

Vote. 1 

70.5J9 

5.4:!9 

.■>,21.'> 

30,571 

82.72-. 

429.857 

8 ■■,311 

219,032 

11,12-) 

313,3><2 

6,548 

4-1,1.37 

2->,6)2 

Vote. 1 

12,04.j 
Vote. 1 
18O00 
81707 


4280 
10,000 

rvr, 

3 0!3 
•3,3:5 
3,0,0 

*45,C88 
51.1)0 
9,588 
4J,869 
16.3:i8 

nil,320 

*40,448 
28,0,10 

* J 1.911 
77.361 
3,1,072 
15,383 


2 
2 

1 
2 

"i" 
1 

2 
2 
2 
2 

"'i' 

2 

2 

1 
cant J 

2 

2 

2 

2 

1 

2 

2 

1 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 
cant 1 

2 
cant] 

2 

2 


■"i" 

"i" 
...... 

"i" 


2 
...... 

"i" 
...... 


6 
3 
3 
4 
1 
1 
7 

14 

11 
G 
1 
9 
ft 
5 
5 

10 
6 
2 
T5 
9 
1 
1 
3 
5 

31 
7 

19 
1 

24 
1 
4 
9 
T4 
3 
1f8 
3 
6 


§ 


' 


Aricansas 

California 

Connecticut. .. 


1 
1 

yi 
..... 

2 
10 
7 
G 

1 
1 

5 

1 
10 

G 

2 
(No 

5 

1 

1 

3 

2 
18 

5 
13 

ib" 

1 
3 
9 

[No 

[No 
3 
5 


2 
2 
3 

1 




"iiV 

l:i 
8 
S 


Georgia 


.5 




4 


Iowa 










,■5 




'• 




4 

Mb're 


TMa^yclitisetts., . 

Mici^an 

Minn-'sota 

Kisoiosip.oi 

Missouri 

Nebraska 


12 

8 

4 

■ n' 

3 
3 


24,431 

4,290 

1.201 

7,1)7 

»2 8.')4 

*9 903 

11.177 

41.290 

*104 

28.898 

6,145 

17.103 

26,364 


4 


Now Hainpsliire 


13 
2 
6 
1 
8 

""i" 

Ali/'re 
Mb'Vs 






North Carolina 
Ohio 


!) 
21 

"'iii 
4 
G 
U 


Oregon 

Pennsylvania 

Rhoilo Is'and 

Soutli Carolina... 

Tennessee 

Texas 


Vermont 


5 




32,122 


We. t Vircinia. .. 
■Wisconsin 


5 
8 




9 0.0 
23,585 

3)7,968 ' 


""i" 




214 


83 


3.037.181 


2.719 613 


71 


57 


II 


226 


111 


77 



•Democratic majority, t Electors chosen by Legislature. ^ Unofficial. $ No Election Feb- 
ruary, l«ti9; at present all Republican. | Election in April, 1869. T Vacant. 



608 APPENDIX. 

Whole number in Congress when Mississippi, Texas and Vir- 
ginia are represented, 243. 

Grand total, 5,757,194. Total Electoral vote, 294, (34 States.) 
The Electoral College, when Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas 
are added, will bo 318. The Federal Constitution regulates and 
defines the number of Senators and Representatives that each 
State shall have in Congress. Each State shall have two Sena- 
tors only, however large or small her population, and shall be 
entitled to one Representative in the lower House, however 
small her pojiulatimi, and as many in addition as will not exceed 
in all one for every thirty thousand of her j^opulation. Each 
Territory is entitled to one Representative in the lower House, 
but is not entitled to representation in the Senate. Senators 
are elected for six years, and Representatives for two years. 

Salaries of Federal Officers. — President, $25,000 per annum; 
Vice-President, $8,000. The Cabinet — Secretary of State, Sec- 
retary of the Treasury, Secretary of AVar, Secretary of the Xavy, 
Secretary of the Interior, Attorney-General, and Postmaster- 
General, $8,000 each. Supreme Court of the United States — 
Chief Justice, $G,500; eight Associate Justices, $G,000 each. 
Senators, $5,000; Reioresentatives, $5,000, and 20 cents per mile 
as mileage. $8 per diem is deducted from the salary for each 
day's absence, unless caused by sickness. 

POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

First census, in 1790, was 3,929,827, as follows: 3,231,927 
whites, and G97,897 blacks. The eight Northern S!";ates had 40,- 
370 blacks, and the eight Southern States 057,527 blacks, as fol- 
lows: 

I SouTHEEK. White. Slave. 

Delaware 50,209 8.087 

Marylrnd 210,C93 103,036 

Virgiuiu 4ol,831 21/0,427 

North Carolina 290,179 100,57 



NoRTHEHN'. White. Slave. 

New Iliimpshiro. HI, Til ISS 

VcT'T'ont 85,009 17 

Eli(Xk) hflund 08,100 902 

Co<:inoof.iev.t 205,382 2,7r)9 

Massa Iritsetta 073,717 none ! South Carolina 141,973 107J094 



New Yoili 318.79a 21 

New Jerac y 17 J,71G ] 1 ,420 

Pennsylvania ., .400,000 0,707 

Territory of Maine 90,510 none 



Georgia 50,264 20,2C4 

Kentucky 01,247 11,SS0 

Tennessee 02,074 3,417 

l,000,b40 Col,^J■2^ 



1,923,035 40,070 | 

The Territory of Maine had a population of 96,540 of all 
classes, which is added in the population of white. Total black 
and v>hite in tlie eight Morfchevu States, 1,938,455. Totrd black 
and white in the eight Southern States, 1,901,372. 

An enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, by 
law of Congress, is taken at Iho end of each ten years. The first 
eniuneration was taken in 1790; the last in 18G0. The following 
table will show the entire jiopulation, black and white, free and 
slave, in 18G0, in all the States a,/d Territories of the Union. 
The total population in 1700, was 2G2,000; in 1750, 1,000,000; 
in 1775, 2,389,300; in 1790 it had reached 3,929,827; and in 
18G0, 31,443,790. Of this number the fitteen Slave States had 



APPENDIX. 



609 



12,996,459, and the nineteen Free States 18,947,331. The pop- 
ulation of the eleven rebellious States was 9,050,930, being 5,- 
449,463 whites, and 3,007,407 colored. 



CENSUS OF 1800. 



States. 



Area. 
Square Miles White. 



Free 
Colored. 



Tctal. 



Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Illinois 

Indiana 

lov/a 

Kansas 

Kentucky. 

Louisiana 

Maiuo 

Marybnd 

Massaciiusetts. . . 

Michigau 

Minnesota 

Missis&ippi 

Missouri 

Nebraska 

New Ilampstiiro. 

New Jenscy 

Now York 

Nevada 

North Carolina. . . 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania.... 
Ehodo Island. ... 
South Carolina. . . 

Tcnncsseo 

Texua 

Vermont 

Virginia 

West Virginia . . . 
Wisconsin 



Total . 



Territories. 

Colorado 

Dakota 

Arizona ,.. 

Idaho 

Indian i 

Montana ; . . . 

New Mexico 

Utah 

Washington 

District of Columbia. 



Alaska. 



50,722 
52,198 
183,C31 
4,750 
2,120 
59,248 
5;(,C00 
55,410 
3J,609 
55,015 
81,318 
37,C80 
41,010 
35,000 
11,121 
7,800 
50,451 
83,531 
47,150 
G5,o50 
75,C95 
9,230 
8,3;0 
47,000 
81,009 
50,701 
39,004 
95,274 
4G,C0O 
1,000 
34,000 
45,C00 
274,350 
10,212 
38,352 
23,000 
53^)24 



105,818 
102, COO 
130,800 
300.000 

71 000 
Unknown. 
124,4.:0 
lOO.COO 

71,000 
00 



578.000 



520,534 
324,180 
370,200 
451,009 
90.G07 
77,773 
591,033 

1,701,084 

1,340 072 
C:.i,925 
100,487 
920,077 
357.052 
027,031 
510,128 

1»221,011 
742,289 
171,793 
353,909 

1,004,309 
23,090 
32:;,C22 
047,084 

3,801,700 

0,813 

031,489 

2,003,074 
52,343 

2,849.997 
170,703 
291,023 
820,828 
421,411 
314,034 

1,047,013 

774,392 



20,727,512 



34,153 
4,839 



93,447 
40,230 
11,013 
00,788 



2,000 

137 

3,810 

8,042 

19,723 

903 

3,459 

7,009 

10,809 

1,023 

023 

10,140 

18,038 

1,195 

83,718 

9,454 

6,823 

229 

731 

2,983 

82 

450 

24,947 

49,005 

45 

30,097 

30,225 

121 

50,373 

3,918 

9,013 

7,205 

309 

582 

57,579 

1,481 



435,132 
111,104 



470,710 



44 



70 

30 

30 

11,107 



27,003,081 



482,122 



1,793 

01,753 

402,232 



205,400 
333,010 



430,090 
114,905 



331,081 



402,041 
275.784 
180,082 



490,887 



3,950,343 



3,181 



904,290 
435,427 
080,010 
400,151 
112.218 
140,409 

1,057,029 

1,711,703 

1,300,941 
074,1)18 
107,110 

1,10 '.,713 
70J,2aO 
028,270 
087,034 

1,201 O05 
750,112 
172,022 
791,390 

1,182,317 

38,778 

320.072 

072,031 

3,880,735 

0,857 

992,007 

2,339,5'.)9 
02,404 

2,005,370 
174,021 
700,812 

1,109,847 
002,432 
315,110 

1,590,079 

775,873 



31,148,571 



34,197 

4,839 



93.541 

40,295 
11.073 
75,070 



3,953,587 



31,443,790 



The enumeration of population and the area of the States and 
Territories, with the exception of Alaska, are made up from the 
census returns of the United States for the year 1860, this period rep- 
resenting the chief events in this chapter. 

COMPOSITION OF THE AMERICAN POPULATION. 

The composition of the American population here given ia 



610 



VPPEXDIX. 



based upon the census of 1860, and will not include its increase 
since that period. There were in 18G0, 4,131,812 white foreign 
1boi-n (including Indians and Chinese) and 4,3G3 free colored for- 
eigners, making a total of 4,130,175. There were 22,809,(379 
white native horn (including Indians and Chinese) and 483,707 
free colored, making a total of 23,353,380 native born, and 
3,952,801 slaves— making the grand total population 31,429,891. 
The following table will show the numbers of foreign nation- 
alities in the United States in 1800: 



Ireland 

German States total. 
Germany, not spec'd 

England 

Bri, ish America. . . . 

Prussia 

B;ivaria 

Baden 

France 

Scotland 

Hcsso .1. 

AViricmbcTg 

Switzerland 

Wales 

Norway 



1,611,301 
l,301.i:!J 

C9.-i,:;82 

431. C92 

240,970 

227,GG1 

150,105 

112,8 U 

103,870 

10j,51i- 

95,40 

S1,33J 

53,327 

45,V<;3 

43,995 



China 

Uolland 

Mexico 

Austria 

Sweden 

Italy 

Na>sau 

I)3umt.r]i 

Belgium 

West Indies 

Poland 

Sp::in 

Portugal 

South America.. 
Xlussia 



Or. Britain, not sjKj'd 

Australia 

Europe, not specified 
Other countries... . . . 

Atlantic Isles 

Asia 

Sardinia 

.vlrica 

Sandwich Islands. . . 

Greece 

Pacific Isles 

Central America. . . . 
Turkey 



,802 
,419 
,403 
,3U6 
,301 
,231 
,159 
526 
435 
3G8 
286 
233 
128 



Total 4,130,17 



The total number of foreign passengers who arrived by sea in 
the United States, from September 30th, 1819, to December 31st, 
1800, was 5,002,414. Of these 2,977,003 were males, 2,035,530 
were females, and 49,275, sex not stated. 

An interesting feature of our population in 1800 was the fact 
that within the Union there were 440 white persons living over 
the age of one hundred years. Of these 73 Avero 101, 05 were 
102, 50 were 103, 47 were 104, 52 w^ere 105, 30 were 100, 23 were 
107, 14 were 108, 9 were 109, 28 were 110, 3 were 111, 4 were 
112, 2 were 113, 1 was 114, were 115, 3 were 110, 1 was 117, 1 
was 118, 2 were 119, 2 Avere 120, 1 Avas 121, 1 was 124, 2 were 
125, 1 Avas 120, 1 was 135, a male, and one Avas 140, a female. 
Of this total number, 184 Avero males and 250 females. 

There Avere also b88 blacks in the United States over one I.un- 
drod 3'ears of age, 295 males and 393 females — the oldest being 
130 years. There Avere live persons of that age — two males and 
three females. 

There Avere also in the United States, in 1800, 40 mulattoes 
over one hundred years of age — 13 males and 33 females; the 
oldest Avas 117 — there Avere two of this age, 1 male and 1 female. 

There were also at this period 20 native Indians (so far as 
known) over one hundred years of age — 15 males and 11 females. 
The oldest male Avas 115 years; there Avas one female of 120, one 
of 125, and 1, the oldest of all, of 140 years. 

It Avill be seen from these tables that women in general attain 
a greater age than men. 

Of the American i)opulation there were 730,000 more males 
than females, Avhile in Great Britain, at the same time, there 
Avere 877,000 more females than males, in a jjopulation of about 
twenty-nine million. 



APPENDIX. 



611 



The following table will show the whole number of native born 
(Citizens contributed by each State to the whole United States, up 
tolSGO: 



New York 3,409,492 i l Georgia CG5,719 



Pennsylvania 2,802,510 

Ohio 2,122,t03 

Virginia 1,401,410 

Kcutuaky 1 ,05J,4T4 

Massachusetts 1, 040,08 j 

Tennessee 1,005,345 

Indiana 900,202 

North Cia-oliua 90J,820 

lUiuois 841,001 

Calilornia 81,597 

Florida 42,372 

Kansas 13,0jG 

Maine 070,000 



Maryland 618,319 

New Jersey 612,034 

Missouri 504,289 

Connecticut 470,310 

South Carolina 470,257 

Alabama 457,700 

Vermont 41 1,852 

New Hampshire 382,521 

Not stated 49,205 

Minnesota 37,010 

At sea 2,018 

Michigan 330,023 

Wisconsin 278,302 



Louisiana 241,268 

Mississippi 204 ,847 

Iowa 223,083 

Texas 100,399 

vRhodo Island 155,204 

I Arkansas 148,376 

j Delaware 117,302 

Territories 110,578 

District of Colxmibia 42,484 

Oregon 17,910 



Total ». 23,353,3 



The following table will show the number of native born in- 
habitants contributed by each State to all the other States, up 
to 18G0: 



New York 807,032 

.Ohio 593,043 

Pennsylvania 582,512 

"Vu'gin'ia 3J9,700 

I'enncssee 344,750 

Kentucky 331,904 

JSTorth Carolina 272,000 

Massachusetts 235,039 

Indiana 210,541 

South CaroUua 193,389 

Georgia 190,223 

Vermont 174,705 



Connecticut 152,538 

New Jersey 143,019 

Alab:;ma 137,710 

Maryland 137,258 

Illinois 134,530 

New Ilampshire 125,539 

Maine 110,030 

Missouri 89,043 

Mississippi 09,041 

Ehode Island 45,299 

Iowa ... 37,535 

Michigan 35,195 



The following table will show the number 
lation which each State has received from 
up to 1860: 



I Delaware 32,493 

iVv'isconsin 31,185 

Louisiana 20,974 

Arkansas 24,333 

District of Columbia. . 8,479 

Texas 7,356 

Florida 0,770 

California 3,890 

Minnesota 3,310 

Ten'itcries 2,750 

Kansas 2,059 

lOregon 1,346 

of native born popu- 
all the other States, 



■Illinois 080,383 

Ohio 491,097 

■ Indiana 457,523 

Jlissouri 431,294 

Iowa 377,034 

Michigan 305,193 

Jfow York 279,035 

Wisconsin 251 ,777 

Texas 225,184 

Alabama 190,743 

Arkansas 190,551 

Pennsylvania 195,700 



Massachusetts. 165,400 

California 155,750 

Tennessee 152,207 

Mississippi 150,310 

Kentucky 143.832 

Georgia 107,921 

Kansas 83,510 

Louisiana 80,953 

New Jersey 80,212 

Minnesota 78,990 

Territories 70,817 

Vii-ginia 08,685 



Connecticut ^ . . , 

New Ilampshire 

Vermont 

Maryland , 

Florida 

Maine , 

Oregon 

Rhode Island 

District of Columbia. 

North Carolina 

Delaware 

South Carolina 



55,679 
48,153 
42,208 
41,203 
39,708 
30,796 
30,779 
27,261 
25,406 
24,044 
10,384 
14,448 



The following table will show thS German inhabitants in the 
several States and Territories in 18G0 : 



New York 250. 

Ohio 108 

Pennsylvania 138 

Illinois 130 

Wisconsin 123 

Missouri 88; 

Indiana GO; 

Maryland 43 

Michigan 33 

Iowa 38 

Now Jersey 33 

Kentucky 27 

Louisiana 24 

California 21 



Texas 

Minnesota 

Virginia 

Massachusetts 

Connecticut 

Kansas 

Tennessee 

District of Columbia. 

South CaroUna 

Alabama 

Georgia , 

Mississippi 

Nebraska 

' Delaware 



20,553 

18,400 

10,01': 

9,901 
8,020 
4,318 
3,8C0 
3,254 
2,947 
2,C01 
2,472 
2,003 
1,742 
1,203 



Arkansas 

Oregon 

Rhode Island 

North Carolina 

Colorado 

Washington Territory. 

New Mexico 

Florida 

Nevada 

New Hampshire 

Maine 

Vermont 

Utah 

Dakota 



1,143 
1,078 
815 
705 
576 
572 
569 
478 
454 
412 
384 
219 
158 
22 



Total number of Germans in the United States, 1,899,518; 
total number of Irish, 1,G11,304 — showing 288,214 more Ger- 
.mans than Irish. Computing the Germans from all the States 
and Kingdoms of Europe, who are generally known as Germans 

39 



612 



APPENDIX. 



in America, they show 2,772,593, making the Germans in Amer- 
ica more than double the Irish jDopulation. The increase since 
18G0 in the German population has been very great, and will, at 
the taking of the census in 1870, show about three Germans to 
one Irish in the United States. 

The following table will show the foreign born population in 
the several States and Territories in 1860 — total, 4,130,175: 



New York 998, 

Ponnsylvania 43 J 

Ohio 328, 

lUiiiois 324, 

Wisconsin Tti, 

Massachusetts 200, 

Missouri IG'. 

Michigan 14C 

California lib, 

Now Jersey 122 

Indiana , 118 

Iowa 10(5 

Louisiana 81 

Connecticut 80, 



Maryland 77,53''' 

Kentucky 53,''" ! 

Minnesota 53, . 2-j' 

Texas 43. iiill 

Jininc Z'. ,4.'>'^ 

Rhode Island 37 SO 1 

Virginia 3i,0< 

Vermont 32,74?. 

Tennessee 21,22C 

New Hampshire 20,938 

Utah 12,754 

Kansas 12,091 

District of Columbia... 12,481 

Alabama 12,352 



Georgia 11,C71 

P 'uth Carolina 9,98P 

I>-<iaware 9,lCf 

Mississippi 8,55J 

New Mexico C,72f 

Nebraska C,35] 

Or con 5,12J 

Ai'-cansas 3,741 

rir.-ida 3,r,0f 

North Carolina 3,29f 

Washington 3,144 

Colorado 2,066 

Nevada 2,004 

Dakota 1,774 



The following table will show the Irish in the several States 
and Territories in 1860 — making a total of 1,611,304: 



New York 498,0721 

Pennsylvania 201 ,939 

Massachusetts 185,401 1 

Illinois ?ri,!'j'?i 

Ohio 70,820 

Nev/ Jersey 02,00J 

Connecticut 55,415 

Wisconsin 49,9 Jl 

Missouri 43,'1C4 

California 33,147 

Michigan 30,04D 

Louisiana 28,207 

Iowa 28,072 

Rhode Island 25,235 



Maryland 24,872 

Indiana 24,495 

Kentucky 22,219 

Virginia 10,501 

Maine 15,230 

Vermont 13,480 

Minnesota 12,831 

New Uampshiro 12,737 

Tennessee 12,498 

District of Columbia... 7,258 

Georgia 0,583 

Delaware 5,802 

Alabama 5,CGi 

South Carolina 4,900 



Mississippi 3,89f 

Kansas 3,88? 

Texas 3,48C 

Nebraska 1,431 

Arkansas 1,31? 

Oregon l,20e 

Washington Territory... 1,217 

North Carolina 88» 

I'lorida 827 

New Mexico 827 

Nevada 651 

Colorado C24 

Utah 27? 

Dakota 4? 



How completely Slave labor retarded the settlement of the 
industrious foreigners in the Slave States may be seen from the 
foregoing tables, which show that within the fifteen Slave States 
and the District of Columbia there were in 1860 but 188,448 
Irish, while the population of these States was 12,496,459 — 
with a vast and fertile soil and genial climate. At this same 
period Massachusetts, with her contracted limits, rigid winters, 
and a population of only 1,231,065, had within her limits 185,434 
Irish, almost as many as were within the fifteen Slave States and 
the District of Columbia. 

PAUIPERS AND CRIME IN THE UNITED STATES. 

Some startling facts in reference to the great preponderance 
of pauperism and crime among the foreign population of the 
United States will here be given, based uioon the census of 1860. 
At that time the whole population of the Union was 31,429,891. 
Of thi:3 number 27,208,187 were native born, including all classes, 
free and slave. There were at the same time 4,136. 175 of foreign 
birth of all classes in the Republic; thus it will be seen that about 
one-eighth of the whole American population was of foreign 
birth. 

The whole number of paupers supported during the year 1860 



APPENDIX. 



G13 



was 321,665, of whom 160,213 were native, and 161,452 were of 
foreign birth, showing more than eight times, as many paupers 
among the foreign as among the native population. The annual 
cost of the support of this total num er was $5,445,143. 

The whole number of criminals convicted within the year was 
98,836, of whom 32,933 were natives, and 65,903 were foreigners, 
showing that among the foreign population more than sixteen 
criminals were convicted to one among the native born. Several 
causes contribute to this state of affairs — ignorance of our lan- 
guage, customs and laws; but the greatest of all, and the one 
most disastrous to America, and disgraceful to those nations 
practicing the evil, is the transportation of paupers and convicts 
to the United States, long and extensively practiced by Great 
Britain, Germany, France and other countries. 



TKOOPS rUKNISHED DURING THE WAR Or 1776. 



Southern States. 

Continentals. 

Delaware 2,317 

Blaryland 13,012 

Virginia 23,008 

Norih Carolina 7,2C3 

Soutli Carolina 6,(117 

Georgia 2,079 



Militia. 

376 

4,127 

5,C20 



Total 50,250 



10,123 



Northern States. 

Continentals. Militia. 

New Hampshire 12,400 2,O0J 

Massachusetts 03,007 15,1G5 

Rhode Island 5,878 4,281 

Connecticut 32,030 7,7C2 

NcwYork 18,331 3,304 

Now Jersey 10,726 6,053 

JPennsylvania 25,008 7,357 

Total 173,085 40,Oio| 

Total furnished by the Northern States, 219,125; by the South- 
ern States, 69,377. The whole number of troops in the Kevolu- 
tionary War was 288,504 — there being 232,341 Continentals and 
56,163 Militia. 

The tables of the population of the States engaged in the war 
of 1776 will show that the j^opulation of what are known as the 
Northern and Southern States was at that time about equal in 
the aggregate; but the share that they took in the war of Inde- 
pendence was very unequal indeed. The Northern States, with 
a population about equal with that of the South, sent into the 
field 219,125, while the South sent only 69,379; and Massachu- 
setts alone, with a population equal to half that of the State of 
Virginia, sent 83,162, or 13,783 more than all the South. 

See "American Conflict," vol. 1, j^age 36; also, "Collection 
of New Hampshire Historical Society," for the year 1824, vol. 1, 
page 236. 

UNITED STATES ARMY— 1801-5. 

Total number of men furnished by each State and Territory 
to put down the Slaveholders' Rebellion, from its commence- 
ment in 1861 to its close in April, 1865 : 



Maine 71,745 

New llampshire 31,005 

Vermont 35,210 

Massachusetts 151,785 

Rhodolsland 2J,711 

Connecticut 57,270 

New York 404,1 50 

New Jersey 73,511 

Pennsylvania 300,320 

Delaware 1 (,051 1 1 Kentucky 

Maryland 40,731 1 Kansas . . . . 

West Virginia 32,003 1 1 Tennessee, 



District of Columbia. 

Ohio 

Indiana 

Illinois 

Michigan 

Wisconsin 

Minnesota « 

Iowa 

Missouri . 



10,872 
317,133 
195,147 
25S,'-17 
90,119 
95,118 
23,034 
75,8C0 
103,7731 
78,510 
20,097 
12,0771 



California 


7.451 


Nevada 


210 


Oregon 


017 


Washington Terrify. 


803 


Nebraska Territory . . 


l.CTO 


Colorado Territory.. 


1,752 


Dakota Territory. . . . 


181 


New Mexico Terrify. 


2.:;95 



Total 2,088.023 



614 APPENDIX. 

Add to the above the forces under arms by the Rebels, amount- 
ing to about 1,400,000, and we see that there were over 4,000,000 
of men in arms during the war — a greater number than ever was 
engaged in any single war at any age, in any country. To illus- 
trate : The fabled army of Sesostris, with which he overran the 
greater part of Asia, was but 1,137,000. The greatest strength 
of the armies raised under Rhamses II, in Egypt, was 410,000. 
The total forces sent against Syracuse numbered 05,000. Alex- 
ander achieved his victories with an army of about 5G,000. Na- 
poleon's grand army of 1812 was 200,000 in Spain; 200,000 in 
France, Italy, Germany and Poland, and 450,000 in Russia — 
making a total of 850,000. The army of 450,000, then in Russia, 
was the largest army in one country. When Hannibal crossed 
the Rhone, his army was 40,000. In May, 1854, the allied army, 
consisting of English, French, T\u'ks and Sardinians, operating 
in the Crimean war, was 200,000. 

Composilion of the Army. — Of the 2,088,523 soldiers in the 
Federal Army, from the commencement of the war to its close, 
494,900 were of foreign birth, as follows: Germans, 170,800; 
Irish, 144,200; British Americans, 53,500; English, 45,500; other 
foreigners, nationalities unknown, 74,000 — leaving the native 
Americans enlisted at 2,193,023. 

The total population of the loyal States and Territories in 18G0 
was 22,372,901. Of this number 3,901,534 were of foreign birth, 
leaving the native population in these States 18,471,427. From 
this number they raised an army of 2,193,023, as shown above. 
Those of foreign birth in these States, from a population of 
3,901,534, raised an army of 491,903. Thus, it will be seen that 
the honors of the patriotism and success of the arms of the Re- 
public are equally divided among all classes in the tv/euty-three 
loyal States that were in the Union at the commencement of the 
Rebellion. 

The proportion furnished in men by the native population, 
was about twelve per cent., while those of foreign birth furnished 
ahoxxi thirteen per cent, of their numbers, showing that the adopted 
citizens of the Republic are not behind, when the laws and the 
flag that give them liberty are assailed. The fact that there are 
more males in the foreign population, in proportion to its numbers 
than in the native population, will account, no doubt, for the 
large proportion that they furnished to the army. 

Of what material the army of the Confederacy was composed 
is not definitely ascertained. It is fair to conclude, however, 
that its ranks were made up chiefly of native born — White and 
Black. Jeflerson Davis' order of banishment of all foreigners 
from his dominions, would not indicate any very great desii'e 
even to have them in his army; besides, but few foreigners had 
made their homes at the South. At the breaking out of the 
Rebellion there were within the limits of the eleven States that 
entered the Confederacy but 234,041 foreigners of all classes — 
25,900 less than were in the State of Massachusetts. 



APPENDIX. 



615 



The total population of the eleven States forming the Con- 
federacy in 1860 was 9,05G,930 of all classes; of this number, 
5,449,463 were whites, and 3,607,407 blacks, showing- but 1,761,- 
996 more whites than blacks. From these numbers they raised 
an army of about 1,400,000 — about fifteen per cent, of their entire 
population. 

It must be remembered that parts of Virginia and Tennessee 
and other States in rebellion furnished considerable numbers of 
troojis to the Union Army, and perhaps some of the States not 
in rebellion furnished some of the Confederate army, but these 
are not easily ascertained. 

The following table will show the number of newspapers cir- 
culated by the several States in the year 1860: 



JTkee States. 

California 26,111,788 

Connecticut 9,555 ,'17 -2 

Illinois 27,404,701 

Indiana 10,0:0,310 

Iowa G,G80,3G0 

Kansas 1,505,540 

Maine 8,333,278 

Massachusetts 102,000,700 

Michigan 11,003,500 

Minnesota 2,344,000 

New Hampshire l,024,40u 

New Jersey 12,80],412 

New York 320,930,881 

Ohio 71,707,742 

Oregon 1,074,010 

Pennsylvania 110,034,480 

Khode Island 5,289.280 

Vermont 2,579,030 

Wisconsin 10,708,070 

Nebraska Territory 519,000 

New Mexico Territory 59,800 

Utah Territory 327,000 

Washington Territory. „ 122,200 



Total 749,051,250 



Slave-States. 

Alal'iiraa 7,175,444 

Ariansas 2,122,224 

Delaware 1,010,776 

Florida 1,031,000 

Geoi!<ia 13,415,444 

Kentucky 13,504,OU 

Louisiana 1(1,948,000 

Maryland 20,721 ,472 

Mississippi 9,099,784 

Missoiiri 29,741,404 

Nortii Carolina 4,802,572 

South Carolina 3,054,840 

Tennessee 10,053,153 

Texas 7,855,808 

Virginia 20,772,508 

District of ColumT>ia^ 10,881,100 



Total 178.900,292 



Total, Free States,....^ 749,051,258 

Grand Total 927,901,548 



FINANCE OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The total resources and payments of the Federal Gi-overnment 
from its commencement, March 4th, 1789, to July 1st, 1861, were 
— total revenue, $1,846,275,863.48; total expenditures during 
the same period, $1,453,790,786.00 — leaving an excess of revenue 
unexpended of $392,485,077.48. 

The demands of the war called largely upon the National Treas- 
ury, imposing a burden of taxation amounting, in a single year, 
to a larger sum than was necessary to defray the whole expenses 
of the Government from its commencement to 1861. 

The public debt on the 1st day of July, 1860, was $64,769,703.08; 
July 1st, 1861, $90,867,828.03; July 1st, 1862, $514,211,371.92; 
July 1st, 1863, $1,098,793,181.37; July 1st, 1864, $1,740,690,- 
489.49; July 1st, 1865, $2,682,593,026.53; October 31st, 1866, 
$2,681,636,966.34. There was at this time, $130,326,960.60 cash 
in the Treasury; this would leave the actual debt only $2,551,- 
310,005.72. Total debt unprovided for November lst,'l867, was 
$2,491,504,450.00. Total debt, October 1st, 1868, $2,534,043,- 
718.95. The debt of Great Britain, in 1860, was £894,644,060 



616 APPENDIX. 

sterling, or $4,473,220,300— almost douoie that of the debt of 
the United States in 18G7. 

The total debt of the United States, on the first day of Decem- 
ber, 1868, was $2, G45, 711,104.81. Cash in the Treasury, $106,- 
670,320.07; of which $88,425,374.54 was coin. 

The great financial resources of the Republic of America, as 
developed under the pressure of the late war, and the good 
grace with which the j)eoplo respond to the payments of the 
large sums requisite to defray the expenses of the Rebellion 
thrust upon them by the Democratic slaveholders of the South, 
is another illustration of the inliuence of Republican Government 
in tempering the public mind to respond to all things, even the 
burdens of increased taxation, in order to perpetuate their free- 
dom. 

No Government of the magnitude of the American Republic 
has at any period of the history of the world, conducted the 
afi"airs of government Avith such small outlays and rigid economy 
as has that of the United States. In all governments, whatever 
they be, the whole expenditure has to emanate from the produc- 
ing masses; the wealth}^ are bv.t the receivers of the labor and 
industry of the producer. 

The officials of the United States receive smaller compensation 
than do those of an^^ other nation, of its magnitude, on the 
globe. The seven cabinet officers receive $8,000 per annum, 
each — $50,000 in all. The President of the Rej)ublic receives 
$25,000 per annum. The President and Cabinet receiving but 
a fraction more than it costs the people of Great Britain annu- 
ally for coachmen, postilions and footmen for her Britannic 
majesty. 

BANKS. 

The first Bank in America was established in Massachusetts, in 
1740, called the " Land Bank;" this bank was soon dissolved by 
a royal edict. Up to the year 1781, there were but two banks in 
America — one in Boston, and one in New York. In 1811, they 
had increased to 88; in 1830, there were 330; in 1840, there 
were 910; in 1843 there were 091; in 1850, there were 872, with 
a cax)ital of $227,000,000; and in 1800 there were 1,562 with a 
capital of $421,000,000; since which time the National Banks 
established by Congress, have superseded to a great extent the 
private banking institutions of the country. 

NATIONAL BANKS. 

An Act of Congress to establish a general national banking 
system was passed February 25th, 1863, and another on June 
3d, 1864. Under this law, there were in operation on January 
1st, 1866, 1579 banks, with an aggregate capital of $403,357,346. 
There were also at the close of the year 1866, 351 State Banks, 
making a total of 1,930 in all. 

There were on January 1st, 1867, 1644 banks existing under 
the National Bank Acts of the United States; also 297 under State 
laws. The combined capital of these 1,941 institutions was, at 



APPENDIX. 617 

-the same time, $486,258,404. The number of National Banks 
on the 1st clay of October, 18G7, was 1,G39, with a capital of 
^424,394, BGl. There were at the same time 202 State banks, with 
a capital of $00,354,033, making the aggregate of 1,901 banks, 
with a combined capital of 490,748,894. 

KAILROADS. 

The first attempt at anything resembling railroads, is supposed 
to have been the roads constructed of stone, upon which the 
E^-vptians moved the great stones for the pyramids. The ancient 
Eomans made an attempt at railroads, by the laying of stones 
•closely fitted together, upon which wheels were run. 

Sometime about the year 1070, the first instance of the use of 
rails was at the collieries, near Newcastle-upon-Tyne, England; 
and at the same time a suggestion of the possibility of construct- 
in f^" steam carriages was made by James I. Watt, the Scottish 
engineer. As early as 1782, Oliver Evans, of Philadeli^hia, pat- 
ented a steam wagon, and Watt patented a locomotive carriage 
in 1784. 

In October, 1829, the first steam locomotive was put in opera- 
tion, iu England, and was manufactured by Messrs. Stephenson 
■& Booth; soon followed the general use of locomotives and 
steam carriages. 

The first railroad in America, was built from Quincy to the 
Neoponset River, Massachusetts; it was begun in 1820, and com- 
pleted in 1827, a distance of three miles; the carriages were 
drawn by horses. 

The first locomotive used on railroads in America, was one 
manufactured by George Stephenson, of England, imported to 
America, and placed upon the road built by the Delaware and 
Hudson Canal Company, in 1829— from this date the i^rogress 
in rai roads in America went ahead with great energy and success. 

In 1800, there were 30,793 miles of railroad in the United States, 
at a cost of $1,151,500,829; besides 402 miles of city street car 
railroads, at a cost of $14,802,840. The great overland railroad 
from New York to San Francisco, California, to be completed 
by July, 1809, will of itself add 1,840 miles to the above, from 
San Francisco to Omaha, Nebraska; besides which, there have 
been many hundreds of miles of railroad built in other States, 
since 1800, and the miles in street railroads alone must have 
doubled since that time. 

The Pacific railroad is calculated to cost about one hundred 
million of dollars. The United States gives the companies 
building the road the use of fifty million dollars of United 
States six per cent, bonds for thirty years; also the fee simjyle of 
12,800 acres of land per mile, along the road, which in the ag- 
gregate amounts to about 220,000,000 of acres. This is the most 
munificent donation made by an^ Government to any enterprise 
in any age. 

The total distance from New York to San Francisco, Cal., by 
this great national highway, will be about 3,320 miles. 



618 



APPENDIX. 



INSURANCE COMPANIES. 



The first Insurance Company in America was established at 
Boston, Massachusetts, in the year 1724; in 1860, they had in- 
creased to 294, besides 47 Life Insurance Companies. 



The first canal in America, was coiistructed in 1789, fronn 
Boston harbor to the Concord river, a distance of twenty-seven 
miles, at a cost of $550,000. In 18G1, there were 118 canals- 
in the United States, of a total length of 5,4G2 miles, 

TOTAL VALUE OF KEAL ESTATE AND PEKSONAL PROPERTY IN THE UNITED- 

STATES. 



States and Territories, 


Real Estate and Personal Property. 


Increase. 


In- 
crease- 


1S50. 


18C0. 


per 

cent. 




$228,204,332 

30,841,025 

22,101,872 

155,707,980 

21,032,550 

22,832,270 

335,425,714 

150,235,003 

202,050,204 

23.714,038 


$495,207,073 
219,250,473 
207,874,013 
444,274,114 

43,242,181 

73,101,500 
645,895,207 
871,800,282 
528,835,071 
247,333,205 

31,327,895 
603,043,112 
602,118,508 
190,211,000 
370,919,044 
815,237,433 
257,103,983 

52,294,413 
007,324,911 
501,214,303 
153,310,830 
407,918,324 
1,843,308,517 
353,739,399 
1,193,893,422 

23,930,037 
l,41'i,501,818 
135,337,538 
543,103,754 
493,903,892 
305,200,014 
122,477,170 
793,249,081 
273,071.008 

41,031,945 
9,131,050 

20,813,708 
5,590,118 
5,001,430 


$207,032,743 
179,415,443 
185,712,741 
233,503,134 
25,170,025 
50,239,230 
310,439,523 
715,595,270 
323,105,107 
223,023,027 


117.01 




450.02 




837.98 




135.02 




119.54 


Florida 


210.74 




92.56 


Illinois • 


457.93 
1C0.05 




942.97 








301,028,450 
233,993,704 
122,777,571 
219,217,004 
573,342,280 
59,787,255 


334,414,050 
308,119,804 
07,443,029 
157,702,.'-8D 
241,895,147 
197,370,723 


120.81' 




157.31 




54.92 




71.93 




42.19 




330.13 






Mississippi i 


223,951,100 

137,247,707 

103,052,835 

200,000,000 

1,030,009,-lG 

223,800,472 

504,723,120 

5,033,474 

722,433,120 

80,503,794 

283,257,094 

201,243,083 

52,740,473 

92,205,049 

430,701,032 

42,053,595 

14,018,874 


373,073,781 
300,900,091 

52,053,025 
207,913,324 
703,029,301 
131,933,927 
039,172,302 

23,807.103 
094,015,093 

54,823,794 
259,881,030 
292,057,203 
312,4:0,141 

30,272,121 
362,543,099 
231,015,073 

27,000,071 


105.26 
205.18 




50.! a 




133.95 




70.C3 




53.17 


Ohio 


130.54 




471.05 




93.05 




03.10 




90.15 




145.42 




592.44 




32.83 




84.17 




550.72 




193.00 








5,174,471 
980,083 


15,009,293 
4,010,035 


302.24 




407.50 














Total 


$7,135,780,228 


$10,159,010,038 


$3,925,481,011 


120.45 



The above table is based upon the true valuation; the returns 
made by the several States, at the periods above mentioned, show 
a larger assessed value than the above. It will be seen by the 
annexed table how far the Free States run ahead of the Slave 
States in the increase of property. 

SENTIMENTS OF THE FRIENDS OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 

The following extracts from speeches, letters, addresses, ora- 
tions, and resolutions will illustrate the sentiments and positions 



APPENDIX. 619 

of prominent public men of America and Europe in relation to 
the political affairs of the American Republic 

WILLIAM H SEWABD. 

In March, 1858, William H. Seward, in the "United States 
Senate, said: 

"The question of Slavery in the Federal Territories, which are now the 
nurseries of future States, independent of its moral and human elements, 
involves a dynastical struggle of two antagouistical systems — the labor of 
slaves and the libor of freemen — for mastery in tho Federal Union. 

' ' There i J a higher law than the Constitution which regulates our authority 
over the domain. Slavery must be abolished, and wo must do it. 

" Slavery is not and never can bo perpetual. It will bo overthrown peace- 
fully and lawfully under this Constitution, or it Avill work the subversion of 
the Constitution, together with its own overthrow." 

In a speech made by Mr. Seward at Rochester, New York, 
October 25th, 185b, he said: 

"These antagonistic systems are continually coming into closer contact, 
and collision results. 

"Shell I tell you what this collision means? They who think that it is 
accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and 
therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It in an irrepressible covfud 
between opposing and enduring forces; and it means that tho United States 
must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slavcholding Nation, 
or entirely a free Lvbor Nation. Either tho cotton and rico fields of South 
Carolina, and the sugar plantations of Louir.iana, will ultimately be tilled by 
free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate mer- 
chandise alone, or else the rye fields and wheat fields of Massachusetts and 
New York must again be sui-rendered by their farmers to slave culture and to 
the production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more mar- 
kets for trade in the bodies and souls of men. It is the failure to apprehend 
this great truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at final compro- 
mise between the Slave and Free States; and it is the existence of this great 
fact that renders all such pretended compromises, when made, vain aaid 
ephemeral." 

JOSHUA K. GIDDINGS. 

Few men in America have been so closely identified with the 
interests of the down-trodden African and his jDOsterity in the 
United States, as has this able defender of the rights of man. 
Nor do his efforts to extirpate human Slavery from his country 
date from the period when " Abolitionists" were " respectable,'* 
but from the time when death penalties were inflicted by the 
cldvalry of the South for the advocacy of the doctrines of the 
Declaration of Independence, and when in tho Free States 
"constitutional" Democrats hunted down, like wild beasts, 
those who were bold enough to advocate emancipation. 

In the House of Representatives, as early as 1850, in response 
to the declaration of members from the South to disrupt the 
Union, Mr. Giddings, in a speech, used the following prophetic; 
language : 

"When that contest shall come, when the thunder shall roll and the light-- 
nings flash; when the slaves of tho South shall rise in the spirit of Freedom, 
actuated by the soul-stin-ing emotion that they are men, destined to immortal- 
ity, entitled to the rights which God bestoTrcd upon them ; when the mastera 



620 APPENDIX. 



shall turn pale and tremble; when their dwellings shall smoke, and dismay sit 
on each countenance; then, Sir, I do not say we will 'laugh at your calamity, 
and mock when your fear cometh,' but I do say the lover of our race will then 
stand forth and exert the legitimate powers of this Government of Freedom. We 
shall then have constitutional jyower to act for the good of our country, and to do 
justice to the slave. We will, then strike off the shackles feom his limbs. 
The Government will then have power to act between Slavery and Freedom; and 
it can best make jnace by giving liberty to the slaves. And let me tell you, Mr. 
Speaker, that time hastens; the President is exerting a power that will hurry it 
on; and I shall hail it as the approaching dawn of that Millennium which I 
know must come upon the earth." 

CHAELES SUMNEK. 

Among the many living champions of civil and religious lib- 
erty, few equal this eminent American statesman, who has had 
the honor to represent the State of Massachusetts in the Senate 
of the Nation for so many years.* The lead of the progressive 
political party of the Nation, was for years conceded to him; 
and if for a short time the reins were held by Thaddeus Stevens, 
Mr. Sumner may but feel proud of his competitor. As a clear- 
headed statesman, with a forecast of mind grasping principles 
and anticipating emergencies, Mr. Sumner has few living equals. 
As an inditst7'ious and faithful j:)ublic servant, he has no equal. 
His persistent opposition to Slavery, made him an object of attack 
by tlie " chivalry," while that party had control of the Capitol. 

Throughout the Slaveholders' Rebellion, and during the mem- 
orable conflict between the National Congress and Andrew John- 
son, Mr. Sumner stood foremost and faithful in opposition to 
treason and venality, and directed the current of National legis- 
lation to its present hapj^y condition, more than did any one 
man in America. The public measures and laws presented to 
•Congress by him, and which are now leading features of our 
National legislative enactments, outnumber those promulgated 
by any living man within the same period. And to his efforts 
and genius, may we in a large measure feel indebted for the 
equality of all men hefore the law in America. His proposition of 
the following clause of a law, pending the discussion, in the 
Senate, of a draft of a law pertaining to witnesses, on the 15th of 
July, 18G2, was the forerunner of the right of the colored man 
to obtain justice in American Courts: 

^'Provided, That there shall be no exclusion of any witnesses on account 
of color. ' ' 

He ofifered the following resolution. May 26th, 1862, which 
subsequently led to the employment and protection of colored 
soldiers : 

" Eesolved, That in the proseciition of the present war for the suppression 
of a wicked Rebellion, the time has come for the Government of the United 
State;, to appeal to the loj-alty of the whole people everywhere, but especially 
in the rebel districts, and to invite all, without distinction of color or class, to 
make their loyalty manifest by ceasing to fight or labcr for the rebels, and also 
by rendering every assistance in their power to the cause of the Constitution 

"Elected in 18G9. for the fourth time in succession. 



APPENDIX. 621 



aud the Uiiion, accorilinf^ to their ability, whether bv iirras, or labor, or infor- 
mation, or in any other wny, and, since protection and allegiance ai'c recipro- 
cal duties, dependent upon each other, it is the further duty of the Government 
of the United States to maintain all such loyal people, without distinction of 
color or class, in their rif^hts as riien, according to the principles of the Decla- 
ration of Independence." 

The following" extracts from a set of resolutions offered by Mr. 
Sumner, in the United States Senate, on the 11th of February, 
18G2, relating' to the rebellious States, i)resent a clear, legal, 
and logical exposition of the status of those Territories, upon 
the cessation of hostilities: 

"1. liesolved, That any vote of secession or other act by which any State 
may undertake to put an end to the supremacy of the Constitution within its 
territory is inoperative and void against the Constitution, and when sustained 
by force it becomes a practical abiUcatioa by the State, of all rights under the 
Constitution, while the treason which it involves still further works an instant 
forfnturc of all those functions and powers essential to the continued exist- 
ence of the State as a body imlitic, so (hat from that time forward the territory 
falls under the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress as other tenitory, and the 
State being, according to the language oi the law, fclo-dc-HC, ceases to exist. 

"2. That any combination of men assuming to act in the place of such 
State, attempting to ensnare or coerce the inhabitants thereof into a confeder- 
ation hostile to the Union is rebellious, treasonable, and destitute of all moral 
authority; and that such combination is a usurpation incapable of any consti- 
tutional existence and utterly lawless, kg that everything dependent upon it is 
without constitutional or legal support. 

"3. That the termination of a State under the Constitution necessarily 
causes the termination of those peculiar local institutions which, having no 
origin in the Constitution or in those natural rights which exist independent 
of the Constitution, are upheld by the sole and exclusive authority of the 
State. 

"4. That Slavery, being a peculiar local institution, derived from local laws, 
without any origin in the Constitution or in natural rights, is upheld by the 
sole and exclusive authority of the State, and must therefore cease to exist 
legally or constitutionally when the State on which it depends no longer 
exists; for the incident cannot survive the principle. 

"5. That in the exercise of its exclusive jurisdiction over the territory once 
occupied by the States, it is the duty of Congress to see that the supremacy of 
the Constitution is maintained in its essential principles, so that everywhere 
in thi3 extensive territory Slavery shall cease to exist practically, as it has 
already ceased to exist constitutionally or legally. 

"G. That any recognition of Slavery in such territory, or any surrender of 
slaves under the pretended laws of the extinct States by any officer of the 
United States, civil or military, is a recognition of the pretended Govern- 
ments, to the exclusion of the jurisdiction of Congi'ess under the Constitu- 
tion, and is in the nature of aid and comfort to the Eebellion that has been 
organized. 

"7. That any such recognition of Slavery or surrender of i)retendcd slaves, 
besides being a recognition of the pretended Governments, giving them aid 
and comfort, is a denial of the rights of persons who, by the extinction of the 
States have become free, so that under the Constitution, they cannot again be 
enslaved. 

"8. That allegiance from the inhabitant and protection from the Govern- 
ment are corresponding obligations, dependent upon each other, so that while 
the allegiance of every inhabitant of this territory, without distinction of color 
or class, is duo to the United States, and cannot in any way bo defeated by 
the action of any pretended Government, or by any pretense of jiroperty or 
claim to service, the corresponding obligation of protection is at the same time 
due by the United States to every such inhabitant, without distinction of color 
or class; and it follows that inhabitants held as slaves, whose paramount alle- 

40 



622 \ppE>JDix. 



giance is due to the United States, may justly look to the National vjovernment 
for protection. 

'"J. That the duty directly cast iipon Congress by the extinction of the 
State, is reinforced by the positive prohibition of the Constitution that ' na 
State shall enter into any confederation,' or 'without the consent of Congress 
keep troops or ships-of-war in time of peace, or enter into any agi-eement or 
compact with another State, ' or ' gi'ant letters of marque and reprisal, ' or ' coin 
money,' or 'emit bills of credit,' or 'without the consent of Congress lay any 
duties on imports or exports,' all of which have been done by these pretended 
Governments, and also by the positive injunction of the Constitution addressed 
to the Nation: that 'the United States shall guarantee to every State in this 
Union a Eepublican form of Government, and that in pursuance of this duty 
cast upon Congress, and further enjoined by the Constitution, Congress wiU 
assume complete jurisdiction of such vacated territory where such unconsti- 
tutional and illegal things have been attemiDted, and vrill i:)roceed to e^'vtabUsh 
therein Eepublican forms of Government under the Constitution, and in the 
execution of this trust will provide carefully for the protection of all the 
inhabitants thereof, for the security of families, the organization of labor, the 
encouragement of industry, and the welfare of society, and will in every way- 
discharge the duties of a just, merciful and paternal Government." 

On the 8th of February, 1863, Mr. Sumner, among' other reso- 
lutions, introduced the following, which embraces the views of 
the Republican party throughout the country upon the subject 
of Reconstruction, presenting' the powers and duties of Congress, 
and at once exploding the assumptions and heresies of Andrew 
Johnson and the Democratic party, that the Execidive possesses 
exclusive control over these people and Territories : 

"That in dealing with the rebel war the National Government is invested 
with two classes of rights — one the ricjlds of sovereigntij, inherent and indefeas- 
ible everywhere within the limits of the United States, and the other the rights 
of icar, or belligerent rights, which have been superinduced by the nature and 
extent of the contest; that, by virtue of the rights of sovereignty, the rebel and 
belligerent region is now subject to the National Government as its only right- 
ful Government, bound under the Constitution to all the duties of sovereignty 
and by special mandate bound also ' to giiarantee to every State a Hepublican 
form of Government, and to protect it against invasion;' that, by virtue of 
the rights of war, this same region is subject to all the conditions and inci- 
dents of war, according to the established usages of Christian nations, out of 
which is derived the familiar maxim of public dutj', 'Indemnity for the past 
and secm-ity for the future.' 

"That, in the exercise of this essential sujiremacy of the National Govern- 
ment, a solemn duty is cast upon Congi-ess to see that no rebel State is prema- 
turely restored to its constitutional functions until, within its borders, all 
proper safegiiards are established, so that loyal citizens, including the new 
made freedmen, cannot at anj' time be molested by evil-disposed persons, and 
especially that no man there may be made a slave; that this solemn duty 
belongs to Congi-ess under this Constitution, whether in the exercise of rights 
of sovereignty or rights of war, and that in its performance that system of 
'reconstruction' will be found the best, howsoever it may be named, which 
promises most surely to accomplish the desired end, so that Slavery, which is 
the synonym of the Rebellion, shall absolutely cease throughout the whole 
rebel and belligerent region, and the land which it has maddened, impover- 
ished and degraded, shall become safe, fertile and glorious from assured eman- 
cipation. 

" That in addition to the guarantees stipulated by Congress, and as the cap- 
stone to its work of restoration and reconciliation, the Constitution itself must 
be so amended as to prohibit Slavery evex-ywhere within the limits of the 
Bepublic; that such a prohibition, leaving all personal claims, whether of 
slave or master, to the legislation of Congress and of the States, will be in 



APPENDIX. 623 



itself a sacred and inviolable giiarantee, rejii'esentiug the collective will of the 
people of the United States, aud placing universal emancipation under the 
sanction of the Constitritiou. so that freedom shall be engraved on every foot 
of flio National soil, and be woven into every star of the National flag, while 
it elevates and inspires our whole National existence, and the Constitution, so 
often invoked for Slavery, but at last in harmony with the Declaration of 
Indejendence, will become, according to the holy aspirations of its founders, 
the sublime guardian of the inalienable right of every human being to life, 
liberty aud the pursuit of happiness; all of which must be done in the name 
of the Union, in duty to humanity, and for the sake of permanent peace." 

WILLIAM LLOYD GAKRISON. 

In connection with the many advocates of manhood rights, 
few have labored with more zeal and self-sacrifice than William 
Lloyd Garrison. His speeches, letters and editorial labors have 
largely contributed to giving vitality and shape to the early efforts 
of the "Abolitionists" who pioneered the way through the clrcaiy 
night of Democratic barbarism into the pure light oi Republican 
liberty. 

The list of the band of Freedom's Defenders, beginning with 
the earliest history of the Republic, might bo swelled by thou- 
sands of names, that will serve to illuminate the path of the op- 
pressed so long as liberty has inspiration for man. And, as future 
generations will read of the great conflict in America between 
Slavery and Freedom, dating from the proceedings in the Conven- 
tion which framed the Constitution to the time of the end of the 
Slaveholders' Rebellion in 1865, they will pause in mute respect 
and generous admiration over the names of George AYaohington, 
Benjamin Franklin, Lafayette, John Adams, John Hancock, John 
Quincy Adams, Abraham Lincoln, Benjamin Lundy, Daniel 
Webster, Thadcleiis Stevens, Thomas Starr King, William Lloyd 
Garrison, Joshua R. Giddings, Wendell Phillips, Owen Lovejoy 
and Charles Sumner, Not forgetting Horace Greeley, whoce fame 
as a patriot and journalist is co-extensive with modern reform and 
progressive liberty, and who in the columns of his widely cir- 
culated journal, the New York Tribune, has done more to cdacate 
the American people in modern Republicanism than any man in 
America. 

THADDEUS STEVENS. 

Thaddeus Stevens was born in Caledonia county, Vermont, on 
April 4th, 1792. He died at Washington, D. C. , on August 11th, 
1868, aged 76 years. At the time of his death he was a member 
of the Fortieth Congress of the United States from Pennsylvania, 
of which State ho had been a citizen for many j^ears. Ho grad- 
uated at Dartmouth College in 1814, in which year he moved to 
Pennsylvania, where he studied law, and was admitted to prac- 
tice in 1816. He soon rose to great eminence in his profession. 
At an early age he became an avowed enemy of Slavery. His 
views of the Dred Scott decision may be learned from his remarks 
upon learning of the death of its author. Chief Justice Taney. 
Wliile delivering a speech in Congress, he said: " The Dred Scott 
decision has damned the Chief Justice to everlasting infamy." 



624 APPENDIX. 



His love of human liberty was the inspiring theme of his whole 
life; and his withering sarcasm and sharp invective made him a 
most formidable antagonist in debate. Always on the side of 
mercy, and always the enemy of tyranny, he became a piercing 
thorn in the side of the Democratic body politic, and from the day 
of their attack upon Fort Sumter, to the close of his life, stood 
in the National Congress as a giant of terror to their perfidy, and 
a master spirit at the head of the great national progressive Re- 
publican party. 

Mr. Stevens entered public life in 1833, by being elected to the 
Pennsylvania Legislatiire. Ho subsequently held many import- 
ant offices in that State. In 1838 he was the champion of uni- 
versal suffrage, and did more to establish free schools in the State 
of Pennsylvania than any other man. In this he had the Democ- 
racy as a unit against him, and in the Pennsylvania Legislature 
they made the most strenuous efforts to expel him. A Democratic 
committee was appointed "to inquire whether Thaddeus Stevens, 
a member elect from the county of Adams, had not forfeited his 
right to a seat in the House." He was first elected to Congress 
in 1848, and was Chairman of the Committee of Reconstniction 
in the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congress, his last position being 
Chairman of the Board of Managers on the impeachment trial of 
Andre v.^ Johnson. 

In peaceful repose, at a ripe old age, he passed away, to join 
the hosts of the pure and just. His last hours of i^ain were allevi- 
ated by the angelic voices of the Sisters of Charity, who had for 
months before his death watched at his bedside, when ill; their 
pure hearts had clung to him; they aj^preciated his noble nature, 
and had not forgotten the material aid ho had secured to them in 
obtaining an appropriation of over $G0,000 from Congress, to 
help in building their edifice of charity, the ' ' Providence Hos- 
pital," in the city of Washington. 

Few men in any age have achieved for themselves so enviable 
a name as did Thaddeus Stevens; he was indeed worthy of the 
title of the great American Commoner; fit to be associated with 
the champion of freedom of the British Parliament, the great 
Commoner of England, John Bright. 

Mr. Stevens' industiy and fidelity in legislation has been un- 
surpassed. In many of his positions he has been considered 
"radical" and impracticable, even by many of his own party. 
Doubtless his vievv's Vv'ero a little in advance of those of the ma- 
jority of the people; but less than a quarter of a century from 
his decease will find the great mass of the American people up 
to, if not in advance, of his views. Then will those who shall be 
in the cnjo^anent of the blessings of America's free institutions 
apj)reciato the untiring energy with which this hero of human 
rights pursued a venal Executive, and rebellious political factions, 
and fought them, inch by inch, as he battled with death, down 
to the very brink of the grave. 

The following e.xtract, from a R]>eech delivered by Mr. Stevens, 



APPENDIX. 626 

at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, a few days before his death, and 
while sufierincf with disease, will shovv^ the true spirit of this great 
man. He said: 

"What i'i this world but a -world of progi'ess, and what is the statesman 
worth who i;; afraid to fifiht in the front ranks? The liberty of the world is 
not yet cficctcd. Half the world is yet in chains - half the world is yet nnder 
kiuf;ly government. Wo must go ahead, and, though I can do but little, I 
shall do what I can; and if, when I am dead, there sprouts any vigor from my 
bones and my grave to help forward posterity to proclaim the same doctrines 
of universal liberty, and universal suffrage, and universal disenthrallment from 
kings, I shall be satisfied. The Goddess of Liberty is rei^rcsented in ancient 
statues as a very nice little goddess, but vci-y small. I want her to grow — to 
put on the habiliments of mature age— until she can embrace within her folds 
every nation, and every tribe, and every human being within God's canopy. 
I care not what you say of negro equality; I care not what you say of radical- 
ism; these arc my principles, and with the help of God I shall die with them. 
I ask no epitaph. I shall have none; but I shall go with a pure consciousness 
of having tried to serve the whole human race, and never having injured a 
human being. ' ' 

EDWAED D. BAKEE. 

This illustrious champion of human freedom, one of America's 
ablest orators, was born in England, about the year 1800. He 
came to America when five years of age. His father died, leav- 
ing him friendless and in poverty. His earlier days were speat 
as a weaver in the city of Philadelphia. When he arrived at 
manhood he moved to Illinois, where he commenced the study 
and practice of the law, in which profession ho soon took a lead- 
ing position. Ho soon attached himself to the "Whig party, and 
in 1846-7 was elected to Congress from Illinois. On the break- 
ing out of the Mexican war he raised a regiment, at the head of 
which ho distinguished himself throughout the war. He returned 
to Illinois, and was again elected to Congress, where he served 
until 1850. In 1851 he arrived in California, where he resided 
until 1859, when ho removed to Oregon, where, in 1860, he was 
elected United States Senator. He was in this position when, in 
1861, the rebels fired on Fort Sumter. He soon after received 
a commission as Colonel in the Union army, at the head of which 
he was killed at the battle of Ball's Bluff, Virginia, October 21st, 
1861. (Baker was commissioned a Brigadier-General after his 
death.) 

The following extract is from a speech delivered by him in the 
United States Senate, December 31st, 1860, in reply to Mr. Ben- 
jamin, of Louisiana — the subject of the Union being under dis- 
cussion : 

"The entire object of the speech is, as I understand it, to offer a i^hilosoph- 
ical and constitutional disquisition to prove that the Government of these 
United States is, in point of fact, no Government at all -that it has no princi- 
ple of vitality, that it is to be overturned by a touch, dwindled into insignifi- 
cance by a doubt, dissolved by a breath, not by maladministra^on merely, bat 
in consequence of organic defects interwoven with its very ex».tence. 

"But, Su-, this purpose —strange and mournful in anybody, still more so in 
him— this purpose has a terrible significance now and here. In the judgment 
of the honorable Senator, the Union is this day dissolved; it is broken and 



626 APPENDIX. 



disintegrated; civil war is a consequence at onc(? necessary and ine^atable. 
Staudiap; in the Senate chamber, he speaks like a prophet of woe. The bur- 
den of tho prediction is the echo of what the distiiignishcd gentleman now 
presiding in that chair haa said before — (Mr. Iverson in tho chair) — 'Too late! 
too late!' The gleaming and lurid lights of wiir flash around his brow, even 
while ho speaks. Anl, Sir, were it not for the exquisite ameni':y of his tone 
and manner, wo could easily persuade ourselves that we saw the flashing of 
the arnur of the soldier beneath the robe of the Senator. 

"My parpose is far diffarent, Sir. I think it is f.ir higher, I desire to con- 
tribute my poor argument to maintain the dignity, the honor of the Govern- 
ment under which I live, and beneath whose august shadow I hope to die. I 
propose, in opposition to all that has been said, to show that the Government 
of the United States is in very deed a real, substantial power, ordained by the 
people, not dependent upon States — sovereign in its sphere; a Union, antl not 
a compact between sovereign States; that, according to its true theory, it has 
tho inherent capacity of self-protection; that its Constitution is a perpetuitj', 
beneficent, unfailing, gi-and; and that its powers ai'o equally capable cf eser- 
ciso against domestic treason and against foreign foes. Such, Sir, is the main 
purpoio of my speech; and what I iiiay say additional to this, will bo drawn 
from me in rej^ly to the speech to which I propose now to address mj'self . ' ' 

The following h an extract from a speeeli delivered by him at 
a Union mass meeting at Union Park, New York Cit}-, April 20th, 
18G1: 

"And if, from the far Pacific, a voice feebler than the feeblest murmur upon 
its shores, may bo heard to give you courage and hope in tho contest, that 
voice is youru to-day; and if a man whose hair is gray, who is well-nigh worn 
out in the battle and toil of life, may pledge himself on such an occasion and 
in such an audience, let mo say, as my last word, that when, amid sheeted 
fire and flame, I saw and led the hosts of New York as they charged in contest 
njoon a fbreigu soil for the honor of your flag, so again, if Providence shall 
will it, this feeble hind shall draw a sword, never yet dishonored — not to fight 
for distant honor in a foreign land —but to fight for country, for home, for 
law, for Government, for Constitution, for light, for freedom, for humanity, 
and in tho hope that tho banner of my countrj^ may advance, and wheresoever 
that banner waves, there glory may pursue and freedom be established." 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

Extracts from the address to the army at New Orleans, De- 
cember IStli, 1814, by Andrew Jackson: 

"Fellow Citizens and Soldiers: The General Commanding-in-Chief would not 
do jastico to the noble ardor that has animated yoti m tho hour of dauber, he 
would not do justice to his own feelings, if he sufi'ered tho example you have 
shown to pass without public notice. Inhabitants of an opulent commercial 
tov/n, j^ou have, by a sjioutancous effort, shaken off the habits which are cre- 
ated by wealth, and tho wn that you are resolved to deserve the blessings of 
fortune, by bravely defending them. Long strangers to tho jiorils of war, you 
have emboldened yourselves to face them with the cool countenance of vet- 
erans. With motives of disunion that might have oi^erated on some minds, 
you have forgotten the differences of language and prejudice of national pride, 
and united with a cordiality that does honor to your understanding as well as 
to your patriotism. 

"Natives of the United States! They are the oppressors of your infant 
political existence, with whom yoii are to contend — they are the men your 
fathers fought and conquered, whom you are now to oppose, 

"Descendants of Frenchmen! Natives of France! They are English— the 
hereditary, tho eternal enemies of your ancient country, the invaders of that 
you have adopted -who aro your foes. 

"Spaniards! Remember the conduct of your allies at St. Sebastian's, and 
recently at Pcnsacola, and rejoice that you have an opportunity of avenging 
the brutal injuries inflicted by men who dishonor the himian race. 



APPENDIX. 



627 



- Citizens of Louisiana! The General Commanding-in-Chief reioices to see 
the spirit that animates you, not only far your honor, t>^f /or your safety, for 
^'hatover had been your conduct or wishes, his duty yould have led and will 
^ow lead him, to co'nfound the citizen unmindful of his rights with the enemy 
ho^eases to oppose. Now, leading men who know their rights and who are 
determTned to^ defend them, he salutes you as brethren m arms, and has now 
anew motive to exert all his faculties, which shall be strained to the utmost 
in your defense. Continue with the energy you have begun ^itl^- ^^ f^^ 
promises YOU not only safety, but victory over the insolent enemy, who insulted 
^ou by an affected doubt of youi- attachment to the Constitution of your 

""^-'sofciiers' The President of the United States shall be informed of your 
conduct on the present occasion, and the voice of the r^epresentatives ot the 
American Natioii shall applaud your valor, as your General now praises your 
ardor. Tho enemy is near. His sails cover the lakes J^tt^ie bravo are 
united, and if he finds us contending among ourselves, it will be for the prize 
of valor, and fame, its noblest reward." 

Extract from President Jackson's proclamation to the people 
of South Carolina, in 1832: 

"Fellow Citizens of my native State: Contemplate the condition of that coun- 
try of which you form an important part. Consider its Government uniiing 
in one bond of common interest and general protection so many diflerent 
States givin- to all their inhabitants the proud title of American citizens pro- 
tecting^ theii" commerce, securing their literature and their arts, facilitating 
their intercommunication, defending their frontiers and making their name 
respected in tho remotest parts of tho earth. Consider tho extent of its tern- . 
torv, its increasing and happy population, its advance m arts which render hfe 
a^'e'cable, and tho sciences which elevate the mmd. , ., , , 

°"Seo education spreading the light of religion, humanity, and general 
information into every cottage in this wido extent of our Territories and States. 
Behold it as the asylum where the wretched and the oppressed find a retuge 
and support. Look on this picture of happiness and honor and say: We 
?oo are dtizens of America!' * * * The laws of theUmted States must 
b- executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject; my duty is em- 
phatically pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that they 
mi-ht peaceably prevent their execution, deceived you; they could not have 
b-en deceived themselves. They knew that a forcible opposition could alone 
prevent the execution of the laws, and they knew that such opposition must 
b- repelled. Their object is disunion, but be not deceived by names ; disunion 
by armed force is treason. Ai-o you really ready to incur its guilt? If you 
are on tho heads of tho instigators of the act be the dreadful consequences- 
on their heads be tho dishonor -but on yours may fall the punishment. On 
your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the conflict you force 
upon the Government of your country. Its enemies have beheld oiir prosper- 
ity with a vexation thev could not conceal; it was a standing refutation of 
tlicir slavish doctrines, and they will point to our discord with the triumph of 
malignau't joy." 

JOSIAH QTJINCY. 

The following is an exhortation to self-defense, delivered by 
Josiah Quincy, at Boston, in 17C8: 

"If there ever was a time, this is the hour for Americans to rouse them- 
selves and exert every ability. Their all is at hazard, and the die of late spins 
doubtful. British taxations, suspensions of Legislatures, and standing armies, 
arc but some of the clouds which overshadow the northern world Nmv is 
tho time for this people to summon every aid, human and di vine; to exhibit 
every moral virtue, and call forth every christian grace. Tho wisdom ot the 
serpent, the innocence of the dove, and tho intrepidity of the lion, with the 
blessing of God, will yet save us from tho jaws of destruction. By the sweat 
.>f our brow we earn the little we possess; from nature we derive tho eommou 
40 



628 APPENDIX. 

rights of man, and by charter we claim the liberties of Britons. Shall we, 
dare we, pusillan"Tmously siirrender our birthright? 

"Be not deceived, my countrymen. Believe not those venal hirelings who 
would cajole you by their subtleties into submission, or frighten you by their 
vaporiugs into compliance. When they strive to flatter you by the terms 
' moderation and prudence, ' tell them that calmness and deliberation are to 
guide the judgment, coiirage and intrepidity command the action. "When Ihey 
endeavor to make us 'perceive our inability to oppose our mother country,' 
let us boldly answer: 'In defense of our civil and religious rights, we dare 
oppose the world! With the God of armies on our side, even the God who 
fought our fathers' battles, we fear not the hour of trial, though the hosts of 
our enemies should cover the field like locusts. If this be enthusiasm, we 
will live and die enthusiasts.' 

"O my countrymen! What will our children say when they read the his- 
tory of these times, should they find that wo tamely gave way, without one 
noble struggle, the most inestimable of earthly blessings? As they drag the 
galling chain, Avill they not execrate us? If we have any respect for things 
sacred, any regard to the dearest treasure on earth; if we have one tender 
ssntimcnt for posteritj', if we would not be despised by the whole world, let 
xis, in the most open, solemn manner, and with determined fortitude, swear — 
'We will die, if we cannot live freemen!' " 

COL. ISAAC BAERfi. 

A "Protest against Injustice," being a speecli delivered in the 
British Parliament in 17G5, by Col. Isaac Barre: 

"Su-, I have listened to the honorable member, who spoke last, with aston- 
ishment. Has he forgotten the history of the Colonies? ' Will these Ameri- 
cans, children planted by our care, nourished by our indulgence, lorotected by 
our arms, refuse their mite?' 

"They planted by your care! No; your oppression planted them in Amer- 
ica. They fled from your tyrannj', to a then nncultivated and inhospitable 
country, where they exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which 
human nature is liable, and, among others, to the cruelty of a savage foe— the 
most subtle, and, I will take npon me to say, the most formidable of any peo- 
ple iipon the face of the earth— and yet, actuated by principles of true EngUsh 
liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure, compared with those they siif- 
fered in their own country from the hands of those who should have been 
their friends. 

" They nourished wphy your indulgence! They gi-ew by your neglect of 
them. As soon as you began to care about them, that care v/as exercised in 
sending persons to rule them, in one depai-tment or another, who were, per- 
haps, the deputies of deputies to some members of this House, sent to spy out 
their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them — men 
whoso behavior, on many occasions, has caused the blood of those sons of lib- 
erty to recoil within them; men promoted to the highest seat of justice, some 
who, to ray knovvledge, were glad, by going to a foreign country, to escape 
being brought to the bar of a Court of justicfe in their own. 

"They protected by ?/o«r arms! They have nobly taken up arms in your 
defense, "have exerted a valor, amidst their constant and laborious industvy, 
for the defense of a country v.hose frontier was drenched in blood, while its 
interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emoluments. 

"And, believe me -remember I this day told you so -that the same spirit of 
freedom which actuated that people at first aVIII accompany them still. But 
prudence forbids me to explain luyself further. Heaven knows, I do not at 
this time speak from motives of party heat. What I deliver are the genuine 
sentiments of my heart. 

"However superior to me in general knowledge and experience the respect- 
able body of this House may be, yet I claim to know more of America than 
most of you, having seen and been conversant in that coimtry. The jieople, 
I believe, are as trulv loyal as any subjects the king has, but a people jealous 
of their liberties, and who will vindicate them if ever they should be violated 
But the subject is too delicate; I will say no more." 



APPENDIX. 629 



DANIEL WEBSTEB. 

"The Union must be preserved," speech in Congress, deliv- 
ered January 26th, 1830, by Daniel Webster: 

''Mr. President: I have thus stated the reasons of my dissent to the doc- 
trines which ]iave been advanced and maintained. I am conscious of having 
detained you and the Senate much too long. I was drawn iuto the debate 
with no previous deliberation, such as is suited to the discussion of so grave 
and important a subject. But it is a subject of which my heart is full, and I 
have not been willing to sujipress the utterance of its spontaneoiis sentiments. 
I cannot, even now, persuade myself to relinquish it without expressing once 
more my deep conviction that, since it respects nothing less than the nnion of 
the States, it is of most vital and essential importance to the public happi- 
ness. 

"I profess, sir, in my career hitherio, to have kept steadily in view the 
jirosperity and honor of the whole country, and the i^reservation of the Federal 
Union. I have not allowed myself to look beyond the Union to see what might 
ba hic^den in tho dark recess behind. I have not coolly weighed the chances 
of preserving liberty, when the bonds that unite us together shall be broken 
asunder. I have not accustomed myself to hang over the precipice of disuniorr 
to see whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depths of the f.byss 
below; nor could I regard him as a safe counselor in the affairs of this Gov- 
ernment whor.e thoughts should be mainly bent on considering, not how the 
Union should be preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition of the 
people when it shall be broken up and destroyed. 

" While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread 
oi;t before us, for us and our children. Beyond that, I seek not to penetrate 
the veil. God grant that in my day, at least, the curtain may not rise! God 
gi'ant that on my vision never may be opened what lies behind f When ray 
eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not 
see him shining on the broken and dishonored fi'agments of a once glorious 
Union, on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on a land rent with civil 
feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood. Let their last feeble and 
lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the Republic, now known 
and honored throughoiit the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and tro- 
phies streaming in their original lustre, not a star obscured, not a stripe erased 
or polluted, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as, What ia 
all thvi worth? or those other words of delusion and folly, Liberty first and 
Union afterirard; but everywhere sjjread all over in characters of li\nng light, 
blazing on all its ample folds as they float over the sea and over tho land, and 
in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every 
true American heart. Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable," 

JAMES BUCHANAN. 

On the 15th day of February, 1859, in the National Congress, 
Mr. Morris, Representative from Illinois and a Union Democrat, 
said : 

"The President, sir, has been weighed in the balance and found wanting, 
and no flower of gi-atitude will ever bloom upon his gi-ave. If 'the evil men 
do, live after them, ' and ' tho good i.j often interred in their bones, ' how unfor- 
tunate for him. In his efforts to lead others out of the Democratic party, he 
has not exactly gotten out himself, for ho was never really in it; but he has 
been the means of the forfeiture of that confidence it might otherwise have 
oontiuued to bestow upon him — in other v.-ords, he has committed polilical 
puicide. In his vain endeavors to inscribe his name high upon tho roll of 
fame, he has written it in sand, and the sporting winds will soon obliterate 
every vestige of it, except the evil deeds connected with it." 

In the Thirty-sixth Congress, January 16th, 1861, Mr. Morris 
said : 

" All I have said of Mr. Buchanan has proved true. * * * Two years 



630 APPENDIX. 



ago, I proposed to bring articles of impeachment against the President; my 
own conviction prompted me to do so, but I allowed "myself to be persuaded 
to do otherwise. * * * The fact, sir, is notorious that coiTuiition has been 
rank in all the Executive Departments of the Government, that they lay around 
us a mass of moral and political putrifaction, that from the highest to the low- 
est they have plundered the public coffers— poisoned the channels of National 
virtue, prostituted to unholy purposes the highest obligations of patriotism, 
tarnished the National honor, and destroyed the National credit. * * * lu 
the history of America, Mr. Buchanan will be presented as the proscriptive 
tyrant, the rewarder of perfidy, the squanderer of the imblic treasiire, and the 
destroyer of public peace. In whatever picture may be hereafter drawn of his 
administration, he will appear in the foreground the anguish of guilt worldng 
in the hard lines of his face, yet with his liiDS preaching to his countrymen of 
honesty, economy, unity and brotherly love." 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 

On June 17th, 1858, speaking of Slavery, said: 

' ' In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and 
passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this Gov- 
ernment cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect 
the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect 
it will cease to be divided— it will become all one thing or all the other." 

HENEY CLAY. 

Speaking of Slavery in the Territories, he said: 

*'33ut if, unhappily, we should be involved in war, in civil war between the 
two parts of this confederacy, in which the effort upon the one side should be 
to restrain the introduction of Slavery into the new Territories, and upon the 
other to force its introduction there, what a siaectacle should we present to the 
astonishment of mankind, in an effort not to propagate right, but, I must say 
it, though I trust it will be understood to be said with no design to excite feel- 
ing — a war to propagate Slavery in the Ten-itories thus acquired from Mex- 
ico. It would be a war in which we should have no symi^athies, no good 
wishes, in which all mankind would be against us; for, from tho commence- 
ment of the Eevolution down to the present time, we have constantly reproached 
our British ancestors for the introduction of Slavery into this country." 

PATRICK HENRY. 

"War Inevitable," speech iu the Continental Congress, in 
1775, by Patrick Henry: 

"They tell us, sir, that we are weak— unable to cope with so formidable an 
adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the 
next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard 
shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution 
and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying 
supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our 
enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make 
a proper use of those means which the God of Nature hath placed in our 
power. 

"Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of Liberty, and in such 
a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our 
enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. 
There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will 
raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong 
alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no 
election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from 
the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Uur chains 
are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the i^lains of Boston! The war 
is inevitable, and let it come!! I repeat it, sir, let it come!!! 

" It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may ci-y peace, peace 



11 



APPENDIX. 631 

— but there is no peace. The war is actualW begun! The next gale that 
sweeps from the no'th will briug to our ears the clash of resounding armsl 
Oar brethren are already in the lield! Why stand we here idle? What is it 
that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so 
sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, 
Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give 
me liberty, or give me death!" 

The return of British fugitives advocated by Patrick Heniy, 
in a speech delivered in Congress, in the year 1782: 

" I venture to prophecy that there are now those living who will see this 
favored land amongst the most powerful on earlh — able, sir, to take care of 
herself, without resoi'ting to that policy which is always so dangeroiis, though 
sometimes iinavoidable, of calling in foreign aid. Yes, sir, they will see her 
gi-':it in arts and arms —her golden harvests waving over iields of immeasura- 
bL' extent, her commerce penetrating the most distant seas, and her cannon 
silencing the vain boasts of those who now proudly affect to rule the waves. 
Bui, sir, you must have men; you cannot get along Avithout them. Those 
heavy forests of valuable timber, under which your lands are gToauing, must 
be cleared away. Those vast riches which cover the face of your soil, as well 
as those that lie hid in its bosom, are to be developed and gathered only by 
the skill and enterprise of men. Your timber, sir, must be worked up into 
ships to transport the productions of the soil from which it has been cleared. 
Then, you must have commercial men and commercial capital, to take off 
your productions, and tind the best markets for them abroad. Your gi'eat 
want, sir, is the want of men, and these you must have, and will have speed- 
ily, if j'ou are vvise. 

"Do you ask how you are to get them? Open your doors, sir, and they will 
come in. The population of the Old World is lull to overflowing. That pop- 
ulation is ground, too, by the oppressions of the governments under which 
they live. Sir, they are already standing on tip-toe on their native shores, 
and looking to your coasts with a wistful and longing eye. They see here a 
land blessed with natural and political advantages, which are not equaled by 
those of any other country upon earth — a land on which a gracious Providence 
hath emptied the horn of abundance — a land over which Peace hath now 
stretched forth her white wings, and where Content and Plenty lie down at 
every door. 

"Sir, they see something stiU more attractive than all this. They see » 
land in which Liberty hath taken up her abode— that Liberty whom they had 
considered as a fabled goddess, existing only in the fancies of poets. They 
see her here a real divinity, her altars rising on every hand throughout these 
happy States, her glories chanted by three milUons of tongues, and the whole 
region smiling under her blessed influence. Sir, let but this, our celestial 
goddess, Liberty, stretch forth her fair hand toward the people of the Old 
World, tell them to come and bid them welcome, and you will see them pour- 
ing in from the North, from the South, from the East, and from the "West. 
Your wilderness will be cleared and settled, yoiir deserts will smile, your ranks 
will be filled, and you will soon be in a condition to defy the power of any 
adversary. 

"But gentlemen object to any accession from Great Britain, and particularly 
to the rettirn of the British refugees. * * * Even if they be inimical in 
point of feeling and principle, I can see no objection, in a political view, in 
making them tributary to our advantage. And, as I have no prejudges to 
prevent my making this use of them, so, sir, I have no fear of any mischief 
that they can do us. Afraid of them! What, sir, shall we, who have laid the 
proud British lion at our feet, now be afraid of his ichelps?" 

FIRST AMERICAN CONSTITUTION. 

At noon, on Friday, November 10th, lG20{Old Shjlc), November 
21st (Neio Sh/le), the Maujlower dropped her anchor at Cape Cod, 
whereupon on the following day, after prayer and thanksgiving, 



632 ATPENDIX. 

and before a landing was ;.jade, a compact was entered into and 
signed by all the men on board (41), forming themselves into a 
body politic for the government of the Colony; agreeing to bo 
ruled in all things by the majority. An election was immedi- 
ately held, w'hen John Cauvkr was unanimouslj^ elected Gover- 
nor for one year. For ten years succeeding, the colonists held 
their property in common. 

After exploring the coast in small boats for one month, the}', 
Dec. 11th, HJ-2(){(}ld Shjli'), Dec. 1M {New Style), disembarked. 
In a few days the Mayflower was brought into the harbor, and on 
the 25th they began building. " Plymouth Kock," now known 
as "Forefathers' Rock," upon which the pilgrims first placed 
their feet as they stejjped, at high tide, upon the American Con- 
tinent, at Plymouth, was removed from its original position and 
jDlaced in the square of the town of Plymouth. On July 4th, 
1834, it was removed from there and placed in front of the 
new Pilgrim Hall in the town of Plymouth, under the charge of 
the Pilgrim Society, where it now is resting uj^on a base of 
granite and inclosed with an iron railing, five feet high. Ui^on 
an iron wreath ornamenting the head of the railing are cast the 
names of the forty-one pilgrim fathers who signed the compact 
on board of the Mayflower. 

Following is a verbatim copy of this first American Constitu- 
tion. (For Signers, see pages 25 and 2G.) 

"In tho name of God, Amen. We, whose Names are iiuderwrittcn, the 
Loyal Subjects of otir dread Sovereign Lord, King James, by the Grace of God, 
of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of tlie Faith, etc., Hav- 
ing undertaken, for the Glory of God and advancement of the Christian Faith, 
and Honour of our King and country, a Voyage, to Plant tho first Colony in 
tho Northern Parts of Virginia; Do, by these Presents, solemnly and mutu- 
allj"-, in tho Presence of God, and of one another. Covenant and Combine our- 
selves together unto a Civil body Politick, for our better Ordering and Pres- 
ervation, and Furtherance of tho Ends aforesaid: and, by Virtue hereof, to 
enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, 
Coustitirtions, and Offices, from Time to Time, as shall be thought most meet 
and convenient for tho General Good oi the Colony; unto which wo Promise 
all due Submission and Obedience. In witness whereof, m'c have hereunder 
subscribed our Names, at Cape Cod, the eleventh of November, in tho year 
of tho lleign of our Sovereign Lord, King James, of England, France, and 
Ireland, the Eighteenth, and of Scotland the Fifty-Fourth, Anno Domini, 
1620." 

UNITED COLONIES OP NEW ENGLAND. 

From the first settlement in New England, in 1620, up to 
1G43, the political afi'airs of the Colonies continued to be con- 
ducted under the charters obtained by the several Colonies from 
England. 

The continued treachery and hostility of the Indians, together 
with apprehensions of hostility from the Dutch at Manhattan, 
and the French and Dutch settlers in Acadia (Nova Scotia) caused 
the four Colonies — Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and 
New Haven to form a mutual league or confederation, under 
tho name of the " United Colonies of New England." The Con- 
vention to form the Confederacy met at Boston, Mass., where. 



APPENDIX. G33 

•on the 19tli of INIay, 1G43 {Old Style), May 30tli {New Style), they 
formed a compact, by the terms of which each Colony was to 
conduct its political aflairs by two Commissioners from each, 
forming a Con<>ress of the United Colonies; each Colony was to 
furnish its (piota of men and arms, in case of any of the Colo- 
nies being- invaded. Ilhode Island made application for admis- 
sion into the Confedcrac}'; but the conditions exacted did not 
suit her people, so she was not admitted. 

In 1G72, the Confederation was reorganized, in consequence 
of the union of the New Haven Colony with Connecticut, in 
1GG5. From this period, the power of the Commissioners was 
much restricted. Their executive functions ceasing and their 
office being only advisory, until under the changed condition and 
fast-increasing population, each Colony assumed a separate 
character, until the formation of the Confederation of the Thir- 
teen Colonies under the Articles of Confederation of 1778. 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

A Declaration of Ihe Bepresentaiives of the United States uf America, in Congress 
assembled, July 4ih, 1776. 

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people 
to dissolve the pohtical bands which have connected them with another, and 
to assume, amonc; the powers of the earth, the scijaratc and equal station to 
which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to 
the opinions of mankind requires, that they should declare the causes which 
impel them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident:- that all men are created equal; 
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rij^hls; that 
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure 
these rights, governments arc instituted among men, deriving their just pow- 
ers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government 
becomes destructive of these cuds, it is the right of the jieople to alter or to 
abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such 

f)rincii5lcs, and organizing its jiowcrs in such form as to them shall seem most 
ikely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, 
that governments long established should not be changed for light and tran- 
sient causes; and accordingly all expei'ience hath shown, that mankind are 
more disposed to sufi'er, while evils are sufferablo, than to right themselves, 
by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long 
train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invaiiably the same object, evinces 
a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their 
duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their 
future security. Such has been the jiatient sufferance of these Colonies, and 
such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems 
cf government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history 
of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establish- 
ment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be 
submitted to a candid world. 

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the 
■public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing im- 
portance, unless suspended in their oi^eration, till his assent should be ob- 
tained; and when so suspended, ho has utterly neglected to attend to them. 
He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of 

{)eople, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the 
egialature— a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 



634 



APPENDIX. 



He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, 
and distant from the repository of their public records, for the sole pui-puse 
of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with 
manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. 

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to 
be elected; whereby the legislative jjowers, incapable of annihilation, have re- 
turned to the people at large for their exercise, the State remaining, in the 
mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convul- 
sions within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the i^opulation of these States; for that jjur- 
pose obstructing the laws of naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass 
others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new 
appropriations of lands. 

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to 
laws for establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their of- 
fices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of ofScerSj. 
to harass our people, and eat out their substance. 

He has hept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the con- 
sent of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military, independent of, and superior to, the 
civil power. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our 
Constitutions, and \inacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts; 
of pretended legislation : 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: 

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders- 
which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States: 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world: 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent: 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury: 

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses : 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province,. 
establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundai'ies, 
so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the 
same absolute rule into these Colonies. 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and alter- 
ing, fundamentally, the forms of our governments: 

For suspending otu- own legislatures, and declaring themselves investei 
•with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection,. 
and waging war against us. 

He has phandered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and de- 
stroyed the lives of our people. 

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to com- 
plete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, aheady begun with circum- 
stances of cruelty and i:)erfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages,, 
and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

He has constrained our fellow citizens, talcen captive on the high seas, to 
bear arms rgainst their country, to become the executioners of their friends 
and brethren, or to tail themselves by their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to- 
bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose 
known rule of warfore is an undistinguished destraction of all ages, sexes, and 
conditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the 
most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by re-- 
peated injm-ies. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which 
may detiuo a tyrant, is unlit t j be the ruler of a free iteoplo. 

Xoi- liave wo ho'^ix wnutin;/ ii .•:tt'^utious to nnr liriti.sh. I.irttlij-eii.. W(j Kavr. 



AITENDIX. G35" 



vamod them, from time to time, of attemiats by their legislature to exiend an 
nuwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circum- 
Btanccs of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their 
native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our 
common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably inter- 
rupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been de:'.f to the 
voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the 
necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest 
of mankind -enemies in war, in peace friends. 

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in Gen- 
eral CoDgress assembled, appealing lo the Supreme Judge of (he world, for 
the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and bj' the authority of the 
good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United 
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they 
are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political 
connection between them and (he State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, 
totally dissolved; and that, as free and independent States, they have full 
power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and 
to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do. 
And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection 
of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our for- 
tunes, and our sacred honor, JOHN HANCOCK. 

New Ham psJiire— J ofiiah. Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton. 
Massachusells JSa?/ — Samuel Adams, John Adams, liobert Treat Paine, EI- 
bridge Gerry. Hhode Island — Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. Con- 
necticut - T\,ogev Sherman, Samiael Huntingdon, Willian Williams, Oliver Wol- 
cott. JSfew York — William Floyd, PhiKp Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis 
Morris. Neio Jersey— Pilchard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkin- 
son, John Hart, Abraham Clark. Pennsylvania — Robert Morris, Benjamin 
Bush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, Geo. 
Taylor, James Wilson, George Boss. Delaware— Cresar Rodney, George Read, 
Thomas M'Kean. Maryland — ^a.mx\Q\ Chase, Wilham Paca, Thomas Stone, 
Chaiies Carroll, of Carrollton. Virginia — Qeoicge Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, 
Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nel-on, Jr., Francis Light- 
foot Lee, Carter Braxton. North Carolina — William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, 
John Penn. South Carolina — Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., 
Tnomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton. Georgia — Burton Gwinnet, Lyman. 
Hall, George Walton. 

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 

Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of New Hamp-^ 
shire, Massachusetts Bay, Ehode Island and Providence Plantations, Con- 
necticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 

Akticle 1. The style of this confederacy shall be, " The United States of' 
America." 

Aet. 2. Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and 
ever;; power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this confederation ex- 
pressly delegated to *be United States, in Congress assembled. 

Aet. 3. The said Suites hereby severally enter into a firm league of friend- 
ship with each ether for (heir common defense, the security of their liberties, 
and their mutual and j^enerai welfare, binding themselves to assist each other 
against all force offereu l.». or attacks made itpon them, or any of them, on 
account of religion, sovereigntj', trade, or any other pretense whatever. 

Aet. 4. $ 1. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and in- 
tercourse among the people of the different States in this Union, the free 
inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from 
justice excepted, shall bo entitled to all privileges and immunities of free 
citizens in the several States; and the people of each State shaU- have free- 
ingress and regi-ess to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all 



636 APPENDIX. 

the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, 
^nd restrictions, as the inhabitants thereof respectively; provided, that such 
restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property im- 
ported into any State, to any other State, of which the o\vner is an inhabitant; 
provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restrictio-^, shall be laid by any 
■State on the property of the United States, or either of them. 

§ 2. If any person ffuilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or other high 
misdemeanor in any State, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the 
United States, he shall, upon the demand of the Governor or execiitive power 
of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, and removed to the State 
having jurisdiction of his offense. 

$3. Full faith and credit shall be given, in each of these States, to the 
records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every 
other State. 

AuT. 5. ^1. For the more convenient management of the general interests 
of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such a manner 
as the Legislature of each State shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first 
Monday in November, in every year, with a power reserved to each State to 
recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send 
others in their stead, for the remainder of the year. 

§ 2. No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor more 
than seven members ; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for 
more than three years, in any term of six years; nor shall any jjerson, being 
a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, for which 
he, or any other for his benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any 
kind. 

§ 3. Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the States, 
and while they act as members of the committees of these States. 

§ 4. In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, 
each State shall have one vote. 

^ 5. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be imjjeached or 
questioned in any Court or place out of Congress, and the members of Con- 
gress shall be protected in their persons, from arrests and imprisonments 
during the time of their going to and from, and attendance on, Congress, 
except for treason, felony, or breach of the i^eace. 

Art. G. § 1. No State, without the consent of the United States, in Congress 
assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter 
into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty, with any liing, prince, or 
State; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the 
United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office, or 
title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State; nor shall 
the United States, in Congress assembled, or any of them, gi-ant any title of 
nobihty. 

§ 2. No two or more States shaU enter into any treaty, confederation, or 
alliance whatever, between them, without the consent of the United States, in 
Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is 
to be entered into, and how long it shall continue. 

§ 3. No State shall lay any imposts or duties which may interfere with any 
stipulations in treaties, entered into by the United States, in Congi-ess assem- 
bled, with any king, prince, or State, in pursiiance of any treaties already 
proposed by Congi-ess to the Courts of France and Spain. 

§ 4. No vessels of war shall bo kept up in time of peace, by any State, 
except such niimbcr only as shall be deemed necessary by the United States, 
in Congi'ess assembled, for the defense of such State, or its trade; nor shall 
any body of forces bo kept up, by any State, in time of peace, except such 
number only as, in the judgment of the United States, in Congress assembled, 
shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defense of 
such State; but every State shall always keei) up a regular and well-disciplined 
militia, suffiriently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and constantly 
have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces and tents, 
and a projier quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equij^age. 

§ 5. No State shall engage in any war without the conseut of the United 
States, in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by ene- 



APPENDIX. 637 

mies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by 
some nation of Indians to invade such Stale, and the danger is so imminent 
as not to admit of delay till the United States, in Congress assembled, can be 
consulted; nor shall any State grant commissions to any ships or vessels of 
war. nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war 
by the United States, in Congress assembled, and then only against a King- 
dom or State, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, 
and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States, in 
Congress assembled, unless such State be infjsted by pirates, in which case 
vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the 
danger shall continue, or imtil the United States, in Congress assembled, 
shall determine otherwise. 

Akt. 7. When land forces are raised by any State, for the common defense, 
all officers of, or under the rank of Colonel, shall be appointed by the Legis- 
lature of each State respectively by whom such forces shall be raised, or in 
such manner as such State shall direct, and all vacancies shall be tilled up by 
the State which first made the appointment. 

Aet. 8. All charges of war, and all other expense? that shall be incurred for 
the common defense or general welfare, and allowed by the United States, in 
Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, Avhich shall 
be supplied by the several States, in proportion to the value of all land within 
each State, granted to, or surveyed for, any person, as such land and the 
"buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated, according to such 
mode as the United States, in Congress assembled, shall, from time to time, 
direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and 
levied by the authority and direction of the Legislatures of the several States, 
wituin the time agreed upon by the United States, in Congress assembled. 

Aet. 9. (i 1. The United States, in Congi-ess assembled, shall have the sole 
and exclusive right and power of determining on itesice and war, except in the 
cases mentioned in the sixth Article: Of sending and receiving ambassadors; 
entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall 
be made, whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be 
restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own 
people are subjected to, or from i:)rohibiting the exportation or importation of 
any si^ecies of goods or commodities whatever; of establishing rules for de- 
ciding, in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what 
manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United 
States, shall be divided or appropriated; of gi'anting letters of marque and 
reprisal in times of jieace; appointing Courts for the trial of piracies and 
felonies committed on the high seas; and establishing Courts for receiving and 
determining finally appeals in all cases of captures; provided that no member 
of Congress shall be ajipointed a judge of any of the said Courts. 

§ 2. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the last resort 
on appeal, in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or that hereafter 
may arise, between two or more States concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or 
any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the 
manner following : Whenever the legislative or executive authority, or lawful 
agent of any State in controversy with another, shall jiresent a petition to 
Congress, stating the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice 
thereof shall bo given, by order of Congress, to the legislative or executive 
authority of the other State in controversy, and a day assigned for the appear- 
ance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to ap- 
point, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a Court for 
hearing and determining the matter in question; but if they cannot agree, 
Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United States, and from 
the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the peti- 
tioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen; and from 
that number not less than seven, nor more than nine names, as Congress 
shall direct, shall, in the presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the 
persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commia- 
sioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so alwaj's as 
a major part of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the deter- 



638 APPENDIX. 



mination; and if either party Bhall neglect to attend at the day appointed^ 
without showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being- 
present, shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three 
persons out of each State, and the Secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf 
of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the Court, 
to be appointed in the manner before jDrescribcd, shall be final and eonclusive; 
and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such Court, 
or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the Court shall nevertheless pro- 
ceed to pronounce sentence, or judgment, which shall in Uke manner be final 
and decisive; the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being in either 
case submitted to Congi'ess, and lodged among the acts of Congres?, for the 
security of the parties concerned; provided, that every commissioner, before 
he sits in JTidgment, shall take an oath, to be administered by one of the 
judges of the Supreme ©r Superior Court of the State where the cause shall 
be tried, " weU. and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, 
according to the best of bis judgment, without favor, aff"ection, or hope of 
reward." Provided, also, that no State shall be deprived of territory for the 
benefit of the United States. 

§ 3. All controv&rsies concerning the private right of soil claimed under 
different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdiction, as they may respect 
such lands, and the States which passed such gi-ants are adjusted, the said 
gi'ants or cither of them being at the same time claimed to have originated 
antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall, ou the jietition of either 
party to the Congress of the United States, be finally determined, as near as 
may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes 
respecting territorial jurisdiction between different States. 

§ 4. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the sole and 
exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by 
their own authority, or by that of the respective States ; fixing the standard 
of weights and measures thrcughout the United States; regulating the trade 
and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the States; 
provided that the legislative right of any State, within its own limits, be not 
infringed or violated; establishing and regulating post offices from one State 
to another, throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the 
papers passing through the same as may be requisite to defray the expenses 
of the said office; appointing all officers in the land forces in the service of the 
United States, excepting regimental officers; appointing all the officers of the 
naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the 
United States; making rules for the government and regulation of the said 
land and naval forces, and directing their operations. 

§ 5. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have authority to 
appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to bo denominated, 
"A Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate from each State; 
and to appoint suth other committees and civil officers as may be necessary 
for managing the general affairs of the United States under their direction; to 
appoint one of their ntimber to preside; provided, that no person be allowed 
to serve in the office of President more than one year in any term of three 
years ; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service 
of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the 
public expenses; to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United 
States, transmitting every half year to the respective States an account of the 
sums of money so borrowed or emitted; to build and equip a navy; to agi'ee 
upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each State for 
its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State, 
which requisition shall be binding; and thereupon the Legislature of each 
State shall ai^point the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and 
equip them, in a soldier-like manner, at the expense of the United States; 
and the officers and men so clothed, armed and equipped, shall march to the 
place aiipointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States, in Con- 
gi-ess assembled; but if the United States, in Congi-ess assembled, shall, on 
consideration of circumstances, judge projicr that an}' litatc should not raise 
men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other 



APPEND] X. 639 



State should raise a greateT uuiuber of men than the quota thereof, such extra 
number shall be raised, oiSecrcd, clothed, armed, and equipped in the same 
manner as the quota of such State, unless the Legislature of such State shall 
judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same, in 
which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equiji as many of such 
extra number as they judge can bo safely spared, and the officers and men so 
clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within 
the time agreed on by the United States, in Congress assembled. 

§ 6. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage in a war, 
nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any 
treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor 
ascertain the sums and exiaenses necessary for the defense and welfare of the 
United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit 
of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of 
vessels of war to bo built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to 
be raised, nor appoint a commander-in-chief of the army or navy, unless nine 
States assent to the same, nor shall a question on any other point, except for 
adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority 
of the United States, in Congress assembled. 

$ 7. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any 
time witliin the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no 
period of adjournment bo for a longer dui'ation than the space of six months, 
and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts 
thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military oijerations, as in their judg- 
ment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State, 
on any question, shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by any 
delegate; and the delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request, 
shall be furnished with a transcript of tho said journal, except such parts as 
are above excepted, to lay before the Legislatures of the several States. 

Aet. 10. The committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be author- 
ized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as 
the United States, in Congress assembled, by the consent of nine States, shall, 
from time to time, think expedient to invest them with; provided, that no 
power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the 
Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine States, in the Congress of the 
United States assembled, is requisite. 

Aet. 11. Canada acceding to this Confederation, and joining in the measures 
of the United States, shall bo admitted into, and entitled to ail the advantages 
of this Union; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless 
such admission be agreed to by nine States. 

Aet. 12. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted 
by or under the authority of Congi'ess, before tho assembling of the United 
States, in pursuance of the present Confederation, shall be deemed and con- 
sidered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction 
whereof the said United States and the pubhc faith are hereby solemnly 
pledged. 

Aet. 13. Every State shall abide by the determination of the United States, 
in Congress assembled, in all questions which by this Confederation are sub- 
mitted to them. And the Articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably 
observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual; nor shall any 
alteration at any timo hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteratioa 
be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed 
by the Legislature of every State. 

And whereas it hath pleased the great Governor of the world to incline the 
hearts of tho Legislatures wo respectively represent in Congress, to approve 
of, and to authorize us to ratify the said Articles of Confederation and per- 
petual Union : Know ye, that we, the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the 
power and authority to us given for that purpose, do, by these presents, in 
the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely 
ratify and confirm each and every of the said Ai-ticles of Confederation and 
perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained. 
And we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective cou« 



640 APPENDIX. 



stituents, that tliey shall abide by the determination of the United States, in 
Congress assembled, in all questions which by the said Confederation are sub- 
mitted to them; and that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by 
the States we respectively represent, and that the Union shall be perpetual. 
In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands, in Congi'ess. 

Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the 9th day of July, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, and 
in the third year of the Independence of America. 

New Ilainpsldre ~ Josiah Bartlett, John Weutworth, Jr. ilassachusetts -^6\ra. 
Hancock, Samuel Adams, Elbridge Gerry, Francis Dana, James Lovel, Sam- 
uel Holten. Rhode Island, eta. — William EUery, Henry Marchant, John 
Collins. CoimecUcut — Eoger Sherman, Samuel Huntingdon, Oliver Wolcott, 
Titus Hosmer, Andrew Adams. Neiv York— J as. Duane, Fra. Lewis, Wm. 
Duer, Gouv. Morris. Hew Jersey — Jno. Witherspoon, Nath. Scuddcr. Penn- 
sylvania— Hohevt Morris, Daniel Koberdeau, Jona. Bayard Smith, William 
Clingan, Joseph Heed. Delaware— Thos. M'Kean, John Dickinson, Nicholas 
Van Dyke. 3 faryland— John Hanson, Daniel Carroll. Virginia — Eichard 
Henry Lee, John Bannister, Thomas Adams, Jno. Harvie, Francis Lightfoot 
Lee. North Carolina— John Penn, Cons. Harnett, Jno. Williams. South Car- 
olbut — Henry Laurens, William Henry Drayton, Jno. Matthews, Pachard Hut- 
son, Thomas Heyward, Jr. Georgia — Jno. Walton, Edwd. Telfair, Edwd. 
Langworthj'. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
[Went into operation on the first "Wednesday in March, 1789. Osgood v. Speed, 5 Wh. 420.] 

PEEAMBLE. 

We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, 
establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, 
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves 
and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United 
States of America. 

AKTICLE I. 

OF THE LEGISLATIVE POWEK. 

Section \ . All legislative powers herein gi'anted shall be vested in a Con- 
gress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Rep- 
resentatives. 

OF the house of kepeesentatives. 

Sec. 2. The House of Eepresentatives shall be composed of members chosen 
every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each 
State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous 
branch of the State Legislature. 

No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age 
of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and 
who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall 
be chosen. 

Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several 
States wkich may be included within this Union, according to their respective 
numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free 
persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding 
Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other j^ersons. The actual enumeration 
shall bo made within three years after the lirst meeting of the Congress of the 
United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such man- 
ner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not ex- 
ceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one 
Representative; and, until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New 
Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts ei^ht, Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five. New York six, New 
Jers«y four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, 
Nortli Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 



APPENDIX. 



641 



When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the execu- 
tive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies 

The House of Ecprescntatives shall choose their speaker and other officers; 
and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 



OF THE SENATE. 



Sec 3 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators 
from each State, chosen Ly the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each 
Senator shall have one vote. , , , . i> ^i ^ *. i . 

Immediately after they shall bo assembled in consequence of the first elec- 
tion they shall bo divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats 
of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the sec- 
ond year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and ot the 
third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one third may bo chosen 
every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, dur- 
in" the recess of the Legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make 
temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which 
shall then fill such vacancies, ,,.-,, xt. ^ ,u- i 

No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the ago ot thirty 
years and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, 
when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 

The Vice-President of the United States shall bo President of the Senate, 
but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

The Senate shall choo o their other olficers, and have a President pro tem- 
pore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the of- 
fice of President of the United States. 

The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sit- 
tinc for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the Presi- 
dent of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; and no 
person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the mem- 

Jud-meut in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal 
from office and disqualification to hold and enjoy any ofiice of honor, trust, 
or profit under the United Stat-s; but the party convicted shall nevertheless 
be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment accord- 
ing to law. 

MANNER OF ELECTING MEMBERS. 

Sec 4 The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators 
and liepresentatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature 
thereof ; but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regula- 
tions, except as to the places of choosing Senators. 

CONGEESS TO ASSEMBLE ANNUALLY 

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting 
shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a 
diflferent day. 

POWERS. 

Sec 5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifi- 
cations of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum 
to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may 
be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, m such manner, 
and under such penalties, as each house may provide. 

Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members 
for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a 

Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time 
pubhsh the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, rcqiuro se- 
crecy; and the yeas and navs of the members of cither house on any question 
shall 'at the der,ire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 

Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, v/ithout the ccnsent 
of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than 
that in which the two houses shall be sitting 



642 APPEIIDIX. 



COMPENSATION, ETC., OP MEMBEES. 

Sec. 6. The Senators and Kepresentatives shall receive a compensation for 
their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the 
United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of 
the peace, be privileged from arrest dtJ-ing their attendance at the session of 
their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for 
any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any 
other place. 

No Senator or Kepresentative shall, during the time for which he was 
elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United 
States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have 
been increased during such time ; and no person holding any office under the 
United States, shall be a member of either house during his continuance in 
office. 

MANNER OP PASSING BILLS, ETC. 

Sec. 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Kepre- 
sentativcs; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on 
other bills. 

Every bill which shall have passed the House of Eepresentatives and the 
Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the 
United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with 
his objections, to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter 
the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after 
such reconsideration, two-thirds of t'hat house shall agree to iDass the bill, it 
shall bo sent, together with tho objectioiis, to the other house, by which it 
shall likewise be reconsidered, and if ajiproved by two-thirds of that house, it 
shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be 
determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and 
against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If 
any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sunday ex- 
cepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in 
like manner as if he had signed it, unless tho Congress by their adjournment 
prevent its return, in which case it shall net be a law. 

Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concui-rence of the Senate and 
House of Ptepresentatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjom-n- 
ment), shall be presented to the President cf the United States; and before 
the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by 
him, shall be rc-i^assed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Eepresenta- 
tives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 

POWEE OP CONGEESS. 

Sec. 8. The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, im- 
posts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and 
general welfare ofthe United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall 
be uniform throughout the United States; 

To borrow money on the credit of the United States; 

To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, 
and with the Indian tiibes; 

To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on tha 
subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States; 

To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the 
standard of weights and measures; 

To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current 
coin of the United States; 

To establish post-olSces and post-roads; 

To promote the progress of science and laseful arts, by seciu-ing for limited 
times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings 
and discoveries; 

To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court; 

To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and 
offenses against the law of nations; 

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules con- 
cerning captures on land and water; 



APPENDIX. 643 

To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use 
Biiall be for a longer term than two years ; 

To provide and maintain a navy ; 

To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval 
forces; 

To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, 
suppress iuburrectious and repel invasions; 

To ijrovide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for gov- 
erning such part of them aa may be employed in the service of the United 
States, reserving to the States respectiv^y, the appointment of the officers, 
and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed 
by Congi'Cris; 

To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases vs^hatsoever, over such district 
(not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and 
the acceptance of Congi-ess, become the seat of the government of the United 
States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent 
of tho Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of 
forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings; and 

To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into ex- 
ecution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution 
in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer 
thereof. 

LIMITATION OF THE POWEES OF CONGRESS. 

Sec. 9. The migration or importation of such persons as anj of the States 
now existing shall think projier to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Con- 
gress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or 
duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each 
person. 

The i^rivilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless 
when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 

No bill of attainder or ex post f ado law shall be passed. 

No capitation, or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the 
census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. 

No tax or duty shall be laid on articles ex2)orted from any State. 

No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to 
the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or 
from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 

No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appro- 
priations made hy law; and a regular statement and account of the receipti 
and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 

No title of iiobility shall be granted by the United States; And no person 
holding any ofQcc of proht or trust under them, shall, without the consent of 
the Congress, accept of any j^resent, emolument, office, or title, of any kind 
■whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State. 

LIMITATION OF THE POWEES OF THE INDIVIDXJAL STATES. 

Sec. 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; 
grant letters of marque and rei:)risal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make 
anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill 
of attainder, ex j^ost facto law, or law impairing the obligation of conti'acts, or 
giant any title of nobility. 

No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or 
duties on imports or exjDorts, except what may be absolutely necessaiy for ex- 
ecuting its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, 
laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury 
of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and 
control of the Cougi'ess. 

No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, 
keep troops, or shii)s of war, in time of peace, enter into any agreement or 
compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless 
actually invaded, or in «uch imminent danger as will not admit of delay. 
' 41 



644 APPENDIX. 



AKTICLE II. 

EXECUTIVE POWEB. 

Sec. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United 
States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, 
and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected 
as follows : 

MANNEB OF ELECTING. 

Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may 
direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Ilep- 
rcsentatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congi-ess; but no Sen- 
ator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the 
United States, shall be ai:)pointed an elector. 

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for 
two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant with the same 
State as themselves. And they shall make a list of ail the persons voted for, 
and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify, and 
transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed 
to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the 
presence of the Senate and House of Keprescntatives, open all the certificates, 
and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number 
of votes shall be the President, if such number be a inajoritj- of the whole 
number of electors appointed; and if (here be more than one who have such 
majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Eepresonta- 
tives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President; and if no 
person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said House 
shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, 
the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having 
one vote; a quorum for this j^urpose shall consist of a member or members 
from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be neces- 
sary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person 
having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-Presi- 
dent. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Sen- 
ate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President. 

TIME OF CHOOSING ELECTOES. 

The Congress jn&y determine the time of choosing the electors, and the 
day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same through- 
i>! ' |ue United States. 

■mao ELIGIBLE. 

No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States 
at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be ehgible to the office 
of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not 
have attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident 
within the United States. 

WHEN THE PKESIDENT'S POWEB DEVOLVES ON THE VICE-PEESIDENT. 

In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resig- 
nation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the 
same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law pro- 
vide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the 
President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as Presi- 
dent, and such officer shall act accordingly, nntil the disability be removed, 
or a President shall be elected. 

peesibent's compensation. 

The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, 
which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which, 
he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any 
other emolument from the United States, or any of them. 

oath. 

Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following 
oath or aflfirination: "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully 



APPENDIX. 645 



execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of 
my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United 
-States." 

POWEKS AND DUTIES. 

Sec. 2. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy 
of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called into 
the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writ- 
ing, of the jDrincipal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any 
subject relating to the duties of their respective oflices,' and ha shall have 
power to grant reiDrieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, 
except in cases of impeachment. 

He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to 
make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur; and he 
shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall 
appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, Judges of the Su- 
preme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose aiDpointments 
are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law; 
but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, 
as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of law, or in the 
heads of departments. 

The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen, 
during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at 
the end of their next session. 

Sec. 3. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the 
state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as 
he shall judge necessary and expedient; ho^may, on exti'aordinary occasions, 
convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between 
them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such 
time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other piiblic 
ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall 
commission all the officers of the United States. 

OFFICEES EEMOVED. 

Sec. 4. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United 
States, shall be removed from office, on impeachment for, and conviction of, 
treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors, 

ABTICLE III. 

op THE JTJDICIABT. 

Sec. 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Su- 
preme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to 
time ordain and estabUsh. The Judges, both of the Supreme and inferior 
Courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated 
times, receive for their services a compensation which shaU not be diminished 
during their continuance in office. 

Sec 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, aris- 
ing under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, 
or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting ambas- 
sadors, other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and 
maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a 
party; to controversies between two or more States; between a State and 
citizens of another State; between citizens of different States; between citi- 
zens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and 
between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens, or sub- 
jects. 

JXmiSDICTION OF SUPBEME COUET. 

In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and 
those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have orig- 
inal jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court 
shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, 
and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. 



646 APPENDIX. 



or TEIALS FOR CRIMES. 

The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; 
and such trial shall be held in the State -where the said crimes shall have been 
committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such 
place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. 

OF TREASON. 

Sec. 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war 
against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 

No person shall be convicted of treason \inless on the testimony of two wit- 
aesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open Court. 

The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but 
ao attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except 
during the life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

STATE ACTS, 

Sec. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the pubUc acts, 
records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congi'ess 
may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and 
proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

PRIVILEGES OF CITIZENS. 

Sec. 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and im- 
munities of citizens in the several States. 

A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who 
shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on dei"and of the 
executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, io be re- 
moved to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 

RUNAWAYS TO BE DELIVERED UP. 

No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, es- 
caping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, 
be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be deUvered up on claim 
of the party to whom such service or labor may be due 

NEW STATES. 

Sec. 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but 
no new State shall be formed or erected within the jvarisdictiou of any other 
State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts 
of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as 
well as of the Congress. 

TERRITORIAL AND OTHER PROPERTY. 

The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules 
and regulations respecting, the territory, or other proi^erty belonging to the 
United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to 
prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. 

Sec. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a re- 
publican for.n of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; 
and, on application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legisla- 
ture cannot be convened), against domestic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

AMENDMENTS. 

The Congress, whenever two-thircis ui Loth Houses shall deem it necessary, 
shall propose amendments to this Constitution; or, on the ajjplicatiou of the 
Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for 
proposing amendments, which, in cither case, shall be valid to all intents and 
purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of 
three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, 
as the one or the other mode of ratiticatiou may be proposed by Congress; 
provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thou- 
sand eight hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first and fourth 



Al'lTXDIX. G4T 

clauses in the ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its- 
consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

DEBTS. 

All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adoption of 
this Constitiation, shall bo as valid against the United States under this Con- 
fltitution, as under the Confederation. 

SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND. 

This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made 
in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the 
authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the 
Judges in every State shall be bound (hereby, anything in the Constitution or 
laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

OATH. — NO EELIGIOUS TEST. 

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of 
the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of 
the United States and of the several States, shall bo bound by oath or affirma- 
tion to sui^port this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required 
as a qualification to any office, or public trust, under the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 

The ratifications of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for 
the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the 
same. 

Done in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the 
seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven 
hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of 
America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subsci'ibed our 
names. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
President, and Deputy from Virginia. 

New Hampshire — John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. Massachusetts — Nathan- 
iel Gorham, Rufus King. Connecticut — William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sher- 
man. iVeio i^or/c — ji lexander Hamilton. New Jersey — William Livingston, 
David Brearley, William Patterson, Jonathan Dayton. Fennsylvania — Benjamin. 
Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsim- 
mons, Jared IngersoU, James Wilson, Governeur Morris. Delaware — George 
Read, Gunning Bedford, Jr., John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom. 
Maryland — James M'Henry, Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer, Daniel Carroll. Vir- 
ginia-John Blair, James Madison, Jr. North Cnrolina — William Blount, 
Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson. South Carolina— John Rutledge, 
Chas. Cotesworth Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler. Georgia — Wil- 
liam Few, Abraham Baldwin. 

Attest William Jackson, Secretary. 



AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

[The first ten amendments wcro proposed by Congress at their first BessiODr in 1789. The 
eleventh was proposed in 1794, and the twelfth in 1803.] 

ARTICLE I. 

FEEE EXEECISE OP KELIGION. 

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or pro- 
hibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of 
the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition 
tlie Government for a redress of grievances. 



648 APPENDIX. 



ABTICLE II. 

EIGHT TO BEAR AEMS. 

A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the 
right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 

ARTICLE III. 

NO SOLDIEE TO BE BILLETED, ETC. 

No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the 
consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed 
by law. 

ARTICLE IV. 

UNEEASONABLE SEARCHES PEOHIBITEU. 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, hotises, papers, and 
effects, against imreasonable searches and seiztn-es, shall not be violated; and 
no warrants shall issue but upon i^robable cause, supported by oath or affirm- 
ation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or 
things to be seized. 

ARTICLE V. 

CEIMINAL PROCEEDINGS. 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous ciime, 
unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising 
in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of 
war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to 
be put twice in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled, in any crim- 
inal case, to bo a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or 
property without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for 
public use without just compensation. 

ARTICLE VI. 

MODE OF TEIAL. 

In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy 
and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the 
crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously 
ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusa- 
tion; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory 
process for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and to have the assistance of 
counsel for his defense, 

ARTICLE VII. 

EIGHT OF TEIAL BY JUET. 

In suits al common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty 
•dollars, the ^'ght of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by jury 
shall be oth( rwise re-examined in any Coiut of the United States than accord- 
ing to the rales of the common law. 

ARTICLE VIIL 

BAIL.— FINES, 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel 
and unusual punishments inflicted. 

ARTICLE IX. 

EIGHTS NOT ENITMEEATED. 

ITie enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights, shall not b» con-- 
Btrued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

ARTICLE X. 

POWEES EESEEVED. 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor 
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the 
peopk^ 



APPENDIX. 64^ 



ARTICLE XI. 

LIMITATION OF JUDICIAL POWEB. 

The judicial power of the Uuitccl States shall not be construed to extend to 
any suit in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the United 
States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of another State, 
or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. 

ARTICLE Xn. 

ELECTION OF PEESIDENT. 

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot 
for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an 
inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their 
ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person 
voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make distinct lists of all persons 
voted for as President and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of 
the number of votes for each, which list they shall sign and certify, and trans- 
mit sealed to the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the 
President of the Senate; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of 
the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the 
votes shall then be counted; the person having the greatest number of votes 
for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the 
whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such a majority, 
then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on 
the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall 
choose immediately by ballot the President. But in choosing the President, 
the votes shall be taken by States, the representatives from each State having 
one vote ; a quorum for this i)urpose shall consist of a member or members 
from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be neces- 
sary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a 
President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the 
fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as 
President, as in the case of the death or other Constitutional disability of the 
President. 

The person having the gi-eatest number of votes as Vice-President shall 
be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole num- 
ber of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then from the 
two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President: 
a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number 
of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a 
choice. 

But no person Constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall 
be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States . 

[Ratified in 183.5.) 
ARTICLE XIII. 

Section 1. Neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a pun- 
ishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall 
exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate 
legislatioiL 

[Ratified is 1868.] 

ARTICLE XTV. 

Section 1. AU persons bom or naturalized in the United States, and 
subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States, and of the 
State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which 
shall abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States. 
Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without 
due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal 
protection of the laws. 

Sec. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States 



650 APPENDIX. 



according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persona! 
in each State, excluding Indians not taxed : biit whenever the right to vote at 
any election for electors of PreHident and Vice-President, or United States 
KepresentativGs in Congress, executive and judicial officers, or the members 
of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such 
State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or iu 
any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crimes, the 
basis of rei:)resentation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the 
number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens 
twenty-one years of age in that State. 

Sec. 3. No person shall be a Senator or Eepresentative in Congress, 
elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, 
under the United States, or imder any State, who, having previously taken an 
oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a 
member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any 
State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged 
in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the 
enemies thereof ; but Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, 
remove such disabiiity. 

Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States authorized 
by law, including debts incurred for the payment of pensions and bounties 
for service in supiwossing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned ; 
but neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or 
obligation iuciUTcd in aid of insurrection or rebelhon against the United 
States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such 
debts, obligations, and claims shall be illegal and void. 

Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legis- 
lation, the provisions of this £«:ticle. (See page 653.) 



CONSTITUTION OF THE CONFEDEEATE STATES, 

On the llth of March, 1861, a "permanent" Constitution was 
adopted by the Confederate Congress. It followed and adopted 
in almost exact sections and language the Constitution of the 
United States. The parts in which it difiers from that instru- 
ment, either by variation from or addition to, are here given, 
which, by comparing with the Constitution of the United States, 
will present the Confederate Constitution entire. In regulating 
the basis of representation, "three-fifths of all slaves" are enu- 
merated : 

" The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact : That in order 
to pi'ovide speedily, forces to repel invasion, maintain the rightful possession 
of the Confederate States of America in every portion of territory belonging 
to each State, and to secure the public tranquillity and indci:)endcuce against 
threatened assault, the President be and ho ia hcroby authorized to c'.nploy 
the militia, military and naval forces of the Confederate States of America, 
and ask fur and accept the services of any number of volunteers, not exceed- 
ing one hundred thousand, who may offer their services, either as cavalry, 
mounted rifle, artillery or infantry, in such proportion of these several arms 
as he may deem expedient, to servo for twelve months after they shall be 
mustered iuto service, unless sooner discharged — 

"Wo, the people of the Confederate States, each State acting in its sov- 
ereign and independent character, in order to form a permanent Federal 
Government, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, and secure the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity — invoking Ihe favor and 
guidance of Almighty God— do ordain and establish this Constitution for the 
Confederate States of America. 

"The House of llepresentatives shall be composed of members chosen 



APPENDIX. 05 1 



every second year by the people of the several States ; and the electors in each 
State shall bo citizens of the Confederate States, and have the qiiali heat ions 
requisite for electors of the most niimcrons branch of the State Lcgirilaluie; 
but no person of foreign birth not a citizen of the Confederate iJtates, shall 
bo allowed to vote for any officer, civil or political, State or Fcdcnd. 

"The State of South Carolina shall be entitled to choose six, the State of 
Georgia ten, the State of Alabama nine, the State of Florida two, the State of 
Mississippi seven, the State of Louisiana six, and thc! State of Texas f;ix. 

"The House of Ecprcsentativcs shall choose their Speaher ai:d other 
ofQccrs, and shall have thc solo power of impeachment, except that any 
judicial or other Confederate officer, resident and acting solely within the 
limits of any State, may bo impeached by a vote of two-thirus of both 
branches of thc Legislature thereof. 

" Congress may, by law, grant to the principal officer in each of the Execu- 
tive Departments a seat upon the floor of cither House, with the privilege of 
discussing any measures appertaining to his Department. 

"The President may approve any appropriation and disapprove any other 
apjiropriation in the same bill. In such case he shall, in signing the bill, 
designate the appropriations disapproved, and shall return a copy of such 
ai^propriatious, with his olijections, to thc House in which the bill shall have 
originated, and the same proceeding shall then bo had as in case of other bills 
disapproved by the President. 

' ' No bounties shall bo granted from the Treasury, nor shall any duties or 
taxes on importations from foreign nations bo laid to promote or foster any 
branch of industry. 

" Congress shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and 
among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ; but neither this nor 
any other clause contained in the Constitution shall ever bo construed to 
delegate the jDower to Congi-csa to appropriate money for any internal 
improvement intended to facilitate commerce; except for the i^urposo of fur- 
nishing lights, beacons, and buoys, and other aids to navigation upon the 
coasts, and thc improvement of harbors, and the removing of obslruclions iu 
river navigation, in all of which cases such duties shall l.e laid on the naviga- 
tion facilitated thereby as may be necessary to pay the costs and expenses 
thereof. 

'* The importation of negroes of the African race from any foreign country, 
other than the slavcholding States or Territories of the United States of 
America, is hereby forbidden ; and Congress is required to pass such laws as 
shall effectually prevent the same. Congress sha'l also have power to pro- 
hibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of or Territory 
not belonging to this Conf.;derac}'. 

" No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State, except 
by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses. 

" Congress shall appropriate no money from the Treasury except by a vote 
of two-tliirds of both Houses, tahcn by j'cas and nays, unless it be asked and 
estimated for by some one of the Heads of Departments, and submitted to Cod- 
gi'css by thc President, or for the purpose of i)aying its own expenses and 
contingencies, or i >r the payment of claims ngiiiui.t the Coufederato States, 
the justice of which shall have been judicially declared by a tribunr.l for the 
investigation of claims against the Government, which it is hereby made the 
duty of Congress to establish. 

' ' All bills appropriating money shall specify in Federal currency the exact 
amount of each appropriation, and the purjioscs for which it is made : and 
Congi'css shall grant no extra compensation to any i:)ublic contractor, officer, 
agent, or servant, after such contract shall have been made or such service 
rendered. 

"Every law or resolution having the force of law shall relate to but one 
subject, and that shall be expressed in the title. 

" No State shall, without tho consent of Congress, lay any duty on tonTvipa, 
(OVoept on sea-going vessels, for tho improvmenit of its rivers and harboid uavi- 
gaied by the i;aid vessels, Imtsuch duties shall not cor.liict with any tieatitiS 
of the (.'onfederate States with foreign nations ; and any surplus of revenue 
*Jm& derived shall, after making euch improvement, be paid into the common 



652 



APPENDIX. 



trdismy; nor shall any State keep troops or Bhips-of-war in time of cese«, 
enter into any agreement or compact •with another State, or with a foreign 
power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger 
as will not admit of delay. But when any river divides or flows through two 
or more States, tliey may enter into compacts with each other to improve the 
navigation thereof. 

' ' No person except a natural born citizen of the Confederate States, or a 
citizen thereof at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, or a citizen 
thereof born in the United States prior to the 20th of December, 1860, shall 
be eJtgible to the office of President; neither shall any person be ehgible to 
that office who shall not have attained the age of thirty-five years, and been 
fourteen yeara a resident within the limits of the Confederate States, as they 
may exist at the time of his election. 

"The principal officer in each of the Executive Departments, and all per- 
sons connected with the diplomatic service, may be removed from office at the 
pleasure of the President. All other civil officers of the Executive Depai-t- 
ment may be removed at any time by the President, or other appointing power, 
when their services are unnecessary, or for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, 
misconduct, or neglect of duty; and when so removed, the removal shall be 
repox-ted to the Senate, together with the reasons therefor. 

"The President shall have power to fill all vacancies that may happen dur- 
ing the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at 
the end of their next session; biit no person rejected by the Senate, shall be 
re-appointed to the same office during their ensuing recess. 

"Tho citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immu- 
nitiea of citizens in the several States, and shall have the right of transit and 
sojourn in any State of this Confederacy, with their slaves and other property; 
and the right of projDerty in said slaves shall not be thereby impaired. 

"A i^erson charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime against 
the law3 of such State, who shall flee from justice and be found in another 
State, shall, on demand of the Executive authority of the State from which he 
fled, he delivered up to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the 
crime. 

"No slave or other person held to service or labor in any State or Territory 
of the Confederate States, under the laws thereof, escaping or lawfully car- 
ried into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be 
discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered iij) on claim of 
the party to whom such slave belongs, or to whom such service or labor may 
be due. 

' ' Other States may be admitted into this Confederacy by a vote of two-thirds 
of the whole House of Representatives and two-thirds of tho Senate, the 
Senate voting by States; but no new State shall be formed or erected within 
the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be formed by the junction of 
two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures 
of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. 

"Tho Congress shall have power to disjjose of and make all needful rules 
and regulations concerning the property of the Confederate States, including 
the laws thereof. 

"The Confederate States may acquire new territory, and Congress shall 
have power to legislate and provide Governments for the inhabitants of all 
territory belonging to the Confederate States Ij'ing without the limits of tho 
several States, and may permit them, at such times and in such mannt-r as it 
may by law provide, to form States to be admitted into the Confedu'acy. In 
all such territory the institution of negro Slavery, as it now exists in the Con- 
federate States, shall be recognized and protected by Congress and by the Ter- 
ritorial Government; and the inhabitants of the several Confederate States 
and Territories shall have the right to take to such Territory any slaves law- 
fully held by them in any of the States or Territories of the Confederate 
States. 

"Upon the demand of any three States, legally assembled in their several 
Conventions, the Congress shall summon a Convention of all the States to 
take into consideration such amendnieuts to the Constitution as the said 
States shall concur in suggesting at the time when the said demand is made; 



APPENDIX. 653 

and should any of the proposed amendments to the Constitution be agreed on 
by the said Convention, voting by States, and the same be ratified by the Leg- 
islatures of two-thirds of the several States, or by Conventions in two-thirds 
thereof —as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the 
General Convention — they shall thenceforward form a part of this Constitu- 
tion. 

"The Government established by this Constitution is tlie successor of the 
Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America, and all the 
laws passed by the latter shall continue in force until the same shall be repealed 
or modified; and all the officers appointed by the same shall remain in office 
until their successors ore appointed and qualified, or the offices abolished. 

"All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of 
this Constitution shall be as valid against the Confederate States under this 
Constitution as under the Provisional Government. 

"The ratification of the Conventions of five States shall be sufficient for the 
establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. 

"When five States shall have ratified this Constitution, in tho manner loe- 
fore specified, tho Congress under the Provisional Constitution shall prescribe 
the time for holding the election of President and Vice-President, and for the 
meeting of the Electoral College, and for counting the votes and inaugurating 
the President. They shall also prescribe tho time for holding tho first elec- 
tion of Members of Congress under this Constitution, and the time for assem- 
bling the same. Until the assembling of such Congress, the Congress under 
the Provisional Constitution shall continue to exercise the legislative powers 
granted them, not extending beyond the time limited by the Constitution of 
the Provisional Government." 

AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

ARTICLE XV. 

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be 
denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude. 

Sec. 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this Article by appro- 
priate legislation. 

42 



ANALYTICAL INDEX. 



ABOunoK, interest in, 45; of Slavery in Mex- 
ico, 133^. 

Abolitionists as a political party, 163-7 ; nom- 
inate James G. Birney for the Presidency, 
1G4: vote of thei^arty, 105; nominate Bir- 
ney ;i second time, 107; increased vote, 
1G7; in the election of 184S, 173; National 
Convention of 1852, 170; they merge into 
the Republican party, 179-80. 

Adams, John, in Boston, 38; on committee to 
draft Declaration of Independence, 39; 
elected Vice-Prosident, 04 ; as a Federalist, 
501; first and second election, 505, 002. 

Adams, Samuel, at Bunker HUl, 38. 

Adams, John Qdincy, proposes to purchase 
Texas, 104; elected by Congress, 549-50; 
elected President, 004. 

AiiABAJMA secedes from the United States, 
213-14; Constitution and citizenship, 424; 
population and newspaper press, 528; area 
and population, 009; newspapers in, 015; 
real and personal property, 018. 

Alabama rebel pu-ate, sinking of by the Kear- 
sarge, 347-8. 

Alaska, area and population of, 453; acquired, 
.531, 009. 

Alexandeb as a slave-dealer, 73; army of, 614. 

Aliens, rights of in the United States; may 
pre-empt lands, 480-2; Davis' banishment 
of, 571. 

Ameiucan Paety, convention of 1850 nomi- 
nate Fillmore and Donelson, 180; resolu- 
tions of, 181-2. 

Amnesty, proclamations of Andrew Johnson 
of July 4, 1868, and December 25, 1868; 
541-43. 

Andehson, Justice, on Slavery in CaUfomia, 
153-0. 

Andoba, Republic of, 591. 

Anglo-S.^xons as slaves, 73. 

Anti-Fedeblists, origin of, 504. 

Appendix, 001. 

Akchy, a slave in California, 159-60. 

Abgentine Republic, a Republic of South 
America, 594. 

Aeizona, area and popiUation, 009. 

Abkans-is secedes from the United States, 214; 
Constitution and citizenship, 420-7; area 
and population, 609; newspapers in, 015; 
real and personal property, 618. 

iAbticles of Confederation, 035. 

Army, operations, 341-2; McClellan's remo- 
val from, 318-19; his resignation, 322-3; 
W. 11. HaUeck Commander-in-Chief, 292; 
of 1776, 38; Lincoln's call for, 202; second 
call, 235; troops furnished in 18G4, 293; 
Grant's address to, 293-4; Grant Com- 
mander-in-Chief, 292 ; his troops, 325; 
Strength of in 1S'J5, 342; Generals of, 350; 
operations of 18.55, 3.')0-7S ; total raised 
during the war, 3jo-7 : Grant's tai'e we^il to, 
371-2; of 1776 and 1801-'05, 613; of Sesos- 



tris, Bhamses, Alexander, Kapoleou, }!aa« 
nibal, and of the Crimea, 614; of the "Cou. 
federacy," 014; foreigners in, 014. 

Austin, Moses, operations in Texas, 104. 

Banks in America, from 1740 to 1807, 016-17. 

Bakeb, E. D., life and services; speech in 
answer to Benjamin, on the war, 625-0. 

Baebabians as slaves in ancient and modern 
times, 8y-4. 

" Baenbubneks " as a jDolitical party, 171-2; 
they nominate Van Buren for the Presi- 
dency, 172. 

Babbe, Col. Isaac, speech in the British Par- 
liament on America, 028-9. 

Beauties of Democbacy, 505-79. 

Bell, John, nominated for the Presidency, 
202; vote for, 200-7. 

Benton, Thomas H., speech on the Oregon 
boundary, 1G9. 

Benjamin, Judah P., in the Confederate Cab- 
inet, 218. 

Bebry, Henry, of Virginia, speech opposing 
Slavery, 533. 

BiEiiCY, James G., nominated for the Presi- 
dency by the Abolitionists, 104; nominated 
a second time, 107. 

Black, Jeremiah S., Attorney-General, 183; 
his opinion upon Secession, 224-7: resigns 
his office, 234-5. 

Black Flag to be raised, 500-1. 

Bland, Mr.., on removal ifrom office, 68-71. 

Bolivlv, a republic of South America, 594. 

BoEDNAX, Mb., of Virginia, speech opposing 
Slavery, 583. 

Boston, tlirov.iug the tea into the harbor of, 
34; trouble with the British troops, 37; 
first newsjiaper in America published in, 
524 ; convention to frame articles of con- 
federation, 032. 

Booth, J. Wilkes, assassinates Abraham Lin- 
coln, 380-1; flight, capture and death of, 
385-0. 

Boteleb, a. R., speech on reconstruction, 267. 

Boudinot, Elias, President of the Continental 
Congress, 001. 

BoYCE, W. W., of South Carolina, on Seces- 
sion, 209. 

Beazil relaxes the chains of her slaves, 536. 

Beeckineidge, J. C, nominatsd for the Vice- 
Presidency, 178; nominated for the Presi- 
dency, 203; vote of, in 1860, 200-7, in the 
U. S. Senate, 219; elected Vice-President, 
605. 

Beemen, a free city of Germany, 591. 

Bbitish Americans in the United States, 
454-5; in the army, 614. 

BBiTisn rule in the Colonies, 33-7; troops at 
Lexington, Boston and Bunker Hill, 3J-7. 

Bbight, John, advocates extended franchise, 
554. 

Brooks, Peeston S., of South Carolina, on 
Secession, 184. 



656 



ANALYTICAL INDEX. 



Brooks, Walter, on reconstruction, 966. 

Bkown, Albert G., Senator of Mississippi, 
■wanted Cuba and Mexico, 185; on con- 
scripting tlie iieoplo of the South, 497; 
on liberty of speech and the press, 575. 

Brown, John, James Buchanan offers a re- 
ward for, 183. 

BuCH^VNAN, James, Secretary of State, 167; 
Commissioner on the Oregon boimdary 
question, 168; before the Democratic Con- 
vention of 185'J, 17i: nominated in 18o6, 
178; elected and inaugurated, selects his 
Cabinet, 183, 6UIJ; o<!Vts a reward for John 
Brown, 183; his appointments, 194-5; last 
days of his rule, ll'i, 199: his last message, 
220-22; vetoes the Homestead Bill, 519-67; 
his ch;'.racter, by Mr. Morris, 629-30. 

Bull Kdn, battle of, 265. 

BuxKER Hill, battle of, 38. 

Burnett. Justice, his opinion in the case of 
Archy, 159-CO. 

Burr. Aaron, elected Vice-President, 549, C02. 

Butler, Senator of South Carolina, on re- 
bellion. 184. 

Butler, Pierce, moved for the reclamation of 
slaves in the Constitutional Convention, 
57. 

Cabinet, salaries of officers of, 60S. 

California seeks admission, 85-G; acquisition 
of, 109 ; Fremont's expedition, 110-16 ; 
American ilag first raised. 111; first pos- 
sessed by Americans, 112-13; raising the 
"Bear Flag," 112; Com, Sloat takes pos- 
session, 113-14; proclaimed the i^roperty 
of the United States Government, 115 ; 
John C. Calhoun opposes her admission, 
86 ; Constitutional Convention, 115-16 ; 
Slavery prohibited in, 116; discussion up- 
on admission, 116-27; final vote upon her 
admission, 124-5 ; Southern Democracy 
protest against, 125-7, 566; admission of, ' 
127; Constitution and citizenship, 430-1; | 
population and newspaper press, 528-29; ; 
Slavery abolished in, 146-7 ; Fugitive j 
Slave Law of, 153 ; area and population, ! 
609; newspapers in, 615; real and person- ' 
al projierty, 018; soldiers furnished by, 613. | 

Calhoun, John C, ojjposes the admission of 
California, 86 ; will make California the 
test question, 123-4; death of, 324; op- 
poses the settlement of the Oregon boun- 
dary, 167; elected Vice-President, 604; 
speech in United States Senate, 577-8. 

Campbell, John, publishes tlio first newspa- 
per in America, 524. 

Canal, first iu America, 617. 

CAPITAL of each State in the Union, 434. 

Cazson, liiT, with Fremont in California, 110; 
saves Fremont and his party, 112. 

Carver, Joun, elected Governor of Plymouth 
Colony, 631-2. 

Cass, Gen. LE\VI;^, nominated for the Presi- 
dency, 171 ; Secretary of State, 183; re- 
signs his office, 234. 

Cabtro, Gen., Commander of California, 110- 
116. 

CffiSAR, JuLrus, as a dealer in slaves, 73. 

Census, from 1790 to 1860, 008-9 ; showing 
composition of popidation, 600-12. 

Chase, Salmon P., as the friend of freedom, 
177. 

Charleston, S. C, surrendered, 350. 

Charleston Mercury upon dissolution of the 
Union, 185. 

Chesnut, James J., of South Carolina, on Se- 
cession. 208-9. 

Cherokee Indians as slave-owners, 142. 

Chickasaw Indians as slave-owners, 142. 

Chili, a Republic of South America, 595. 



Chinese in the United States, 467. 

Choctaw Indians as slave-owners, 142. 

Christians, all persons not, could be held as 
slaves, 84. 

Citizens, negroes are. 139, 152; allegiance to the 
Union, 403-0; in the several States, 410- 
34; iu the Republic, 443-52; iu the South- 
em Confederacy, 493-502; suflrage of, 551- 
64. 

CrviL Rights Bill, 399-400. 

Civil Officers, appoiatment and removal, 
65-71; law nrgulating, 66-7. 

Clay, Henry, fails to get the nomination for 
the Presidency, 162 ; nominated for the 
Presidency, l(i6 : nominated by the Na- 
tional Republicans, 510; on the admission 
of Missouri, 87; on the admission of Cal- 
ifornia, 116-17: before the Con^^ention in 
1847, 170-1; defeated in Presidt^fe'dal elec- 
tion, 550: speech on Slavery in the Terri- 
tories, 030. 

Clay, C. C, reward offered for, 386. 

Clark, Mr., of Missouri, favors putting all to 
death. .500. 

Cleary, W. C, reward offered for, 387. 

Clinton, George, elected Vice-President, 603. 

Cobb, Howell, Secretary of the Treasmy, 183; 
resigns his office, 234. 

Cobb, T. R. R., on reconstruction, 266. 

CoBDEN, in the House of Commons, 308. 

Colfax, Schuyler, nominated and elected 
Vice-President, 534-42, 607. 

Colleges and schools, 522. 

Colombia, a Republic of Central America, 596. 

Colonies declared in rebellion, 39; as sover- 
eign powers, 408. 

Colorado, area and jiopulation, 609. 

Colonization, first iu America, 23-24; Colo- 
nial condition, 23-31. 

Confederate Congress, resolutions of, 267 ; 
Commission! rs, 339; cruisers and pirates, 
34-1-50 ; on aliens, 571 ; Confiscation Acts 
of, 572-3. 

Constitution, first in America, 24-5, 631-32; 
signed on board the Mayflower, 632; Con- 
vention to frame Ftdtral, 48-58; slaves 
may be captured under, 57-8 ; amend- 
ments proposed, 65-71 ; respecting Slav- 
ery, 130-1 ; proposition to abolish Slavery, 
326; thirteenth amendment, 397-8: of the 
several States, 410-34 ; amendments re- 
quired, 436-7 ; adoption and ratification 
of, 440; adopted by the people, 441: thir- 
teenth and fourteenth amendments, 450- 
52; adoption of, 503; of the United States, 
640; of the Confederate States, 650. 

"Constitutional Union" party convention 
of 1800, 202; platform, 204. 

CoNGRES-s, first in America, 27 ; calling of a 
general. 35 ; meeting of first general, 36 ; 
second Continental, recommends war, 37 ; 
preparing for war. 39: adopts Articles of 
Confederation, 40-1 ; meeting of ninth 
Continental, 43; first under the Constitu- 
tion, 64; may ailmit States, 87-8; requires 
Ohio to enter the Union free, 91-2; favors 
the acquisition of Texas, 107; meeting of 
Thirty-sixth, 219; second session of Thir- 
ty-sixth, 232-6 : Confederate resolutions, 
267; meeting of Thirty -eighth, 325; pow- 
ers over the States, .390-410; views on re- 
construction, 39G; Chief Justice Tanty on 
powers of, 396 ; Representatives to, how 
elected, 435; first Congress under the Con- 
stitution, 441 ; Fortieth Congress, 487-8 ; 
Confederate, on Emancipation Proclama- 
tion, 500-4 ; may ( lect President, .549-50 ; 
members and composition of Forty-first, 
607; pay of members, 608. 



ANALYTICAL INDEX. 



657 



CouTEDEKATioN, Ai'ticles of, adopted, *0-l ; 
Articles of, 408, C03, C3J. 

OONFEDEitATE GovEitNMENT, formation of, 217- 
18; collapse of, JTl-j; army, Cll; Constitu- 
tion of, OoO. 

Convention to frame the Constitution, 48-58; 
tirst political, iu the United States, 509; to 
frame articles for New England Confeder- 
ation, C32. 

Connecticut, Constitution and citizenship, 
412; voter must bo i;blc to r.ad and ^\Tite, 
SCO; area and population, 009; newsijapers 
in, C15 ; real and personal property, 018 ; 
soluicro furnished by, 013. 

CopyraciiiT, lir.it in America, 524. 

Corbet, Bjsxon, shoots J. Wilkes Booth, 386. 

CORNW.\iLis, Gen., his surrender, 43. 

Costa Eica, a Eepublic of Central America. 
097. 

Crimea, army in the. G14. 

Creme and pauiserism, 012-13. 

Crj;EK Indians na slave-owners, 142. 

Cromwell sympathizes with the ColoniBts, 
29. 

Curtis, Justice, dissents from the Dred Scott 
decision, 148-50, 152-3. 

Cuurt, J. L. M., of Alabama, speech in Con- 
gress, 576. 

Dahlgeen, Admiral, 349. 

Dakota, area and population, 609; Boldiers 
furnished by, C13. 

Dallas, George M., elected Vice-President, 
605. 

Davis, Jefferson, believes that a fanaticism 
is abroad, 121; he wants Slavery extended 
to the Pacific, 121-2; elected President of 
the " Southern Confederacy," 217; his 
Cabinet, 217-18; in the U. S. Senate, 219; 
he presents a "little biU" to the Senate, 
233^; he issued his first proclamation, 
203; speech at Montgomery, 206; thinks 
hyenas preferabla to Yankees, 270-1; still 
hopeful, 295-7; as a Knight, 310-12; mes- 
sage to Bcbcl Congress in 1804, 331-2; his 
message of November, 1864,333-9; evacu- 
ates Richmond, 352; hour of his depar- 
ture, 356; his aiJpcal to his subjects after 
he evacuates Eichmond, o72-3; his flight 
southward and his caiiture, 373-7; iu pris- 
on, 370; his female attire, 376-7; charged 
with complicity iu Lincoln's assassina- 
tion; rewai'd offered for, 386-7; his sub- 
jects made to labor, 498; farewell speech, 
669-70; proclamation of banishment, 570- 
571. 

Davis, Eeuben, of Mississippi, "will not be 
driven an inch," 576. 

Day, Stephen, flxst printer in America, 524. 

Debt of the United States, 015-10. 

Dean, Henry Clay, Eev., a-s a Democrat, 320. 

DEOLAnATiON OF Indfpendence, 503, C33. 

Delaware, Constitution and citizenship, 410; 
area r.ud population, CU9; soldiers fur- 
nished by, 613; newspapers in, 015; real 
and personal x^ropcrty, 018. 

Deerhound as an escort to the Alabama, 347. 

Democrjvcy. Southern protest against the 
admission of California, 125-7; as a party, 
162; nominate Van Buren for the Presi- 
dency, 102; nominate Polk for the Presi- 
dency, 166; weaken on the Oregon ques- 
tion, 107-8; National Convention of 1818, 
170-2; convention of 1852, 174-0; resolu- 
tions of 1852, 175-0; convention of 1850, 
178-9; resolutions of 1850, 178-9; their 
glory departing, 197-S; meeting of con- 
tention of 1800, 199-200; secession iu the 
convention, 200; nominate Stephen A. 
Douglas for the Presidency, 203; pl;:tform 



of 18S0, 203; defeated in 1860, 204-7; In 
the Thirty-sixth Congress, 232-6; leaders 
sign a manifesto, 230; position in the war, 
209-91; schemes to poison and bum, 
289-91; in the campaign of 18G4, 309-10; 
their position in 1804, 315; convention of, 
in 1804, 319-20; nominate McClellan, 3.0; 
Platform, 320-2; legislation at the South, 
443-7; oi^poso 13tli and 14th amendments 
to the Constitution, 450-52; on the im- 
peachment of Johnson. 489-92; of the 
Confederacy made to labor, 498; reforma- 
tion of, 499; on the Emancipation Procla- 
mation, 499-502; Origin of, 504; former 
Ecpublicr.ns, 505-0; adoption of the ni.me 
Democrat, 503-9; oxjijoso Washington, 
507-10; "Democratic Clubs," first in 
America, 508-9; Washington denounces 
the, 503; as a jiarty, 511-10; evil origin 
and prr.cticcs of the, 510; education of 
■ he, 518-19; opposed to progress, 51ii-22; 
tax on whisky to educate, 519; oppose the 
Overland Eaiiroad and Homestead Bills» 
519; i)olitical position in 1808, 531-42; 
Presidential campaign of 1868, 534-42; 
nominate Seymour and Blair, 534; here- 
sies of, exploded, 557; beauties of, 565-79; 
veto the Homestead Bill, 507 ; oppose the 
Overland Eaiiroad, 508; Eustain Freed- 
men's Bureau, 008; caucus at Washing- 
ton, 574; True Democracy, 575; will wel- 
come the Ecpublicans "with bloody hands 
to hospitable graves," 577. 

"Democratic Clubs" denounced by 'Wash- 
ington, 508-9, 506. 

District of Columbu, area and population, 
6U9. 

DONELSON, A. J., nominated for the Vice-Pres- 
idency, 181. 

Douglas, Stephen A., his heresy of squatter 
sovereignty, 143, 144-5; before the Demo- 
cratic Convention of 1852, 174; on the 
Kansas question, 177; before the conven- 
tion in 1850, 178 ; nominated for the 
Presidency, 203; platform, 203; vote for, 
in 1800, 207. 

Dred Scott decision, 148-50. 

Dupont, Commodore, in California, 115. 

Ecuador, a Eepublic of South America, 595. 

Edwards, Eev. Jonathan, sermon against 
Slavery in 1791, 59-00. 

Education in America, 517-19; for the Dem- 
ocracy, 518-22; should be compulsory. lA. 

Election of George Washington, 01; of Jolin 
Aelams, C4, 503; Thomas Jefferson, 549; 
John Quincy Adams, 549-50; Andrew 
Jackson, 503-7; Martin Van Buren, 105-0; 
nominations, 102, 172-3; W. H. Hanison, 
103, 1G5; John Tyler, 100, 162-05; James K. 
Polk, lCO-7 ; Zachaiy Taylor, 170-2 ; Llil- 
lard FiUmore, 171-2, 175-83; Franklin 
Pierce, 171-0; James Buchanan, 183, iri- 
8; Abraham Lincoln iu 1800, 203-7; be- 
fore conventions, 180, 201 ; elected in 1834, 
?23-4; Ulysses S. Grant iu 1^808, 533-42, 
C07-8. 

" Electoral College," 547-50; in 1808, 007. 

Elective FrMiNcmsE, 558-04; for woman, t>„i- 
4: Democrats on, 500. 

Elections, time of in each State, 434; changes 
necessary, 437-8. 

Emancipation agitation, 280-1; Proclamation, 
281-3; iu Southern Confederate Cougi'ess, 
499-504. 

England oppresses the Colonies, 32; endeavor 
to possess California, 114-15 ; builds pi- 
rates for the rebels, 303; Mr. Cobden on 
English cruisers, 309; supply the rebels 
with ships, 345-9 ; eosmopolitau po;nila» 



658 



ANALYTICAL INDEX. 



tion, 455 ; newspapers in, 527 ; railroads 
in, C17. 

English in the United States, 463-4 ; in tlie 
army, C14. 

Equality before the law, 558-64; for woman, 
0^1-4. 

Evens, Olivek, patents a locomotive, 617. 

EvEHETT, Edward, nominated for the Vice- 
Presidency, 202. 

ExPAxniATiON, law of, 477-9. 

E^uir.AGUT, Admihal, 349. 

FAULiiNEit, C. F., of Virginia, speech opposing 
SUvcry, 5S3. 

EEDEr^ALisTS, Origin of, 504 ; Federal party, 
510. 

Females in the United States and Great 
Eritain, CIO. 

FiLLr.ioiiE, Millaud, elected Vice-President, 
171-2, COj; before the Whig Convention of 
18j2, 175; nominated for the Presidency 
by the Aiiierican i^arty, 181. 

Finance or the United States from 1789 to 
10„9, C15-7. 

FiTznuGH, IMn., beUeves Slavery is Divine, 
573. 

Floeida, rebel pirate, captured, 345. 

Flokida secedc;s from the Union, 212; Consti- 
tution and citizenshiii, 427-8 ; area and 
population, COD; uewsijapers in, 615; real 
aaj personal property, C18. 

Floyd, John B., Secretary of War, 183; ships 
t.rms South, 19G ; resigns his oiJice, 196, 
2J4. 

Foot.:, Senator, believed that Slavery existed 
in the Territories, 119-21. 

For.T Pillow, attack of and massacre, 305-7. 

Fora- Fisher, faU of, 343. 

Foreigners in the United States, 454-C8 ; in 
the free schools, 5J2; iu all and each of 
the States and Territories, 610-2 ; p:»u- 
jjcrism and crime, 612-3 ; in the army, 
614. 

France acquires Louisiana, 100; cedes Louis- 
iana and Ilorida to the United States, 
101-3. 

Fran::lin, Benjamin, on Committee to draft 
Declaration of Independence, 39; in Con- 
stitutional Convention, 4J; as a Federalist, 
501; prints a ncws^iaper, 525; petition 
against Slavery, 5S0-1. 

Fran;:fort, a free city of Germany, 591. 

" Fre3 Soil" party, convention of, 172; they 
nominate Martin Van Burcn and John P. 
Halo for the Presidency and Vice-Presi- 
doncy, 173. 

" Free Society," a failure, 578. 

Fre.mont, John C, on a tour of inspection to 
thj Pacific, 110 ; in California, 110-6 ; for 
the Presidency in 18C4, 314-5. 

French iu the United States, 465-6. 

Freed:.ien enfranchised, 559. 

Fre:: Schools in America, 517-22; foreigners 
in, 522. 

Freedmen's Bureau sustained by the Democ- 
racy, 568. 

Freedo:.! of the Territories, 21-2; declaration 
of, 39. 

GjUuuson, William Lloyd, the friend of Re- 
liublicanisni, ('23. 

Ga:;l3.vldi advocates freedom, 554. 

Gaston, Judge, his opinion respecting Slav- 
cry, 152-3. 

GENnr.-\ij of the American Army, grade and 
rank of, 5S5-C0. 

GEOzaiA, rebel i^irato, captured, 340. 

GEo:::aL\, delays in adoijting the Constitution, 
6j ; secodea from the Union, 211 ; Gen. 
Sherman in, 195; Constitution and citizen- 
ship, 411-2 ; area and population, C09 ; 



newspapers in, 613 ; real and personal 
property, 618. 

Gerry, Mr., on removal from office, 69-70. 

Gerry, Elbridge, elected Vice-President, 603. 

Germany, mass conventions of women held 
in, 562. 

Germans in America, 457-9, 610; in the army, 
614. 

GroDiNGS, Joshua E. , urges the Oregon claims, 
168; speech in Congress against Slavery, 
619-20. 

Gillespie, Lieut., bears letter to Fremont 
from the Secretary of War, 111. 

Gladstone, advocates extended franchise, 554. 

Glover, Eev. Jesse, incroduces first printing 
press in America, 524. 

Governor, salaries of each Slate, 434. 

Government, formation of the National, 40. 

Graham, W. A., nominated for the Vice-Pres- 
idency, 175. 

Grant, Ulysses S., appointed Commander-in- 
Chief, 292; his aUcA'css to the army, 293-4; 
his letter to Washburne, L94-5 ; in the 
Electoral College of 1S64, 315; encircling 
the enemy, 3-0; before llichmond — f„ll of, 
and surrender of Lee, 351-66; correspond- 
ence with Lee, 359-Do ; farewell to the 
army, 371-2 ; elected President in 1868, 
533-42, 607 ; personal history of, 543-7; at 
Fort Donelson, 546 ; the first General 
since the adoption of the Constitution, 
585-6; appo-inted Lioutenant-General — 
speech on acceptance, 587 : enters upon 
his new offlee, 587-9 ; created General, 
589-00; vote for in 1808, C07. 

Green, BARTnoLMmw, prints the first news- 
l^apcr in America, 524. 

Greeley, Horace, a friend of liberty, 623. 

Great BritaE'I, newspapers in, 527; first pub- 
lished in, 527; males and females in, 610. 

Griffin, Cyrus, President of the Continental 
Congress, 602. 

GiiiERSON, Gen., at Vicksbnrg, 350. 

Guatejiala, a Kepublic of Central America, 
507. 

Halleck, H. W., in the convention that 
framed the Constitution of California, 115; 
as Commander-in-Chief, 292. 58,J-7 ; re- 
lieved as Commander-in-Chief, at his own 
request, 588. 

Hale, John P., nominated by the" Free Soil 
Party " for the Vice-Presidency, 173; nom- 
inated for the Presidency by the "Free 
Soil Democracy," 176. 

Hamilton, Alexander, leader of the Federal 
liarty, 505. 

Hamlin, Uannibal, nominated for the Presi- 
dency, 201; elected Vice-President, 600. 

Hamburg, a free city of Gei-mauy, 592. 

Hancock, John, in the war of 177J, 38; Pres- 
ident of the Continental Congress, 40, 601. 

Hannibal, army of, 614. 

Hanson, John, President of the Continental 
Congress, COl. 

ILuiDY, Jame:; H., believes in the divinity of 
Slavery, ICO. 

Hardin, Mr., of Kentucky, advocates Slavery, 
92-5. 

HAmnsoN, W. H., petitions for Slavery in the 
Territories, 62-3 ; elected President, 106, 
162, 605; nominated by the Whigs, 162. 

Harvy, Sir Jony, seized by the people, 31. 

Hayti, a llcpublic of the West Indies, 598. 

HEMPinLL, Mr., of Pennsylvania, favors Lib- 
erty, 95-7. 

Henry, Mr., of Tennessee, was in favor of 
the "black flag," 501. 

Henderson, T. C, of Arkansas, speech iu 
Congress, 576-7. 



ANALYTICAL INDEX. 



659 



Henkx, Patrick, war inevitable, speech, 630-1; 

Bpccch on BritiBh fugitives, (J31. 
EzLL, Senator of Georgia, on citizenship, 494-5; 

favors putting solJicrs to death, 001. 
IIiNKLEY, Thomas, Governor of New Ply- 
mouth, 517. 
Holt, Hon. Joseph, appointed Secretary of 

War, 19G. 
Honduras, a KepubUc of Central America, 

597. 
Hood, Genebal, routed by Gen. Thomas, 392. 
HospiT.\Ls, patients in, 308. 
HousTO>f, Sam., b^'comes President of the Re- 
public of Tcx.as, 105. 
Howe, Gexeral, ct Eunker Hill, 38. 
Hughes, John, Archbishop, as an American, 

4G'J-3. 
•"Hunkers " as a political party, 171-2. 
Huntington, Samuel, President of the Con- 
tinent;'.! Con;TCSS, COl. 
Hyenas preferable to Yankees, 270-1. 
Idatio Territory, area and poijulation, COO. 
Xde, VriLLiAJi L., i.ssuesthe lirst proclamation 

in California, 112. 
Illis-ois, Constitution and citizenship, 423-4; 
area end population, GOO; soldiers fur- 
nished by, (ilo; newspapers in, 615; real 
and personal property, 018. 
Indl^ns, as slave-owners in America, 141-2. 
Independence, declaration of, adopted, 39-40. 
Indlvna, Constitution and citizenship, 421-2; 
soldiers furnished by, G13; newspapers in, 
615; real and i^ersoual property, C18. 
Indian Territory, area and population, 609. 
Inglis, Mr., advocates Secession, 180. 
Insurance Cosipany, first in America, 617. 
Iowa, Constitution and citizenship, 429; uni- 
versal suffrage adopted, 541 ; area and 
population, 609; soldiers furnished by, 
• 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal 
property, 618. 
Ireland, newspapers in, 527, 
Irish in America, 457-63, 612; in the army, 

614. 
IroncL:\i)s, efficiency and effect of, 343-50. 
Italians in the United States, 408. 
IvEsoN, Senator of Georgia, on Slavery, 185. 
Jackson, Ms., on removal from o3ice, 69. 
Jackson, Andrew, advocates the pm-chase of 
Texas, 104; elected by the Democrats, 
506-7; defeated for the Presidency, 549; 
elected President, 604; address to the army 
at New Orleans, 626; to the people of South 
Carolina, 626-7. 
"Jacobin Clubs" of the Democracy, 508-9. 
Jay, John, President of the Continental Con- 
gress, 601. 
Jefferson, Thomas, on committee to draft 
Declaration of Independence, 39;. his Or- 
dinance of 1784, 44; advocates prohibition 
of slave trade, 75; on the acquisition of 
Louisiana, 100; as an Anti-Federalist, 
604-5; elected by Congi'ess, 549; speech 
on Slavery, 582; elected Vice-President 
and President, t02-3. 
Jews as slave-ov.Tiers, 72-3; mryie slaves by 
the lav.'s of Virginia, 8i; Jews, Gentiles 
and Christians to bo conscripted, 497. 
Johnston, rebel Gencrcl, surrenders, 3."8-9. 
Johnson, Eichaiid M., elected Vice-President, 

604. 
(loHNSON, Andrew, nominated for the Vicc- 
Prcsidcncy, 315; becomes President en 
the death of Lincoln, 334; offers rewards 
for the assassins, 3Su-7; Amnesty Procla- 
mation, 3j .'-;); view.s on rcconsiruction, 
391-7; assumptions of, 4'-2; impeachment 
trial of, .".nd veto upon, 483-92: pardon to 
rebels. 53V; Amnesty Proclamations, C41- 
42 



543; protests againet the "Tenure of 
Office Act," 590; elected Vice-President. 
606. 
Julian, George W., nominated for the Vice- 
Presidency by the "Pree Soil Democracy." 
170. 
Jury, Democratic, liberty of trial by, 575. 
liANSAS and Nebraska difficulties, 177-8; Con- 
stitution and citizen.ship, 432; area and 
population, 609 ; soldiers furnished by, 
613; newspapers in, 615; real and person, 
al property, 618. 
Ke.\rny, Gen., arrives in California, 115. 
Kearsarge sinks the Alabama, 346-7. 
Keitt, Lawrence M., of South Carolina, on 
disimion, 184; has always been for Seces- 
sion, 18 J; he will sustain Secession, 235- 
23G; speech ia Congress, 577. 
Kennedy, Robert, fires New York, execution 

and confession, 2S9-91. 
Kentucky, Constitution and citizenship, 418- 
419; Resolutions of 1798, 573-4; area and 
population, 609; newspapers iu, 615; sol- 
dier.i furnished by, 613; real and personal 
property, 618. 
KiLPATUicK, Gen., in the field, 325. 
King, Rui^'us, opposes the negro as a basis of 

representation, 55. 
King, Thomas Starr, a friend of liberty, 623. 
King, Willia.m R., elected Vice-President, 605. 
"Knights op the Golden Circle," 310-2 ; in 

California, Oregon and Indiana, 311. 
Lands, public, may be pre-empted by aliens. 

480-2. 
Langdon, John, elected first President of Con- 
gress, 64. 
Lafayette, a friend of liberty, 623. 
Laiiklv, Tuojlvs C, American Consul at CaH. 

fornia, 114. 
Laurens, Henry, President of the Continen- 
tal Congi'ess, 601. 
Laws first published in America, 524. 
Lee, Rich.UvD He>p.y, President of the Conti- 
nental Congress, 601. 
Lee, R. E., rebel General, before Petersburg 
and Richmond, 351-66 ; is brought to a 
halt, 353-63; his surrender, 359-63. 
Legisl.ature, time of meeting of each State. 

434. 
Lemoyne, Francis J., nominated for tho 
Vicc-Presidency by the Abolitionists, 104, 
Letcher, Governor of Virginia, on Secession. 

270. 
Letters. Washington to Lafayette, 60-1 ; 
George N. Sanders to Horatio Seymour, 
263; of Gov. I,etcher, of Virginia, 270; E. 
Toombs to Dr. A. Bees, 272; Grant's to 
Washburne, 294-5; Gen. W. T. Sherman 
to Gen. Hood, 299; to Gan. Burbridge, 
300; to Abraham Lincoln, 301; to Maj. 
Sawyer, 30J-3; John C. Fremont on elec- 
tion of 1804, 314-5: Grant to Leo and Lee 
to Grant, 359-62; Archbishop Hughes to 
Union mass meeting, 4J3: Andrew John- 
son to Edwin BI. Stanton, 489; Washing- 
ton to tho " Democratic Jacobin Clubs," 
509; D. L. Y'ule.? to tho Democracy. 574; 
Washington to Lafayette, 581; to Robert 
Morris, 581-2. 
Lexington, battle of, 36-7. 
Lebekia introduces Republican liberty, 534; 

Republic of, 593. 
Libraries in tho Union, 522. 
Lincoln, Abraham, before the Republican 
Convention of 1856, 130; nominated for 
tho Presidency in 18;:0, 201; Platform, 203: 
elcctcdPresidcnt in 1860, 206-7, 60o; leaves 
Springfield for Washington, 260: inaugur. 
ateU Prcsiueut, 2,;0-l; issues his first pro. 



6G0 



ANALYTICAL INDEX. 



clamation, 262; his first call for troops, 
252; eecoud call, 20 j ; messago of July, 
18ol, 2S.J-S; nominated for the Presidency 
iu 13Cd, 315-7 ; removes HcClcllan, 313 ; 
election of, in 181, 320-4, COJ; annuel mcs- 
Bago of 18G4, 327-30; nic-ta Confederate 
Commissioners, 339; incuguration in 1SC5, 
339-41 ; enters the city of Itichmoud, 3.J7-8; 
atCityTointand lUc!imoud,373 ; assassi- 
nation of, 379-84; time of his death, 3S1 ; 
speech: "A house chvidcd against itself 
cannot stand," 130. 

liiQUOEa di'anlc annually, 520-1. 

LmxGSTON, Mr., Minister to France, 101. 

I/rv'iN'GSTON, EoiiEET li., ou committco to draft 
Declaration of ludcpcndcuce, 39. 

LivEr.MorL3, Mr., on removr.l from office, 70. 

l.ocoMoiivEa, lirst in America, 017. 

London, newspapers in, 527. 

London "Tu.ies" comments on Buchanan's 
last message, 227-31. 

LoMGETiTY in the United States, 010. 

LouisL\NA purchased from Franco, 89; organ- 
ized as a Tcrritorj', i;0; coded to France, 
ICl); seccd;sfrom the Union, 212-3; Con- 
Btitution and citizenship, 421; area and 
population, 009; newspaiiers in, 015; real 
and personul property, 018. 

liOVEJOY, Owen, a friend of liberty, C23. 

IiOVE, Petek E., of Georgia, speech in Con- 
gress, 579. 

LiUBEC, a free city of Germany, 591. 

LuNDY, Benjamin, a friend of liberty, 623. 

M^vDisoN, James, on the formation of Govern- 
ment departments, 07; speech on Slavery, 
582; elected President, 003. 

MiUNE, admission of, 87; Constitution and 
citizenship, 421-5 ; area and ijopulution, 
(:09 ; soldiers fui'nishcd by, 013 ; ncws- 
papc rs in, 015 ; real and personal prop- 
erty, 018. 

Males in the United States, CIO ; in Great 
Britain, 010. 

Mansfield, Loud, his views on the Sommer- 
sett case, 151 . 

Martin, Luther, opposes slaves in represen- 
tation, uO. 

Marsilall, Chief Justice, his views on Fed- 
eral legislation, 151-2. 

M<vrsil\ll, TxIO^L\s, of Virginia, speech op- 
posing Sla^'ery, DS3. 

M^\KiL.\Nl> demands the right to tax herself, 
32-3; Constitution and citizenship, 413-4; 
area and population, 009; newspapers iu, 
C15; real and personal i^roperty, 018. 

Mason, James 1M. , opposes Slavery in the Con- 
stitutional Convention, 53-7. 

Mason, Se.-jator, believes Slavery existed in 
California, 121. 

Massachusetts adopts representation Gov- 
ernment, 20 ; General Court established, 
28 ; demands the right of self-govern- 
ment, 32-3; people not allowed to hold 
meetings, 35; calls a general Congress, 35; 
population, and soldiers furiushed in the 
w:'.rof 1773, 38; i:bolishes Slavery, 45, 128; 
inits a duty on negroes, 01 ; soldiers iu tho 
llcvolu! ionary War, 190; Ar.'^t iu putting 
down tho RjbelJion, 203-4 ; orders arms 
from Enghnd, 234; Constitution and citi- 
zouLhip, 412-3; first printing press in 
America, 524; first newsi^sijcr in America 
published in, 524; population and newspa- 
per presto of, 527; voters must bo able to 
read and write, 5J0; femaly sulTrago agita- 
ted, 5J2-3; rrea r.nd poi^ulatiou, C09; Irish 
in. 012 ; more foreigners in, than in tho 
"Confederacy," Oil; furnishes more sol- 
diers than aU the South in the war of 1770, 



613; newppapers in, 015; real and personal, 
property, 018 ; first Bank in America in, 
CIO; first railroad in America in, C17; first 
insurance company in j\nierica, 018 ; first 
canal in Aracrica, 017. 

" Mayflower," arrival of, 24, 631-2; Consti- 
tution signed on, 25, C31-2. 

Mazzini, Italian patriot, 554. 

McClellan, Gen. George B., loses his mili- 
tary feme, 233 ; looked to by tho Democ- 
racy, C17 ; removed from tho army, 318-9; 
nominated by the Democracy, 3-0 ; his 
letter of acceptance and resignation, 322; 
vote for in 1804, 323; Commander-in-Chief, 
533. 

McDowell, James, of Virginia, speech oppos- 
ing Slavcrj-, 583-4. 

McK£.\.n, Tiicmas, President of the Continen. 
tal Congress, 001. 

McLe.\n, Justice, dissents from the Dred 
Scott decision, 143-50. 

Message, Lincoln's, of Jidy, 1801, 282-8. 

Mexicans in the United States, 408; Eepublio 
of, 593. 

Mexico gains her indepcudcnco from Spain, 
lOi ; claims Texas, 103 ; w:.r with the 
United States, 107; treaty with tho United 
States, 103 ; abolishes Slavery, 133-4, 554; 
lav.'s of, respecting Slr.vcry, 140-7 ; war 
with the United States, 107; "Monroe 
Doctrine" maintained iu, 3C7. 

MieniGAN, Constitution and citizenship, 427 ; 
area and population, 009 ; soldiers fur- 
nished by, 013 ; newspcijcrs in, 015 ; real 
estate and personul property, 018. 

Mifflin, Thomas, President of the Continen- 
tal Congress, COl . 

Mill, John Stuart, advocates extended fran* 
chise, 554, 632. 

Minnesota, Constitution and citizenship, 431; 
adopts imiversal suflrage, 541 ; area and 
population, 009 ; soldiers furnished by, 
013; newspapers in, 015; real and personal 
property, 018. 

Missionary, home, for the Democracy, 499. 

Missouri Compromise, 83-7 ; admission ot 
Missouri, 87-99; Constitution and citizen- 
Bhiii, 425-C; area and ijoj^ulation, 009: sol- 
diers furnished, 013; newspapers iu, 015; 
real estato and personal property, 018. 

Mississirn, treaty with Spain, 99; secedes 
from tho Union, 211-2 ; Constitution and 
citizenship, 422-3 ; area and population, 
COO ; newspapers in, 015 ; real estate and 
personal property, 018. 

Moha^imedans, as dealers in slaves, 74. 

Monroe, James, elected President, C03. 

Montana Tekritoey, area and population, 
009. 

Montgomery, Commodore, in California, 115. 

Moore, JIr., of Virginia, speech against Slav- 
ery, 582. 

Morris, Robeut, in Constitutional Conven- 
tion, 49. 

Morris, GouvEENEtm, opposes Slavery, 55-6. 

"Mud-Sills," as applicaljlo to the negro, 141. 

Napoleon signs away Louisiana and the Flor- 
idas, 100-3; army of, 014. 

National PiEpuelican P.uity, 510 ; progresB 
and position of, in 183.<, 530-42, 551-8. 

Nation.vi. Banks in the United States, 010-7. 

Natur.alized citizens, rights of, 477-82; who 
may become, 479-80. 

Natur.alization Laws of the United States, 
409-82. 

Navy, efficiency of, 32G; prizes by, expense of, 
32'J; operations and strength of, 34:3-50; 
co.st of captxircs by and strength of, 348-9; 
iu the war of 1770. 343. 



ANALYTICAL LVDEX. 



GGl 



-NKBKAaicA I'.dmittcd, ConstitULicii ^ud cilizcii- 
eMp, i3;j-4; urcii liud poimlalion, tO'J; sol- 
dicra fiirnirilicd by, ClU; ncv/spspcrs in, 
CIO; rciil cud pcri:oni;l property, tl8. 

Negho in the bnsis of rcderal ruprcscutation, 
Cl-2; duty levied upon, Gl ; may bo Iracls- 
cd T«"ith dogs, l.'il; a white man may be 
the fj.thcr cf, IDO. 

Nevada admitted, C2G; Constitution and citi- 
zenship, 403 ; r.rca rnd population, CGO ; 
soldiers furnished by, OIL; ; uev/spapcrs 
in, CIS; real i.nd personal property, CIS. 

New Engla:>;d cst::blishes Ecpubliccn govern- 
ment, 2o; first Gcttlcmcnt, 20, CL;1-2; ad- 
vance of r^epublicr-niEm, 108-02 ; educa- 
tion in, 517-0 ; Confederation of States 
of, C32. 

New IIampseire, early political phases, GO; 
Constitution and citizenship, 414-0; area 
end population, COO ; Boldicrs famished 
by, Ci3; newspapers in.GlO; real and per- 
sonal property, tl8. 

New Jeksey demands broader liberties, OD ; 
one vote from, would prohibit Clavcry , 47 ; 
Constitution and citizenship, 411 ; area 
and population, COO ; soldiers furnished 
by, C13; iiewspai)crs in, 015; real and x^cr- 
sonal property, C18. 

News Letter, first newspaper in America, 
524. 

New Mexico Tereitoey, area and population, 
COO; Koldicru furnished by, CI 3, newspa- 
pers in, C15; real md personal proijcrty, 
C18. 

New Nation. American progress, 551-8. 

NEWsrAPEES, circulation in tlio Union, 522-9 ; 
first established in Massachusetts, 524 ; 
in Great Critaiu,527; in Slave States, 527; 
in each State and Territory, G15. 

Uew York to the rescue of the counti-y, 2G4-5; 
city to bo burned, £80-01 ; Constitution 
and citizenship, 410; first newspaper in, 
625; to bo a free city, 274-7; area and pop- 
tllation, (.00; soldiers furnished by, C13 ; 
newspapers in, C15 ; real and personal 
property, C18. 

NiCAEAGUA, a EcpublLc of Central America, 
£08. 

NisEROD as a slave-owner, 72. 

NoKTU Carolina secedes from the Union, 215; 
Bcsolutions of 1832, 2^0; Constitution and 
citizenship, 413-7; smallcBt iysuo of ncv/s- 
papers, 0_0 ; area and iiopulation, COO ; 
»ev/f.papcrs in, C15 ; real and personal 
properiy, C18. 

UPFicEES, salaries of United States, COS. 

Ohio, Constitution and citizenship, 420-1; 
area and population, COO; soldiers sup- 
plied, C13; ncwt.papers in, C15; real and 
personal property, C18. 

" Old Mammy," Old. 

" Order of Boms of Libertv," 310-2. 

" Order of American Kniguts," 310-2. 

Ordinance of 1784, 44-5 ; of 1787 i^rohibiting 
Slavery in the territories, CI; vote of the 
States on, 47. 

Oregon, claims of United States to, 110; Fre- 
mont at lilamath Lake, 111; dispute re- 
specting boundary, 137-70 ; Democracy 
declines to enforce claims to, 1G7; vote on 
pressing claims to, 1G8; Polk gives notice 
to England respecting, 1G8; James Lu- 
chanan commissioned to settle boundary, 
168; speech of Thos. II. Benton on, ICO- 
70; "Knights of the Golden Circle "in, 
310-2; Constitution and citizenship, 431- 
432; area and population, COO; soldiers sup- 
plied, C13; newspapers in, C15; real and 
j)erBonal ijroperty, 018. 



Orphans, Eupi)ortcd by Government, 308. 

PaCIFIO rLEPUELIC, 273. 

Pm'.aguay, a Eopuijlic of South America, 595. 

Pares, Mr., advocates secession, 183. 

Pauperism and Creme, C12-3. 

Pendleton, Geo. 11., nominated for the Pres- 
idency, 320. 

PENNSYLVAtrL\, abolishcs Slavery, 4G; Consti- 
tution and citizenship, 410-1 ; issue of 
new; pr.p-^rs, 020; petition against Slavery, 
5G0-1; area and population, COO; soldiers 
furnish;;d by, C13; newspapers in, C15; 
real and personal property, C18. 

Pensioners in 1834, 303. 

Peru, a KcpubUc of South America, 595. 

Perkins, C. and K., slaves in California, 157- 
ICO. 

Petersburg, Va., Grant before, 351-7; Lee 
evacuates, 358. 

Phela:-!, Mr., of MissisBippi, always for the 
black flag, 001. 

Phillips, V/endell, a friend of liberty, G23. 

Pierce, Teanklin, nominated and elected 
Prjsidcnt, 17i-G, COO. 

PilgflI.ms, arrival of, 23, C31-2; as Christians, 
23-4; arrival and landing of, 24-5, C31-2; 
Constitution signed by, C31-2. 

Pelgrdi n.vLL in the to\m of Plymouth, C3i. 

Pjncentjy Ca.\ELE3 C, opposes the formation 
of the Union, 01; cannot abandon Slavery, 
53-3; as ru Anti-Fedcrr.list, 004. 

Platforms, Republican of, 1330, 203; Demo- 
cratic of 18;2, 175-3 ; of 185C, 173-9; of 
18C0, 203 ; V/hig of 1852, 170 ; American 
Party of 185G, 181-2. 

Plymouth Rock, history of and location of, 
G31-2. 

Plymouth, settlement of, by the Pilgrims, 26, 
C31-2; demands the right to tax herself, 
32-3. 

PoLiTic.vL Parties, history of 131-182, 503-14. 

Polk, James K., nominated for the Presi- 
dency, IGG; elected, 137, COO. 

Population, native and foreign, 451-C8; C03-14. 

Porter, Ad:.iir.u., 310. 

Post Office, in 1Sj4, 320. 

Po\VELL, Me., of Virginia, against Slavery, 
583. 

Prence, Thomas, Governor of New Plymouth, 
517. 

President of the United States, power to ap- 
point and remove, C5-71; qualifications 
of, 430; Constitutional powers, 412-3; how 
elected, 54V-00; who and when elected, by 
what party, and vote for, G02-7; salary of, 
C03. 

Presidents of the Continental Congress, COl- 
C02; of the United States, 202-7. 

Printing Press, first in America, 524. 

Peitchard, Lieut.-Col., captures Jefferson 
Davis, 373-7. 

Proclam.\tion, Lincoln's first, 202; Emanci- 
pation, 281-3; cQeets of, 2S3-4; Johnson's 
Amnesty, 387-8; Davis' banishment, 070-1. 

Quantrel, Gen., rebel captured, 342. 

QuiNCY, JosL^H, speech on self-defense, C27-8. 

Eailroad, Overland, Democrats oispose, 519, 
503; progi'ess, 531. 

Raileoads, first in America, Pacific, G17. 

Randolph, Peyton, President of the Conti- 
nental Congress, COl. 

Randolph, Edmund, urges the necessity ot 
union, 50. 

Real Estate, slaves as, 139-40. 

Rebellion, political results of, 651-8. 

Reconstruction, T. R. II. Cobb on, 2GG; JZich- 
mond Dispatch on, 271-3; Toombs on, 272; 
A. II. Stephens on, 272 ; Governor Vance 
on, 273; of rebel States, 390-40G; Abraham 



662 



ANALYTICAL INDEX. 



Lincoln's views on, 39G ; relation of the 
States to the Union, 400-G. 

Eeid, Mr., of Georgia, favors Slavery, 92. 

Representati\'es, uumbcT to which States 
arc entitled; sJ::rics of, (JOS. 

Eepkesentation nndtr the Constitution, 51-4. 

Hepublicaxism, devLlopmcnt of, iu America, 
2S-0; origin of the Republican party, 101- 
102; development of, lGo-92: stiiigsle for, 
against the slave power, 35J ; what is, 
3yi-40J ; iu tho Union, 400; in the States, 
410-Jl ; progress of, 511-10 ; in 1SG8, r)30- 
542. 

Republics of the world iu 1869, 591-9. 

Ekphd^CjVTsS, origin of the party, 101-2; favor 
the acquisition of Oregon, 107-0; conven- 
tion of 13:0, 1V9-C0; John C. Fremont 
noniinated for the Presidency, 1;.:0 ; Kes- 
olutions of ICjj, loO-l; in the election of 
1350, 102 ; gaining streagth, 197-S ; con- 
vention of 18^0, 201 ; Platform of IhCO, 
203 ; victory of IS.jQ, 201-7 ; lir.st time in 
power, 2ui: poUcy of, 279-80; in the cam- 
paign of 1001-,CC3, 313-7; National Conven- 
tion of IS'i, 315-7 ; Platform of, in 1801, 
315-7; elect Lincoln iul8e4, 023; adopt thir- 
teenth and fourteenth amendments to the 
Constitution, origin of, 501 ; as a party, 
011-0 ; convention of, in 1808 ; nominate 
and elect U. S. Gnmt and Schuyler Colfax, 
533-42. 

Ehamses, army of, 014. 

Khett, I.Ie., believes Secession to have been 
long premeditated, 180. 

Rhode Islasd, cr.rly Government of, 28 ; de- 
lays to adopt the Constitution, 05; citizen- 
ship, 417-8; first ncwapapcr in, 525; 
qualification of voters, 5^0; area and pop- 
ulation, COO ; soldiers furnished by, 013 ; 
ncwspariers in, 015 ; real and personal 
property, 013. 

KiCHiio:;D, full of, 351-7 ; Unionists rejoicing 
over the fall of, 378-9. 

BiCHMOXD Examiner on Secession, 135 ; Dis- 
2yatch on restoration, 209, 271-3; will"Bhow 
up free society," 578. 

KrvES, Jilt., of Virginia, speech against Slav- 
cry, 582-3. 

KoBESPiEnBE, Democracy aflSliliate with, 508- 
509. 

Royal Ch^uitees of the Colonies, 27, 29-30. 

Russia emancipates her serfs, 554. 

RuTLEDGE, Mk., of South Carolina, favors 
Slavery, 50. 

Salaries of United States officers, G08; of 
Governors of each State, 434. 

Sanders, GEor.GE N., letter to Horatio Sey- 
mour, 200; reward oHered for, 387. 

San Domingo, a Republic of the West Indies, 
599. 

San FniiNcisco talten possession of by the 
Americans, 115. 

San JlAmxo, a Republic of Eiu^ope, 593. 

San Salvador, a Republic of Central America, 
693. 

Santa Anna defeated in Texas, 105. 

Savannah, United States frigate, enters Mon- 
terey, Cal., 113; city of, taken by General 
Sherman, 342. 

Schools, free in America, 522, 517; foreigners 
iu, 522. 

Scotch iu the United States, 400-7. 

Scott, ■Winfield, fails to get the ncmination 
for the Presidency, 102; before tho Whig 
Convention, 171; nominated for the Pres- 
idency, 175; Brevet Iiieutenant-General, 
580. 

Sea King, 437-8; rebel pirate, 345. 

Secession, Webster on peaceable, 122-3 ; of 



South Carolina, 209-11; Georgia, 211: Mis- 
sissippi, 211-2 ; Florida, 212 ; Louisiana, 
212-3 ; Alabama, 213 ; Arkansas, 214 ; 
Texas, 214; North Carolina, 215; Tennes- 
see, 215-0; Virginia, 210. 

Semmes, Mr., of Louisiana, on the Emancixia- 
tion Proclamation, 5C0. 

Senators, United States, how elected, 435. 

Sesostris, army of, C14. 

Seward, W. H., as Secretary of State, 288 ; 
Union speech in 1804, 330-1 ; meets Con- 
federate: Commissioners, 339; attemiH to 
assassinate, 381-2; " iirepressible cou- 
fliet" speech, 019; speech in the Senate, 
019. 

Seymour, Horatio, Democratic nominee for 
President, letter from George N. Sanders, 
2J8; vote for, iu 18CS, C07. 

Seymour, Sm George, Rear Admiral, in Cali- 
fornia, 114-5. 

Shannon, W. E., in the Cahfornia State Con- 
vention. 110. 

Shenandoah, rebel pirate, smTcnders, 345. 

Sheridan, Gen. P. H., victory at Winchester, 
303; ::ppoiuted a M-jor-GLncral, 323; in 
the Shenandoah vaUey, 325; before Rich- 
mond, 3j1. 

Sherman, Gen. W. T., in Georgia, 295; his 
Fi.ld Order, No. 08, 2C8; his letter to Gen. 
Hood, 293; letter to Gen. Eurbridgo, 300- 
301; cepturcof Savannah, 301 ; his letter to 
Maj. fJa^'yer, 301-5; his march through 
Georgia, 325; takes the city of Savenn.-.h, 
342; captm'cs Gen. Johnston, 359; farewell 
to his seihiiers, 309-71; appointed a Lieu- 
tenant-General, 589. 

Sherman, Roger, on committee to draft Dec- 
luratioii of luelependeuce, 39. 

Singleton, O. R., of Mississippi, speech in 
Congress, 570. 

Slavery, effects of, 01; efforts to abolish, 63; 
I'ro-Slu.very interests, •17; fu'st in Amcr- 
ica, 45; laws prohibiting, 40; ordinance 
Xsrohibitiug, 44-0; introduction of, in 
America, 4u; vote to prohibit, in the Ter- 
ritories, 40-7; in the basis of ivpresenta- 
tiou, 51-2 ; GGUVcriieur Morris opposes, 
55-0; slaves may be caplurcel, 57-;>: ser- 
mon u;;.)ou, 59-tO; ordinance prohibiting, 
01-J; amongst the ancients, 72-4; Anglo- 
Saxons as slaves, 73; slave trade prohib- 
ited, 75 ; Anti-Slavery association, 70 ; 
adUiess of, 77-30; Louis XIII favors Sla- 
very, 83 ; prohibited iu California, 116 ; 
discussion upon, 110-27; Jeff. Davis be- 
lieves it not immoral, 121; iu the Terri- 
tories, 128-32; Massachusetts abolishes, 
123; Constitution resiDecting, 130-1; iutho 
Territories, 131-42 ; all coloreel persons 
are slaves, 135-0; may be Ih'esl upon, 137; 
slaves if convicteel are free men, 139 ; as 
real estate, 139-40 ; Ine'.ians as owners, 
141-2; abohshed by Mexico, 143^, 140-7; 
laws respecting, in Cahfornia, 153-00; Bra- 
zil relaxes, 554; is Divine, 82-4, 570-9; op- 
position to, by .(Vmei'iean patriots, 580-4. 

Slave States, newspapers in, 527. 

SljUE States, anti-Repubhcau, 551-8. 

Sloat, Commodore, takes possession of Cali- 
fornia, 113-4 ; raises the American flag, 
114. 

Small-Pox, spread by the rebels, 291. 

Soldiers in the war of 1770, 38; Lincoln calls 
for 75,000, 202; Slave States refuse to sup- 
ply, 232; Lincoln's second call,2j5; num- 
ber called for in 1801, 293; Grant:; adehcsB 
to, 293-4; number of, in 1805; and number 
of colored, 342 : total raised (hiring the 
war, 300-7 ; killed in battle and died, 36G- 



ANAI.YTICAL INDEX. 



663 



867: colored Boldlers, 367; rebel, 307: total 
number Blain on both Bides, 3G8 ; bher- 
man's farewell to Lie, 309-71; Grant's 
farewell to the, 371-2 ; furnished by all 
the States in 177 J aud 18j1-5, 013; Massa- 
chusetts funiibhes more than all the 
South, C13 ; in the Union and rebel ar- 
mies, Gll-5. 

"SoMMEHSETT Case," as to Slavery, 151. 

Soura Carolina opposes the Union, 51; must 
have slaves, 5iJ-7 ; anxious for Secession, 
207; Ordinance of Secession, 200-10; ac- 
cepts services of Catawba Indians, 210 ; 
passes resolutions, 210-11 ; ratifies " Con- 
federate " Constitution, 211 ; Constitution 
and citizenship, 414; attempts to sell Brit- 
ish subjects, 447-8; smallest issue of news- 
papers, 529 ; area and population, COD ; 
newrpapers in, 015 ; real and personal 
property, 018. 

"SouTHEKN CoNFEDEKACY," Organization of, 
210-7 ; President and officers of, 217-8 ; 
vote for President, 218 ; Resolutions of 
Congress, 237; collapse of, 374-5; no such 
thins as a citizen of, 49J-0; Constitution 
of, 494; citizenship in, 493-502; foreigners 
in, 012; army of, 014; Constitution of, 050. 

Spain, treaty with respecting New Orleans 
and tho Mississippi river, 99-100 ; cedes 
the Floridas, 103. 

Bpjbeciies. Kufus King in the Convention 
that framed the Constitution, 55; Gouv- 
emeur Morris, 55-0 ; Charles PincJmey, 
53-7; Luther Martin, 53; Mr. Rutledge, 
50; James M. Mason, 53-7; C. C. Pinckney 
in Soulii CaroUna, 58-9; on tenure of civil 
office — Madison, Lee, Smith, Bland, Jack- 
son, White, Sylvester, Gerry, Livermorc, 
67-71; Mr. Taylor of K. Y. on admission 
of Missouri, 87-91; IMr. Smytho of Va. 
on same, 91-5; Mr. Hemphill of Pcun. on 
same, 95-7; Henry Clay on the admission 
of California, 110-7 ; lilr. Footo, 119 ; Jlr. 
Mason, 120-1 ; Jefferson Davis, 121-2 ; 
Daniel 'Webster, 122-3; John C. Calhoun, 
123-4; James H. Hardy on tho divinity of 
Slavery, 100; Thos. H. Benton on western 
boundary, 100-70; Butler of S. C. on se- 
cession, 143 ; Keitt of S. C, 184-G ; Pres- 
ton S. Brooks on secession, 184; Henry A. 
Wise of Va., 184-5; Iverson of Ga., 185 ; 
Brown of Miss., 185; Toombs of Ga., 185; 
W. L. Yancey, 180; Mr. Parks of S. C, ISO; 
Mr. IngUs, 183 ; Bhett, 183 ; James Ches- 
nut, Jr., on secession, 203-9; W. W. Boyce, 
209; Jeff. Davis' "Uttlebill," 233; Alexan- 
der H. Stephens before the Georgia Legis- 
lature, 233-43 ; in the Georgia conven- 
tion, 248-52; " Corner-stone," 254-3; Jeff. 
Davis, "no compromise," 203; T. K. U. 
■ Cobb, always for separation, 263; Walter 
Brooks, 230; A.R. Botelerof Va. on seces- 
sion, 237; Jeff. Davis' "bogs of Ireland," 
270; "hyenas or Yankees," 271; A. H. 
Stephens, reconstruction impossible, 272; 
Gov. L. B. Vance of Va., 273 ; Fernando 
Wood's address on secession, 274-7; Jeff. 
Davis in October, 1804, 295-7; A. H. Ste- 
phens on despotism, 297-8; Cobden on 
Anglo-rcbcl pirates, 309; Rev. Henry Clay 
Dean on Lincoln, 320; W. H- Seward in 
1834, 330-1; HUl of Georgia and Wigfail 
of Texas on citizenship, 494-5; Senator 
Brown of Miss, on aliens, 497; Clark of 
Missouri, Henry of Tenn., aud Phclaa of 
Miss., on tho emancipation proclamalion, 
500-1; Jefferson Davis' farewell to Amer- 
ica, 509; Rtubcn Davisof Miss., 570; J.L. 
M. Cun-j- ef Alz., ZIZ; O. P.. Sius,leton of . 



Miss, on Lincoln, 676; T. C. Henderson 

of Arkansas on the price of hemp, 573-7; 
L. M. Kcitt of S. C. on the divinity of 
Slavery, 577; J. C. CaUioun on Slavery 
677-8 : Peter E. Lovo of Georgia on the. 
divinity of Slavery, 579; Jefferson, Jladl- 
Bon, Campbell, PowcU, B; rry, JlarshuU, 
Bordnax, Faulkner, and McDowell, on 
Slavery, 682-4 ; Lincoln to Grant, 537 ; 
General Grant on accepting his commis- 
sion, 537; W. n. Seward, " irrepressible 
conflict," C19; Joshua R. Giddings upon 
liberty, 019-20; Charles Su mcr on suf- 
frage and reconstruction, 020-3; Thaddtus 
Stevenson Ubcr.y, 023-5; reward D. Ba- 
ker in reply to Bonjaiuin, on the rebellion, 
025-0; Andrew Jackson's address to the 
Army at New Orleans; to the p:opla of 
South Carolina, 023-7; Josiah Quincy on 
self-defense, 027-G; Col. loaac Barru in tho 
British P.irliament, 023; Daniel Webster, 
" The Union must be preserved," 0^9: Mr. 
Morris on James Buchanan, 029-30; Abra- 
ham Lincoln, " A houso divided against 
itself cannot stand," 030; Henry Clay on 
Slavery, C30 ; Patrick Henry, " War inev- 
itable," 630; return of British fugitives, 
631. 

Squatter Sovereignty, 91 ; principles of, 
144-5. 

Stanton, Edwin M., removed from office, 
483-9. 

Star of the West fired upon, 261. 

State Rights Party in tho Constitutioaal 
Convention, 60-1. 

States, admission of into tho Union, 145-6; 
status of rebel, 390-403: admission of, 394; 
relation of to the Union, 400-0 ; citizen- 
ship in the several, 443-52; admission of, 
448-9; Slave, anti-Republican, 551-8; Sen- 
ators and Representatives of, 007; popula- 
tion of, 008-9; different nationalities in, 
603-12. 

St. Clair, Aethue, President of the Conti- 
nental Congress, 002. 

Steam carriages and locomotives first used, 
017. 

Stephens, George, of England, buUds the 
first locomotive used in America, 017. 

Stephens, Alexander H., elected Vice-Presi- 
dent of the Southern Confederacy, 217; us 
a statesman, 233-59; his speech before the 
Georgia Legislature, 233-43; his speech in 
the Georgia Convention, 243-53; "Corner- 
stone" speech, 254-9; says they must "die 
like men," 272; siieech on tho Georgia 
Resolutions, 297-8; capture of, 870. 

Stevens, Thaddeus, life and services of, 
023^; his last speech, 025. 

St. John's, area and population of, 453, 609, 

Stockton, CojimodopuE, in California, 115. 

Stoneman, Gen., cuts off Jeff Davis' retreat," 
374-5. 

Stonewall, rebel pirate, 345. 

St. Thomas, area and population of, 453, (509. 

Suffrage of tho masses in America, 558-04; 
for women, 531-4. 

Sumter, For.T, fired iipon by tho rebels, 261-2, 

Sumner, Cilakles, as a statesman — on civil 
rights and reconstruction, 020-3. 

Surratt, Mrs., one of the assassins of Lin- 
coln, 386. 

Switzerland, a Federal Republic of Europe, 
592. 

Sylvester, IVIr., on removal from office, 69, 

Taney, Hon. Roger B.. delivers tho Drcd 
Scott Decision, 148-30; opinion on powers 
of Congress, 393. 

Taylor, rebel General, surrondord, 359. 



6G4 



ANALYTICAL INDEX. 



Taylob, Gen. Zachary, eutti-s upon the Mex- 
ican War, 107-8; nominated and elected 
President by the Whigs, 170-2 ; elected 
President, t05; dcaih of, lil. Hi. 

Tayloi!, Me., of Nov/ York, on Slavery, 87-01. 

Ten:;essee secedes iVom th3 Union, 215-0 ; 
Constitution and citizenship, 419-20; area 
and population, COO; soldiers furnished, 
613; ncwspcpcrsin, ei5; real and personal 
property, C13. 

Tenuee of Civil Office Act, CG-7. 

TEEEiTonrEs, Slavery in, 46 ; ordinance pro- 
hibiting Slavery in, 01 -2; discussions 
upon Slavery, 7 ('-97; acquisition of Terri- 
tory, 1_0-S1 ; area and iJOpulation of, 4j4: 
newspapers in, 015 ; real and personal 
property in, 013 ; soldiers furnished, 013. 

TEXis, dispute about title, 103-9; Sam IIous- 
toa in, 104-5 ; becomes an independent 
Kcpublic, 105; admitted into the Union, 
lOG-7; Quucxation agitation, IGG ; secedes 
from the Union, 2i4 ; Constitution and 
citizenship, 4:^3-9 ; area and population, 
609 ; newspapers in, 015; real and personal 
property, 018. 

Tho:\l\s, GE^^:E.ix,, in the army, 325 ; his vic- 
tory at Nashville, 342. 

Thompson, Jacob, Secretary of the Interior, 
1S3; revi-ard offered for, 380. 

ToojiDS, KoBEr.T, of Georgia, on dissolution 
of the Union, 185; " thunder the voice of 
Georgia," 233; on reconstruction, 272. 

Tompkins, Daniel D., elected Vice-President, 
G03. 

ToucEY, IsA.vc, Secretary of the Navy, 183. 

Treaty of peace rigned at Paris, 43. 

Tribune, Now Yorlr, as an educator, 023. 

Teoops furnished by each State in 1776 and 
18J1-5,G13; Massachusetts fiuruishes more 
troops than all the South, 013. 

Tucker, Chteely, reward ofi'cred for, 383. 

Tyler, John, Presidential term, 100 ; elected 
Vice-President, 102, C05 ; abandons his 
principles, 105. 

TTntted Colonies of Now England, 27. 

Union of the States proposed, CO; resolutions 
to form, 51. 

United States. Declaration of Independ- 
ence, 30-40; formation of Govcrnmcut, 
42 ; Convention to frame Constitution, 
33-48; war with Mexico, 107-3; treaty 
With Mexico, 103; take possession of Cal- 
ifornia, 110-10; California declared a part 
of, 114; powers over the States, 390-400; 
alone sovereign, 407-10 ; citizens in the 
States, 410-34 ; President, qualiflcations 
of, 435 ; Vice-President, 435 ; Senators, 
how elected, 435 ; Congressmen, how 
elected, 435; Judges appointed, 430; Gov- 
ernment of, 441 ; ought to regulate the 
elective franchise, 452; total area of pop- 
iilatiou, 453-1 ; under Declaration of In- 
dependence — Articles of Confederation 
and Constitution, 503 ; newspapers in, 
622-9 ; political aOairs i;i 1308, 530-42 ; 
Presidents elected in, from 1738 to 1800, 
G02-7 ; Senators and Ecprcsentativcs in 
1809, C07; salaries of olhcers, 003; popula- 
tion of, from 1700 to lSi;0, C08-0; area and 
population in all the States and TeiTito- 
ries, C03-12; foreigners in all and each of 
the States and Territories, 010-12; males 
and females in, CIO ; Germans in, 010-1 ; 
Irish in, 012; pauperism in, 012-3 ; crime 
in, 012-3 ; troops furnished in 1776 and 
1801-5, 013 ; newspapers in, 015 ; real and 
personal i:>ropcrty, 018; finance from 1780 
to 1800, 015-7; debt of, 015-0; railroads, 
617 ; canals aud insurance, 018. 



Untversal Suffp^age in America, 558-64.] 

Uraguay, a Republic of South America,' 596,, 

Ushee, Joltn, obtains first copyright in Amer- 
ica, 524. 

Utah TERRrroEY, area and population, 009 ; 
newspapers in, 015 ; real and personal 
prope];iy, 018. 

VallandigIiam, C. L., as a " Knight," 310; at 
tho Democratic Convention, 320. 

Van Bltien, as President ia 1837,105-0; nom- 
inated to the Presidency by tho Democ- 
racy, 102; nomin;ited by the " Cam-burn- 
ers," 172; nominated lor tho Presidency 
by the Free Soil party, 173; elected Vice- 
President and President, C04. 

Vance, Z. B., Governor, on reconstruction, 
273. 

Venezuela, a Republic of South America, 596. 

Vermont, Constitution and citizensliip, 418 ; 
area aud population, COO ; fiolditrs fur- 
nished by, 013 ; newspapers in, 015 ; real 
and personal x^roperty, 018. 

Vice-President of the United States — election 
and qualification, 435. 

ViCKSSURG, General Grierson at, 350. 

ViRGiNL\, early settlement of, 23; Colonial 
condition, 23 ; attempts representative 
government, 27, 30, 32-3 ; extends early 
symiDathy to Massachusetts, 35 ; recom- 
mends a General Congress, 35 ; soldiers 
furnished by, ia 1770, 38 ; passes laws to 
enslave the barbarian, 84 ; makes Jews 
slaves, 84; makes Indians slaves, 84; slaves 
as real estate, lCO-40 ; secedes from the 
Union, 210; Constitution and citizenship, 
415-0; popiilation and newspaper press in, 
027 ; aud Kentucky Resolutions of '98, 
573-4 ; area and population, COO ; news- 
papers in, 015 ; real and iiersonal prop- 
erty, 018. 

VooRHEEs, II. W., as "Knight of the Golden 
Cu'cle,"311. 

Vote, popular and electoral, from 1788 to 
18C9, C02-7. 

Wachcsett captures the Florida, 345-6. 

WiVLES, newspapers in, 527. 

Vv^ALKEE, R. \V., President of Southern Con- 
gress, 217. 

War, Colonists iireparing for, 30; commence- 
ment of, 30-7; soldiers in, 38; end of Rev- 
olutionary, 43; New England in, 183-92 ; 
Southern States ia, 191-3; of the Rebel- 
lion of 1831 begun, 203-5; Slavery in the, 
270-81 ; position of the Democracy in, 
280-91. 

Waeeen, General, at Bunker HiU, 37-8. 

Washington, George, appointed Genci-al, 
37-8; he arrives at Cambridge, 38; in: 
Convention to frame Constitution, 48 ; 
letter to Lafayette, CO-1 ; elected Presi- 
dent, C4 ; as a Federalist, 504 ; first and 
second election, C05; Democratic oijposi- 
tion to, C07-10; letter to Lafayette, 581 ; 
letter to Robert Morris, 5S1-2; as General, 
585-0; first and second election as Presi- 
dent, C02. 

WAsniNGTON Teekitoey, area and population, 
009; soldiers furnished by, G13; newspa- 
pers in, 015; real and iiersonal property,, 
018. 
Watt, James I., first applies steam to car- 
riages, 017. 
Webster, D.vniel, on peaceable secession,. 
122-3; ai^ijoiuted Secretary of State, 124; 
before the A\'hig Convention, 171; before 
the convention of 1852, 1/5; speech oa 
compromise, 122-3; speech — "the Union 
must bo ijrescrved," 029. 
Wklls, Jui>qe, on Slavery in California, 157-60.. 



ANALYTICAL L\DEX. 



6(55 



West Virginia, Constitution and citizenship, 
433; area und papulation, COO; solditrs 
furnished by, Cf J. 

Whigs, aa a political party, 1C2; origin of the 
name and party, 510-11; nominate Harri- 
son for the Presidency, 1(32 : nommate 
Henry Clay fur the Presidency, lUG ; ac- 
tive in the Oregon boundary question, 
1G7; uomiuatoaud elect Gen. Taylor Pres- 
ident, 171; National Convention of ISoi, 
174-5 ; Resolutions of lSd-2, 17a; dissolu- 
tion of the party, 182. 

WmsKY, a Dcmocr-tic necessity, 518-22; an- 
nual oonsumplion in the Republic, 520-2. 

White, JIe., ou removal from offlcc, G9. 

Widows receiving aid from the United States, 
308. 

WiGFALL, Senator, on citizenship, 494. . 

Williams, Roger, iS. 

" WiLiiOT Proviso," 143-4. 

Wilson, Senator from MaRsachusettSr advo- 
cates female EufErage, 663. 



Wilson, Jajies, ou sufErage, 52. 

Wisconsin-, Constitution and citizenship, *29— 
30; area and i^opulation, 000; soldiers fur- 
nished by, Glo; newspapers in, G15; real 
and personal property, 018. 

Wise, Henry A., Governor of Virginia, on 
Black Republicans, 185. 

Weitzel, Gen., enters the city of Richmond, 
350-7. 

" Wo-man's Rights," 501-4 ; Senator Wilson, 
of Massachusetts, advocates, 503 ; John 
Stuart Mill advocates, 502 ; women hold 
mass conventions, 502-4. 

Wood, Fernando, treason of — he advocates 
the secession of New York city, 274; as a 
Congressman, 278-9. 

Yancey, William L., would " fire the Sontht 
em heart," 18G. 

Yankees worse than hyenas, 270-1 ; prefera* 
ble to foreigners, 497. 

YuLEE, D. L., letter to Joseph, Finegan, 674; 



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